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Form  No.  471 


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LIFE  OF  JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 


t 


''if 


JAMES  KNOX  POLI, 


HISTOKY  OF  HIS  ADMINISTRATION! 


UMa&AoiNa 


THE  ANNEXATION  OF  TEXAS,  THE  DIFFICULTIES  WITH  MEX- 
ICO, THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  OREGON  QUESTION, 
AND  OTHER  IMPORTANT  EVENTS. 


BY  JOHN  S.  JENKINS, 

AUTHOR   OF  "the   HISTORY  OF  THE   WAR  WITH  MEXICO,"  ETC. 


AUBCJRN  AND  BUFFALO: 

JOHN   E-.    BEARDSLET. 


Entered,  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  18.V^,  by 

JAMES   M.    ALDEN, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  S»'tes  for  the 

Northern  District  of  New  York. 


T.  B.  SMITH,  Stereotyper, 
216  William  st,.  N.  Y. 


TO    THE 

HON.  WILLIAM    L.  MARCY, 

AS 

A   TOKEiNT   OF   HIGH   PERSONAL  ESTEEM 

IS    RESPECTFULLY    INSCRIBED, 

BT  THE'  AUTHOR. 


PREFACE. 

The  life  of  any  American  President,  I  feel  confident, 
would  not  need  to  be  specially  commended  to  the  atten- 
tion of  his  countrymen, — and  certainly  not  that  of  James 
K.  Polk, — for  whatever  may  be  the  opinions  entertained 
in  regard  to  the  administration  of  which  he  was  the  head, 
it  must  be  conceded  that  great  and  important  measures 
were  submitted  to  their  consideration  and  action,  and 
that  interests  of  the  deepest  magnitude  were  confided  to 
their  hands. 

Mr.  Polk  could  not  have  said,  with  Augustus  Caesar, 
that  he  found  the  capital  of  the  republic  built  of  brick, 
and  left  it  constructed  of  marble ;  but  he  might  have 
claimed  that^he  found  her  territories  bounded  on  the 
south  by  the  Sabine  and  the  42d  parallel,  and  her  au- 
thority west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  existing  only  in 
name, — and  when  he  transferred  the  government  to  6ther 
hands,  New  Mexico  and  California  were  annexed  to  her 
domain,  and  her  flag  floated  in  token  of  sovereignty  on 


PREFACE. 


the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,  on  the  shores  of  the  Straits 
of  Fuca,  and  in  the  bay  of  San  Francisco. 

How  and  in  what  manner  these  territorial  acquisitions 
were  made,  is  a  question  worthy  of  inquiry.  Mr.  Polk 
did  not  want  for  able  defenders  to  vindicate  the  policy  of 
his  administration ;  nor  did  his  conduct  escape  censure  and 
criticism.  By  some,  as  in  the  pamphlet  of  the  late  Mr. 
Gallatin,  one  of  the  most  important  measures  with  which 
the  late  President  was  identified — the  war  with  Mexico — 
was  reviewed  in  a  spirit  of  candor  and  frankness,  yet,  as 
I  think,  under  the  influence  of  erroneous  impressions  with 
regard  to  the  facts  upon  which  conclusions  were  based ; 
and  by  others,  as  in  the  Review  of  Mr.  Jay  and  the 
productions  of  those  who  have  followed  in  his  wake — sed 
longo  intervallo — with  pure  and  honest  motives,  but  with 
dogmatic  assumptions,  and  appeals  to  the  passions  and 
the  sympathies,  rather  than  with  well-founded  argu- 
ments. 

It  is  not  claimed  for  this  volume,  that  it  is  entirely 
impartial.  Entertaining  his  own  views  in  all  sincerity, 
the  writer  has  not  hesitated  to  express  them ;  and  this 
right  he  is  quite  willing  should  be  exercised  by  those  who 
differ  from  him  in  opinion. 

It^has  not  appeared  to  me  to  be  advisable,  to  present 
a  detailed  history  of  the  war  in  Mexico,  for  two  reasons. 
In  the  first  place,  so  much  has  been  written  on  the  sub- 


PREFACE.  XI 

ject,  that  there  is  very  little  left  to  add  to  the  accounts 
of  the  campaigns  ;  and  secondly,  it  would  seem  like  claim- 
ing for  Mr.  Polk  individualty,  the  merit  of  transactions 
in  which  he  had  no.  direct  participation,  and  therefore 
doing  his  memory  a  positive  injustice. 

Aside  from  all  political  considerations,  there  is  some- 
thing in  the  character  of  Mr.  Polk,  in  his  early  struggles 
and  in  his  triumphs,  which  is  worthy  of  notice,  and  will 
challenge  admiration.  "  There  is  nothing  so  interesting 
to  me,*'  says  Joanna  Baillie,  "as  to  trace  the  course  of 
a  prosperous  man  through  this  varied  world.  First,  he 
is  seen  like  a  little  stream,  wearing  its  shallow  bed 
through  the  grass,  circling  and  winding,  and  gleaning  up 
its  treasures  from  every  twinkling  rill  as  it  passes ;  fur- 
ther on,  the  brown  sand  fences  its  margin,  the  dark 
rushes  thicken  on  its  side ;  further  on  still,  the  broad 
flags  shake  their  green  ranks,  the  willows  bend  their  wide 
iSoughs  o'er  its  course ;  and  yonder,  at  last,  the  fair  river 
appears,  spreading  his  bright  waves  to 'the  light."* 

For  a  great  portion  of  the  materials  from  which  this 
book  has  been  prepared,  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness 
of  many  friends,  all  Of  whom  I  could  scarcely  enumerate ; 
but  each  individually  will  please  accept  my  sincere 
thanks. 

*  Comedy  of  the  "  Second  INIarriage  " 


.<^k 


CONTENTS. '^ 


CHAPTER    I. 

rhomas  Jefferson— Declaration  of  American  Independence— Origin  of  the 
jMovQment— Early  Settlers  of  North  Carolina— Character— The  Meck- 
lenburg Resolutions  —  The  Polk  Family— Their  History  —  Patriotic 
Conduct  during  the  Revolution  •  •  .17 


CHAPTER    II. 


Birth  of  James  K.  Polk  — His  Parents  —  Their  ChUdren  —  Removal  to 
Termessee— Early  Life  and  Character  of  James— Youthful  Ambition— 
His  Education— Enters  the  University  of  North  Carolina— Character 
as  a  Student— Graduates— Honors  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  Alma 
Mater  .  ....-•  35 


CHAPTER    III. 

Commences  the  Study  of  the  Law  in  the  Office  of  Felix  Grundy— Se- 
cures the  Friendship  of  Andrew  Jackson — Admitted  to  the  Bar— Success 
in  the  Practice  of  his  Profession — His  Political  Associations— Stylo  and 
Manner  as  a  Public  Speaker— Chief  Clerk  and  Member  of  the  Ten 
nessee  Legislature— Duelling  Law— Internal  Improvements— His  Mar- 
riage—Mrs. Polk    ,,...••  45 


XIV  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Chosen  a  Member  of  Congress— Repeated  Reelections— Opposition  to  ]\Ir 
Adams'  Administration — The  Panama  IMission  and  the  American  Sys- 
tem— Support  of  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Van  Buren — The  Tariff  Ques- 
tion— Internal  Improvements — The  Pension  Laws — United  States  Bank — 
Independent  Treasury  .         -  .  .  .  .  .  57 


CHAPTER    V. 

Dissensions  in  the  Republican  Party  in  Tennessee — Nomination  of  Judge 
White  for  the  Presidency— Course  of  Mr.  Polk — Chosen  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives — Reelected — Character  as  a  Presiding  Of&cer — 
Vote  of  Thanks— Farewell  Address  .  .  »  .  85 


CHAPTER    VI. 

]Mr.  Polk  supported  by  the  Democratic  Party  in  Tennessee  as  their  Candi- 
date for  Governor — TJie  Canvass— His  Election— Inaugural  Address — 
Executive  Recommendations — His  Administration — A  Candidate  for 
Reelection— Defeat— State  Politics  ....         100 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Presidential  Canvass  of  1844— The  Texas  Question— Letter  of  Mr.  Polk  to 
the  Citizens  of  Cincinnati — The  Baltimore  Convention — Nomination  of 
Mr.  Polk— His  Acceptance — Ptesolutions  of  the  Convention— The  Elec- 
tion— Reception  at  Nashville — Journey  of  the  President  Elect  to  Wash- 
ington—His Inauguration— Address  .  :  .  .118 


CONTENTS.  XV 


■v- 


^CHAPTER    VIII. 

Position  of  the  President— His  Cabinet— The  Washington  Globe  and  The 
Union— Meeting  of  Congress— First  Annual  Message— The  Oregon 
Boundary  Question— History  and  Progress  of  the  Negotiation— Ultima- 
tum of  the  American  Government— Proposition  of  Great  Britain— Con- 
clusion and  Ratification  of  a  Treaty  .       161 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Opposition  of  Mexico  to  the  Annexation  of  Texas— The  Question  of  Boun- 
dary— American  troops  ordered  to  Texas — Attempt  to  Negotiate — Re- 
fusal to  receive  a  Minister — Advance  of  General  Taylor  to  the  Rio 
Grande — Commencement  of  Hostilities — Incidents  of  the  war — Repeated 
efforts  to  open  negotiations— The  Armistice— Treaty  of  Peace    .        236 

CHAPTER    X. 

The  Independent  Treasury — Tariff  of  1846— Course  in  regard  to  Appoint- 
ments—River and  Harbor  Veto — Second  Annual  Message— Special  Mes- 
sage on  the  Improvement  Bill — Thirtieth  Congress — President's  Mes- 
sage—Refusal to  Communicate  Diplomatic  Correspondence — Oregon 
Territorial  Bill — Views  of  Mr.  Polk — Presidential  Election — Last  Con- 
gress during  his  administration — Inauguration  of  his  successor.  2S0 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Return  to  Tennessee — Speech  at  Richmond — Arrival  Home — Prospects  for 
the  Future— Vanity  of  Human  Hopes  and  Expectations — His  Death — 
Funeral  Honors— Personal  Appearance  and  Character — Conclusion     325 


*^ 


LIFE 


OP 


JAMES  I.  POLK. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Thomas  Jefferson.— Declaration  of  American  Independence.— Origin  of  the 
Movement.— Early  Settlers  of  North  Carolina.— Character.— The  Meck- 
lenburg Resolutions.  —  The  Polk  Family.  —Their  History.  —  Patriotic 
Conduct  during  the  Revolution 


On  the  southwestern  slope  of  Monticello, — ^m  the  midst 
of  the  native  forest  hallowed  by  associations  which  have 
protected  it  from  the  faggot  and  the  axe,  and  where  the 
soft  winds  that  disturb  its  solemn  stilhiess  murmur  cease- 
lessly of  the  storied  past, — there  stands  a  plain  granite 
obelisk,  looking  forth  over  the  fair  land,  which  he,  who 
reposes  there  in  the  silence  of  death,  loved  with  the  af- 
fection of  a  son,  and  whose  institutions  he  regarded  with 
peculiar  veneration.  No  heraldic  blazonry  may  be  wit- 
nessed there, — none  of  the  sculptured  pomp  of  woe^.  All 
is  simple,  chaste,  appropriate — yet  impressive. 

Read  the  few  lines  graven  upon  this  humble  memento, 
in  remembrance  of  one  who  asked  no  nobler  monument ! 
— The  inscription,  in  brief  but  eloquent  words,  relates  a 
•whole  chapter,  and  that  the  brightest  and  the*  proudest 


18  JAMES    KNOX    POLK. 

in  the  life  of  him  -whose  memory  is  thus  consecrated. — 
"  Here  hes  buried,  Thomas  Jefferson," — so  runs  the 
record, — "  Author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  !" 

This  is  not  merely  the  assertion  of  a  claim  to  the 
authorship  of  that  memorable  document,  which  can  per- 
ish only  with  the  nation  that  it  called  into  existence  ; 
but  it  is  also  an  important  historical  fact,  and  one  of 
which  the  party  dii^ectly  concerned,  and  those  interested 
in  his  memory,  have  just  right  to  be  proud.  It  is,  as  it 
were,  the  impartial  judgment  of  the  recording  Muse. 
As  such,  it  will  live  in  the  history,  and  be  perpetuated 
in  the  traditions,  of  the  American  people.  But  neither 
the  Sage  of 'Monticello,  nor  his  most  ardent  admirer, 
ever' claimed  that  he  was  the  sole  originator  of  the  great 
movement  to  which  the  Declaration  of  '7G  gave  form  and 
substance.  Its  germs  were  planted  in  ten  thousand 
hearts,  long  before  the  resolutions  of  Patrick  Henry 
concerning  the  Stamp  Act  were  offered,  or  his  eloquent 
voice  had  sounded  the  alarm  ;  its  hopes  and  its  impulses 
throbbed  in  ten  thousand  bosoms  long  before  the  chimes 
of  the  old  State-house  bell  in  Philadelphia  proclaimed 
"  liberty  throughout  this  land,  unto  all  the  inhabitants 
thereof ;"  and  they  only  waited  "the  hour  and  the  man" 
to  call  them  into  action,  and  give  them  expression. 

Occasions  were  not  wantmg,  when  the  intolerance  of 
oppression,  and  the  stern  resistance  to  tyranny,  which 
were  ^aracteristic  of  the  colonists,  found  utterance  in 
something  more  than  mere  words  and  protestations. 
Such  were  the  opposition  of  Massachusetts,  in  1680,  to 
the  commercial  restrictions;  the  refusal  to  surrender 
the  ijharter  of  Connecticut  to  Sir  Edmund  Andros ;  the 


EARLY  INHABITANTS  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.    19 

public  sympathy  evinced  in  New  York,  in  behalf  of 
those  who  were  prosecuted  for  libels  on  Governor  Cosby ; 
Bacon's  rebellion  in  Virginia ;  and  the  repeated  efforts 
made  in  the  Carolinas  to  resist  the  oppressions  of  the 
proprietaries.  At  a  later  day,  as  the  time  approached  for 
the  general  outbreak,  its  foreboding  thunders  were  heard 
not  only  among  the  hills  of  New  England,  but  they  were 
echoed  amid  the  leafy  forests  and  luxuriant  savannas  of 
the  sunny  South  ;  and  when  the  signal  of  war  was  given 
at  Lexington,  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburg  County,  in  far- 
distant  North  Carolina,  assembled  in  Convention,  and 
were  the  first  solemnly  and  deliberately  to  proclaim  their 
independence  of  the  British  crown. 

The  first  settlers  and  inhabitants  of  North  Carolina 
had  conceived  a  strong  "^passion  for  representative 
government ;"  they  were  opposed,  alike  from  prejudice 
and  from  principle,  to  excessive  taxation,  to  commercial 
monopolies  and  restrictions,  and  to  any  abridgment  of 
their  political  liberties.  They  were  men  "  who  had 
been  led  to  the  choice  of  their  residence  from  a  hatred 
of  restramt,  and  had  lost  themselves  among  the  woods  in 
search  of  independence.  Are  there  any  who  doubt  man's 
capacity  for  self-government,  let  them  study  the  history 
of  North  Carolina ;  its  inhabitants  were  restless  and 
turbulent  in  their  imperfect  submission  to  a  government 
imposed  on  them  from  abroad  ;  the  administration  of  the 
colony  was  firm,  humane,  and  tranquil,  when  they  were 
left  to  take  care  of  themselves.  Any  government  but 
one  of  their  own  institution  was  oppressive."* 


Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  p.  158. 


\/ 


20  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1735. 

We  cannot  wonder  that  such  was  the  character  of  the 
founders  of  this  colony,  when  we  inquire  into  their  ori- 
gin. They  were  the  descendants  and  kinsmen  of  the 
Scottish  Covenanters ;  of  the  men  who,  at  all  times  op- 
posed to  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  authority,  resisted  the 
tyrannous  measures  of  Charles  I.,  and  set  Cromwell  at 
defiance ;  of  the  Seceders  of  1741  and  1843,  who  would 
not  consent  to  allow  the  right  of  patronage,  or  permit 
the  civil  power  to  interfere  in  the  aifairs  of  the  Church 
endeared  to  them  by  the  associations  of  infancy,  and  the 
recollections  of  age.  They  sprung,  in  great  part,  from 
the  Scottish  colonists  who  emigrated  to  Ireland  under  the 
auspices  of  James  I.,  and  settled  there  to  disseminate 
the  reformed  religion,  "  for  conscience  sake." 

From  Ireland,  the  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians  journey- 
ed across  the  Atlantic,  in  search  of  the  freedom  in  mat- 
ters of  religion  which  had  been  denied  to  them  at  home. 
Pilgrims  iu  quest  of  "  a  faith's  pure  shrine," — where  he 
who  ministered  in  holy  things  should  be  the  faithful  and 
devoted  servant  of  his  God,  and  not  the  miserable  de- 
pendent on  royal  favor, — they  braved  persecution  and 
danger,  the  perils  of  the  sea  and  of  the  land,  to  erect 
their  standard  and  practice  their  creed,  unquestioned  of 
man,  amid  the  solitudes  of  the  Western  World.  Not  in 
vain  were  these  trials  undergone,  or  these  perils  encoun- 
tered. Their  patient  endurance  was  rewarded  by  the 
discovery  of  the  object  which  they  earnestly  longed  to  se- 
cure. They  planted  the  groves  and  the  orchards,  whose 
rich  fruitage  has  blessed  and  cheered  their  posterity. 

-?:  '  "  They  have  left  unstamcd  what  there  they  found, — 
Freedom  to  worship  God !" 


1735. J        EMIGRATION  FROM  IRELAND.         21 

About  the  year  1735,  or  shortly  thereafter,  the  em- 
igrants from  Ireland  "  sought  the  wilds  of  America  by  two 
avenues ;  the  one,  by  the  Delaware  River,  whose  chief 
port  was  Philadelphia,  arid  the  other  by  a  more  southern 
landing,  the  port  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  Those 
landing  at  the  southern  port,  immediately  sought  the  fer- 
tile forests  of  the  upper  country,  approaching  North 
Carolina  on  one  side,  and  Georgia  on  the  other ;  and  not 
being  very  particular  about  boundaries,  extended  south- 
ward at  pleasure,  while,  on  the  north,  they  were  checked 
by  a  counter  tide  of  emigration.  Those  who  landed  on 
the  Delaware,  after  the  desirable  lands  east  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies,  in  Pennsylvania,  were  occupied,  turned  their 
course  southward,  and  were  speedily  on  the  Catawba  : 
passing  on,  they  met  the  southern  tide,  and  the  stream 
turned  westAvard,  to  the  wilderness  long  known  as  '  Be- 
yond the  Mountains;^  now,  as  Tennessee.  These  two 
streams,  fron^the  same  original  fountain,  Ireland,  meet- 
ing and  intermingling  in  this  new  soil,  preserve  the  char- 
acteristic difference  ;  the  one,  possessing  some  of  the  air 
and  manner  of  Pennsylvania  ;  and  the  other,  of  Charles- 
ton. These  ai'ft  the  Puritans,  the  Roundheads  of  the 
South,  the  Blue-stockings  of  all  countries  ;  men  that  set- 
tled the  wilderness  on  principle,  and  for  principle's  sake ; . 
that  built  churches  from  principle,  and  fought  for  liberty 
of  person  and  conscience,  as  their  acquisition,  and  the 
birthright  of  their  children."* 

Fi:om  what  has  been  said,  it  must  not  be  inferred,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  North  Carolina,  during  the  Revolution, 

*  Fodte'g  Sketches  of  Ndrth  Carolinoj  jt.  188. 


22  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1V75. 

were,  to  a  man,  devoted  to  the  Whig  cause, — that  there 
were  no  Loyalists  among  them.  That  was  not  the  case. 
North  Carolina  differed  not  in  this  respect  from  her  sis- 
y/  ter  colonies  ;  and  the  remarks  of  Judge  Marshall,  with 
reference  to  the  citizens  of  the  Southern  States  generally, 
are  particularly  applicable  to  her  population.  "  Being 
almost  equally  divided,''  he  says,  "  between  the  two 
contending  parties,  reciprocal  injuries  had  gradually 
sharpened  their  resentments  against  each  other,  and  had 
armed  neighbor  against  neighbor,  until  it  became  a  war 
of  extermination.  As  the  parties  alternately  triumph- 
ed, opportunities  were  alternately  given  for  the  exercise 
of  their  vindictive  passions."*  In  the  lower  counties  of 
North  Carolina,  within  the  atmosphere  of  the  provincial 
court,  nearly  all  the  inhabitants  were  infected  with  loy- 
alty, while  in  the  upper  counties  there  was  as  great  a  pre- 
ponderance of  Whigs.  Between  the  two  parties,  or  fac- 
tions, a  fierce  and  unrelenting  warfare  was  incessantly 
waged.  Occupied  as  they  were  with  enemies  at  home, 
the  Whigs  of  North  Carolina  were  therefore  unable  to 
spare  many  of  their  number  for  service  in  distant  sec- 
tions of  the  Confederacy ;  and  it  cannot,  in  justice,  be 
mentioned  to  their  reproach,  that  they  remained  at  home, 
to  protect  their  wives  and  children,  their  property  and 
their  firesides,  from  their  infuriated  opponents. 

In  the  mountain  district  of  North  Carolina,  the  seeds 
of  independence  were  early  sown,  and  they  soon  germi- 
nated and  ripened  for  the  harvest.  In  this  remote  re- 
gion there  were  thousands  of  spectators,  who  watched 

•  Liffe  t)f  Washingtbn,  vol.  ir.  p.  486. 


17Y5.J  THE    Mi^LKLENBURG    MEETING.  23 

with  eager  anxiety  the  progress  of  the  controversy  in  the 
Eastern  provinces.  The  Boston  Port  Bill,  and  the  act 
for  restricting  the  commerce  of  the  colonies, — though 
North  Carolina,  with  New  York,  was  excepted  from  the 
provisions  of  the  latter,* — were  not  viewed  with  indif- 
ference. Frequent  public  meetings  were  held  in  Meck- 
lenburg county,  then  embracing  the  present  county  of 
Cabarrus,  in  the  spring  of  1775,  at  which  the  tyrannical 
measures  of  the  British  government  were  freely  discussed. 
Those  who  participated  in  these  discussions  were  sober, 
reflecting  men  ;  moderate  in  speech  and  prudent  in  coun- 
sel, yet  firm  as  their  native  hills,  and  whose  patri- 
otism was  as  real  and  as  pure  as  the  virgin  gold  that 
slept  undisturbed  beneath  them. 

As  the  result  of  their  deliberations,  it  w"as  finally^ 
agreed  "that  Thomas  Polk,  Colonel  of  the  miiitia,  long 
a  surveyor  in  the  province,  frequently  a  member  of  the 
Colonial  Assembly,  well  known  and  well  acquainted  in 
the  surrounding  counties,  a  uiati  of  great  excellence 
and  merited  popularity,  slionid  be  empowered  to  call  a 
convention  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  whenever 
it  should  appear  advisable.  It  was  also  agreed  that  these  • 
representatives  should  be  chosen  from  the  militia  districts, 
by  the  people  themselves  ;  and  that  when  assembled  for 
counsel  and  debate,  their  decision  should  be  binding  on 

*  This  exception  was  made,  partl}^  because  tlie  provincial  assemblies  of 
New  York  and  North  Carolina  had  not  yet  officially  recognized  the  meas- 
ures of  resistance  adopted  in  the  other  colonies,  and  partly  through  the  in- 
tercession of  Governor  Tryon,  of  New  York,  formerly  the  governor  of  North 
Carolina. — See  Jones'  Defence  of  the  Revolutionary  History  of  North  Car- 
olina, p "  152,  et  seq. 


.# 


f 


24  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1775. 

the  inhabitants  of  Mecklenburg."*  The  proclamation  of 
Governor  Martin,  the  last  royal  governor,  dissolving  the 
last  provincial  assembly  that  met  in  North  Carolina,  be- 
cause its  members  could  not  be  rendered  subservient  to 
his  wishes,  which  was  issued  on  the  8th  of  April,  and  the 
consequent  excitement,  seemed  to  present  the  emergency 
contemplated  by  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburg. 

Accordingly,  Colonel  Polk  issued  his  summons  calling 
u2:)on  the  committee-men  to  assemble  in  Charlotte,  the 
county  town,  on  the  19th  day  of  May,  1775.  Promptly 
obeying  the  call,  between  twenty  and  thirty  of  the  most 
respectable  and  influential  citizens  of  Mecklenburg,  being 
the  delegates  chosen  in  the  several  districts,  met  in  coun- 
cil at  the  appointed  time.  The  occasion,  also,  called  to- 
gether a  large  concourse  of  citizens,  who  did  not  directly 
participate  in  the  proceedings,  although  heartily  concur- 
rino;  in  them.  Of  this  convei  tion  Abraham  Alexan- 
der  was  made  chairman,  and  J-o m  McKnitt  Alexander 
officiated  as  clerk.  After  the  org.-inizationwas  completed, 
papers,  brought  by  express  tiiat  day,  were  read  in  the 
presence  of  tlie  assembled  multitude,  announcing  that 
the  first  blood  of  the  Revolution  had  been  shed  at  Lex- 
ington. 

Tlie  effect  of  this  announcement  was  electrical.  Every 
pulse  throbbed  higli  '^i*h  patriotism, — ever}^  heart  swell- 
ed with  honest  indignation.  One  general  cry  was  raised 
in  favor  of  declaring  themselves  forever  independent  of  a 
government  that  paid  no  heed  to  tlieir  just  complaints, 
and  sought  to  chastise  them  into  ^nibmission.  Resolu- 
tions tnntamount  to  a  declaration  of  independence,  pre- 
pared by  Dr.  Ephraim  Brevard,  wore  then  read  to  the 

*  Foote's  Sketches,  p.  '.'A. 


1775. j  PROCEEDINGS.  25 

Convention,  and  referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  their 
author  and  William  Kennon,  Esq.,  and  the  Rev.  Heze- 
kiah  James  Balch,  for  revision.  Eloquent  speeches  were 
also  made  by  the  members  of  the  committee  and  other 
gentlemen.  All  the  speakers  concurred  in  expressnig 
the  opinion,  that  independence  was  both  desirable  and 
necessary  ;  but  in  the  course  of  the  animated  discussion, 
a  serious  difficulty  was  suggested.  After  the  defeat  of 
the  "  Regulators"  by  Governor  Tryon,  on  Alamance 
creek,  in  1771,  the  inhabitants  of  that  section  of  the  col- 
ony had  been  forced  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  the  question  was  now  asked, 
how  could  they  absolve  themselves  from  that  allegiance  1 
Various  replies  v/ere  made  to  this  inquiry  ;  some  scouting 
at  the  Idea,  and  others  insisting  that  allegiance  and  pro- 
tection were  recipiocal,  and  when  the  latter  was  with- 
drawn, allegiance  ceased. 

At  last  one  of  the  speakers  carried  his  audience  with 
him,  by  pointing  to  a  green  tree  standing  near  the  Court- 
house, in  which  they  were  assembled,  and  at  the  same 
time  saying — "  If  I  am  sworn  to  do  a  thing  as  long  as 
the  leaves  continue  on  that  tree,  I  am  bound  by  that  oath 
as  long  as  the  leaves  continue.  But  when  the  leaves 
fall,  I  am  released  from  that  obligation."*  But  it  was 
not  thought  advisable  hastily  to  come  to  a  determination. 
One  night  was  therefore  given  for  further  reflection  and 
consultation,  and  the  Convention  adjourned  till  the  follow- 
ing day  at  noon. 

All  that  night  long,  and  during  the  following  morning, 

*  Foote's  Sketches,  p.  37. 


26  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1775- 

the  town  of  Charlotte  presented  a  strange  scene  of  ex- 
citement. The  step  proposed  to  be  taken  was  the  great 
theme  of  discussion.  Grave  men  deliberated  upon  it  in 
the  privacy  of  their  homes ;  while  their  juniors  collected 
in  groups  at  the  corners  of  the  streets,  to  interchange 
their  sentiments  with  more  freedom,  and  with  greater 
earnestness.  When  the  time  arrived  for  the  reassem- 
bling of  the  Convention,  the  decision  at  which  all  had 
arrived,  might  have  been  read  in  the  kindling  eje  and 
the  firmly-compressed  lip.  The  people  had  collected 
in  still  greater  numbers  from  the  surrounding  country ; 
and  not  the  least  interested  among  the  spectators,  were 
the  wives  and  mothers  of  many  of  those  who  were  fore- 
most at  this  crisis,  and  who  came  there  to  encourage  their 
husbands  and  sons  by  their  kind  words,  and  to  cheer 
them  with  their  smiles. 

The  resolutions  of  Dr.  Brevard,  as  amended  by  the 
committee,  were  again  read  amid  the  most  profound  still- 
ness. One  universal  "aye"  was  the  response  of  the 
Convention;  and  after  the  adjournment.  Colonel  Polk, 
from  the  court-house  steps,  read  to  the  intensely-excited 
crowd  that  gathered  round  him,  the  following  resolutions 
embodying  the  Declaration  of  Independence  : 

THE    MECKLENBURG   DECLARATION. 

"  1st.  Resolved,  That  whosoever  directly  or  indirectly  abet- 
ted, or  in  any  way,  form,  or  manner,  countenanced  the  un- 
chartered and  dangerous  invasion  of  our  rights,  as  claimed 
by  Great  Britain,  is  an  enemy  to  this  country — to  America — 
and  to  the  inherent  and  inalienable  rights  of  man, 

"  2d.  Resolved,  That  we,  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburg  Coun- 


# 

1775.]  THE    MECKLENBURG    DECLAKATIOX.  27 

ty,  do  hereby  dissolve  the  pohtical  bands  which  have  con- 
nected us  to  the  mother  country,  fffid  hereby  absolve  our- 
selves from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  abjure  all 
pohtical  connection,  contract,  or  association,  with  that  nation, 
who  have  wantonly  trampled  on  our  rights  and  liberties,  and 
inhumanly  shed  the  blood  of  American  patriots  at  Lexington. 

"  3d.  Resolved,  That  we  do  hereby  declare  ourselves  a  free 
nnd  mdependent  people ;  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a 
sovereign  and  self-governing  Association,  under  the  control 
of  no  power  other  than  that  of  our  God,  and  the  general 
government  of  the  Congress ;  to  the  maintenance  of  which 
independence,  we  solemnly  pledge  to  each  other  our  mutual 
cooperation,  oui'  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  om'  most  sacred 
honor. 

"4th.  Resolved,  That  as  we  now  acknowledge  the  exist- 
ence and  control  of  no  law  or  legal  officer,  civil  or  military, 
within  this  county,  we  do  hereby  ordain  and  appoint  as  a 
rule  of  life,  all,  each  and  every  of  our  former  laws, — wherein, 
nevertheless,  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  never  can  be  con- 
sidered as  holding  rights,  privileges,  immunities,  or  authority 
therein. 

''5th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  further  decreed,  that  all,  each 
and  every  military  officer  m  this  county,  is  hereby  reinstated 
in  his  former  command  and  authority, — he  acting  conforma- 
bly to  these  regulations.  And  that  every  member  present, 
of  this  delegation,  shall  henceforth  be  a  civil  officer,  viz.,  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  in  the  character  of  a  'Committee- 
man,' to  issue  process,  hear  and  determine  all  matters  of 
controversy,  accordmg  to  said  adopted  laws,  and  to  preserve 
peace,  union  and  harmony,  in  said  county ; — and  to  use  every 
exertion  to  spread  the  love  of  coimtiy  and  fire  of  freedom 
throughout  America,  until  %  more  general  and  organized  gov- 
ernment be  estabhsh^d  in  this  province." 


♦ 


28  '  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1775. 

Loud  cheers  and  other  tokens  of  approbation  followed 
the  public  reading  of  the  resolutions  by  Colonel  Polk ; 
md  when  the  people  separated  to  return  to  their  homes, 
their  countenances  and  their  actions  indicated  that  they 
were  well  pleased  with  what  had  been  done. 

The  authenticity  of  the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  was 
for  a  long  time  questioned.  The  resolutions  w^ere  pub- 
lished in  the  Cape  Fear  Mercury,  and  were  character- 
ized by  Governor  Martin,  in  a  proclamation  issued  on 
the  8th  day  of  August,  1775,  as  "  a  most  infamous  pub- 
lication, *  *  *  importing  to  be  the  resolves  of  a  set 
of  people  styling  themselves  a  committee  for  the  county 
of  Mecklenburg,  most  traitorously  declaring  the  entire 
dissolution  of  the  laws,  government,  and  constitution  of 
this  country,  and  setting  up  a  system  of  rule  and  regula- 
tion repugnant  to  the  laws  and  subversive  of  His  Majesty's 
government."*  Copies  of  them  were  likewise  dispatched, 
by  a  special  messenger,  to  the  delegates  of  North  Caro- 
lina in  the  Continental  Congress,  who  approved  of  them 
in  sentiment,  but  thought  the  step  premature,  -and  there- 
fore did  not  present  them  to  the  body  of  which  they  were 
members,  as  they  were  requested  to  do. 

Yet,  from  the  local  character  of  these  proceedings, 
they  did  not  attract  public  attention  to  as  great  a  degree 
as  they  would  otherwise  have  done,  and  consequently  no 
mention  was  made  of  them  in  the  histories  of  Ramsay 
and  Marshall.  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  written  in  July, 
1819,  in  reply  to  one  received  from  John  Adams  refer- 
ring to  an  account  of  the  Mecklenburg  declaration  then 

♦  Jones'  Defence,  p.  185. 


1775.]  MR.    JEFFERSON    MISTAKEN.  29 

recently  published,  treated  the  "whole  matter  as  a  hoax.* 
The  publication  of  this  letter,  shortly  after  the  decease 
of  the  writer,  created  considerable  excitement  in  North 
Carolina,  and  particularly  among  the  descendants  of  the 
revolutionary  patriots  of  Mecklenburg  county.  Measures 
were  finally  taken  by  the  legislature  of  the  state  to  col- 
late and  arrange  the  documents  relating  to  the  Mecklen- 
burg declaration,  with  such  other  testimony  having  refer- 
ence to  the  subject  as  might  be  obtained.  These  were 
published  under  the  dii«ction  of  Governor  Stokes,  in 
1831 ;  and  by  them,  and  other  publications  which  have 
subsequently  appeared,  the  authenticity  of  the  Mecklen- 
burg proceedings  is  established  beyond  cavil  or  doubt. f 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  certainly  mistaken.  It  can  no 
longer  be  questioned  that  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburg 
county  were  the  first  to  declare  their  independence,  as 
the  province  itself  was  the  first  to  empower  her  delegates 
in  Congress  "  to  concur  with  the  delegates  of  the  other 
colonies  in  declaring  Independency."!  But  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  calumniate  the  memory  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  order 
to  render  justice  to  North  Carolina,  as  has  been  done  by 
one  of  her  writers. §  He  was  in  error, — honestly  so,  as 
the  playful  tone  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  Adams  most  conclu- 
sively shows.  The  truth  can  harm  no  man ;  and  that 
will  not  deprive  him  of  one  of  his  laurels,  or  detract  in 
aught  from  his  well-earned  fame. 

*  Jeiferson's  "Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  314. 

t  INIecklenburg  Declaration  and  Accompanying  Documents,  published 
under  the  authority  of  the  General  Assembly  of  North  Carolina,  Raleigh, 
1S31 ;  Jones'  Defence,  p.  294,  et  seq.;  Foote's  Sketches,  p.  33,  et  seq.;  ibid., 
p.  204,  et  seq. 

:}:  Journal  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  (Raleigh,  1831,)  p.  12. 

§  See  Introduction  to  Jones'  Defence. 


30  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1775. 

Among  the  most  active  participants  in  the  Mecklen- 
s/  burg  proceedings,  were  Thomas  Polk  and  Ezekiel 
Polk,  the  former  of  whom  resided  in  the  immediate  vi- 
cinity of  Charlotte,  and  the  latter  in  the  neighboring 
province  of  South  Carolina,  just  over  the  border.  Thej^, 
with  other  prominent^and  influential  men,  appeared  to 
take  the  lead  in  the  movement,  and  their  opinions  and 
their  action  had  great  weight  with  tlieir  fellow-citizens.* 
^'  Tradition  ascribes  to  Thomas  Polk  the  principal  agency 
in  bringing  about  the  Declaration  ;"t  and  it  is  said  that 
an  old  resident  of  North  Carolina,  a  Scotchman,  beino; 
asked  if  he  knew  anything  in  relation  to  the  matter,  re- 
plied— '' Och^   ayej   Tam   Polk  declared   Independence 

Ian g  before  anybody  else  I'^'^X 

The  two  Polks  were  brothers  ;  and  the  Alexanders, 
the  chairman  and  clerk  of  the  Mecklenburg  meeting,  and 
Dr.  Brevard,  the  author  of  the  resolutions,  were  their 
near  relatives.  Thomas  Polk  was  the  great  uncle,  and 
Ezekiel  Polk  the  grandfather,  of  James  K.  Polk,  the 
late  President  of  the  United  States.  The  founder  of  the 
Polk  family  in  America  was  Robert  Polk.  His  ancestors 
were  of  Scotch  origin.  They  were  among  the  colonists 
who  settled  in  Ireland,  and  the  family  name  is  obviously 
the  Irish  corruption  of  Pollock.  Robert  Polk  was  born 
in  Ireland,  and  was  the  fifth  son  of  Robert  Polk  the 
elder,  a  native  of  the  same  country,  who  married  Magda- 
len Tusker,  the  heiress  of  a  considerable  estate. 

Robert  Polk,  the  younger,  married  a  Miss  Gullet,  by 


*  Mecklenburg  Declaration  and  Accompanying  Docmnents,  p.  16. 
t  Jones'  Defence,  p.  295.  %  Mecklenburg  Declaration,  &c.,  p.  26. 


■» 


1775.]  THE    POLK    FAMILY.  31 

whom  lie  had  several  children ;  and  among  them  were 
Thomas  and  Ezekiel  Polk.  Soon  after  his  marriage — 
probably  between  1735  and  1740 — he  removed  to  Amer- 
ica with  others  of  the  Scotch  Irish  immigrants,  and  estab- 
lished himself  in  Somerset  County,  on  the  Eastern  Shore 
of  Maryland.  Some  of  his  descendants  are  still  to  be 
found  in  that  state  ;  and  they  were  know^n  for  many 
years,  hi  Somerset,  as  the  republican,  or  democratic  fam- 
ily, because  diey  were  the  only  persons  in  the  county 
occupying  promiiicut  positions  in  society-,  whose  political 
sentiments  were  of  that  complexion.  Other  members  of 
the  family,  including  Thomas,  Ezekiel,  and  Charles 
Polk,  followed  the  .current  of  emigration  which  swept 
onward  to  the  base  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  located  tem- 
porarily in  the  neighborhood  of  Carlisle,  i*i  Pennsylvania. 
From  thence  the  three  brothers,  Thomas,  Ezekiel,  and 
Charles,  removed  to  the  southwestern  frontier  of  North 
Carolina,  about  the  year  1750,  and  settled  in  the  county 
of  Mecklenburg,  then  a  part  of  Anson  count^^,  in  the  rich 
champaign  country  w^atered  on  the  one  hand  by  the  noble 
Yadkin,  and  on  the  other  by  the  romantic  Catawba. 
Ezekiel  subsequently  changed  his  residence  to  South 
Carolina. 

The  citizens  of  IMecklenburg  county  were  not  unmind- 
ful of  the  pledges  they  had  given,  mutually  among  each 
other,  to  maintain,  at  every  hazard,  the  independence 
which  they  had  declared ;  and  when  the  tide  of  war  rolled 
thitherward,  and  their  borders  were  harried  with  fire  and 
sword,  they  remained  firm  and  steadfast  in  their  adher- 
ence to  the  cause  they  had  espoused.  In  the  contest  for 
independence  the   Polks    were  especially  conspicuous. 


32  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  '  [1775. 

Thomas  being  the  eldest,  he  was  naturally  looked  up  to  as 
the  head  of  the  family,  and  was  put  forAvard  more  promi- 
nently :  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Provincial  Congress, 
colonel  of  the  second  battalion  of  minute-men  raised  in 
Salisbury  district,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  militia 
of  Mecklenburg  county,  and  afterwards  colonel  of  the. 
fourth  North  Carolina  regiment  in  the  Continental  ser- 
vice. But  Ezekiel  was  not  a  whit  behind  his  brother  in 
zeal  and  devotion ;  his  support  of  the  cause  was  as  earnest 
and  disinterested,  his  attachment  to  it  as  honest  and  sin- 
cere. In  May,  1775,  he  received  a  captain's  commission 
from  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina,  upon  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  immediately 
thereafter  raised  a  volunteer  company  of  Rangers,  who 
were  employed  against  the  Cherokee  Indians  and  the  To- 
ries. So  faithfully  did  he  execute  the  duties  required 
of  him,  that  he  became  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  lat- 
ter, and  when  the  country  was  overrun  by  Cornwallis 
and  his  troops,  he  found  it  necessary  to  "  take  protec- 
tion," in  order  to  save  himself,  his  family  arid  his  prop- 
erty, from  their  vengeance. 

Charlotte  and  the  adjacent  country  had  long  been  re- 
garded by  the  British  officers  in  command  at  the  South, 
as  the  harboring-place  of  "  traitors  and  rebels ;"  and 
wdien  the  Whigs  of  the  lower  counties  in  the  two  Caroli- 
nas  were  forced  to  flee  before  the  myrmidons  of  Rawdon 
and  Tarleton,  they  were  sure  to  be  welcomed  here  with 
open  hands  and  hearts.  After  the  disastrous  battle  of 
Camden,  in  1780,  Lord  Cornwallis  established  the  head- 
quarters of  his  army  at  Charlotte,  which  he  termed  the 
^'  hornet's  nest,"  and  "  the  hotbed  of  rebellion."     He 


1775.]      .  OUTRAGES  OF  THE  TORIES.  33 

quartered  his  troops  in  the  dwellings  of  its  inhabitants, 
and  fed  them  on  the  provisions  and  supplies  forcibly 
taken  from  their  stores. 

A  dark  cloud  seemed  at  this  moment  to  obscure  the  for- 
tunes of  America.  Nearly  all  the  states  south  of  the 
Potomac  were  overrun  by  the  royal  troops,  and  their 
Tory  allies  were  murdering  and  pillaging  with  impunity. 
"  The  British  army  was  chiefly  subsisted  by  plundering 
the  Whigs,  and  a  system  of  confiscation  was  adopted  to 
transfer  their  real  estate  to  their  Tor}^  neighbors  by  forced 
sales,  the  meagre  proceeds  of  which  went  into  the  military 
chest.  Stimulated  by  revenge  and  encouraged  by  exam- 
ple, it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Tories  filled  the  country 
with  rapine  and  blood.  The  farms  of  Whigs  supposed  to 
be  in  arms,  were  ravaged,  their  houses  rifled  and  burned, 
and  their  wives  and  children  turned  out  to  perish,  or  sub- 
sist on  charity,  which  dared  not  let  the  left  hand  know 
w^hat  the  right  hantl  did,  lest  it  should  be  punished  as  a 
crime.  If  a  husband  and  fa^er  ventured  to  look  after 
his  houseless  flock,  he  was  waylaid  and  murdered.  Pris- 
oners were  hanged  or  shot  down  in  cold  blood,  and  even 
members  of  the  same  families  became  the  unrelenting  ex- 
ecutioners of  each  other.  *  *  *  The  laws  were  literally 
silent,  and  there  w^ere  no  courts  to  protect  property  or 
punish  crime.  Men  hunted  each  other  like  beasts  of  prey, 
and  the  savages  were  outdone  in  cruelties  to  the  living 
and  indignities  on  the  dead."* 

It  was  in  this  hour  of  gloom,  that  many  of  the  best  and 
truest  patriots  in  the  land  "  took  protection,"  as  it  was 

*  Kendall's  Life  of  Jackson,  pp.  42, 44. 


34  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  ^  [1780. 

called,  of  the  invader.  This  was  not  in  the  nature  of  an 
oath  of  allegiance,  but  simply  a  pledge  not  to  molest  the 
British  troops  while  occupying  a  particular  section  of  the 
country,  in  consideration  whereof,  protection  was  to  be 
afforded  against  the  Tories,  and  the  spoliations  of  forag- 
ing parties.  It  was  never  considered  to  be  an  impeach- 
.  ment  of  a  man's  fidelity  to  the  colonial  cause,  that  he 
"took  protection  ;"  it  was  often  done,  in  an  emergency, 
from  the  best  of  motives, — the  safety  of  one's  family  and 
honae ;  it  was  done  by  the  noble  martyr  Hayne,  and  no 
stain  rests  on  his  memory.  Indeed,  it  was  the  highest 
evidence,  of  patriotism,  for  no  one  suspected  even  of  a 
leaning  towards  Toryism  needed  to  "  take  protection." 

The  citizens  of  Mecklenburg  county  and  the  adjacent 
country,  were  the  'first  to  renounce  their  allegiance  and 
declare  themselves  forever  independent  of  the  British 
crown.  To  that  declaration  they  adhered  in  and  through 
all.  They  "  took  protection,"  it  is  true,  when  the  foot 
of  the  victorious  Briton  was  planted  upon  their  hearth 
stones.  But  they  never  despaired  of  the  republic, — they 
never  faltered  in  their  faith :  and  one  of  the  ablest  and 
moat  untmng  of  their  persecutors  has  borne  willing  and 
repeated  testimony. to  the  fact,  that  their  patriotism,  from 
first  to  last,  was  ardent  ai^  sincere.* 

*  Tarleton's  Campaigns  of  1780  and  1781.  p.  159,  et  seq. — Sec,  also, 
Steadman's  History  of  Ae  American  War,  vol.  ii.  p.  217,  et  seq. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Birth  of  James  K.  Polk— His  Parents— Their  Children— Removal  to  Ten- 
nessee— Early  Life  and  Character  of  James — Youthful  Ambition — Hia 
Education— Enters  the  University  of  North  Carolina — Character  as  a 
Student — Graduates — Honors  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  Alma  Mater. 

James  Knox  Polk  was  born  in  Mecklenburg  County, 
North  Carolina,  on  the  second  day  of  November,  1795, 
and  was  the  oldest  of  ten  children.  His  father  was 
Samuel  Polk,  a  son  of  Ezekiel  Polk,  before  mentioned. 
His  mother  was  Jane  Knox,  the  daughter  of  James  Knox, 
after  whom  her  oldest  son  was  named,  a  resident  of 
Iredell  County,  North  Carolina,  and  a  Captain  in  the 
war  of  the  Revolution. 

His  parents  were  married  in  1794.  Besides  the  late 
President,  they  had  five  sons  and  four  daughters.  Three 
of  the  latter  are  now  living.  Of  the  sons,  Marshall  T. 
married  and  settled  in  North  Carolina,  and  died  there  ; 
Franklin,  John,  and  Samuel  W.,  all  died  unmarried^ 
and  William  H.,  appointed  by  President  Tyler,  in  1845, 
Charge  d' Affaires  to  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies, 
and  a  major  of  the  3d  dragoons  during  the  ^vslv  with 
Mexico,  pow  resides  in  Columbia,  Tennessee. 

Samuel  Polk,  the  father,  was  a  plain,  unpretending 
farmer,  but  of  enterprising  character;  from  necessity 
and  inclination,  frugal  in  his  habits  and  style  of  living, 
yet  kind  and  generous  in  disposition.  "  Thrown  upon 
his  own  resources  in  early  life,  he  became  the  architect  of 


V  11 


36  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1806. 

his  own  fortunes."*  Immediately  after  the  dose  of  the 
Revolution,  a  strong  tide  of  emigration  set  in  from 
Mecklenburg  and  the  adjoining  counties,  and  floAving 
over  the  Mountains,  rolled  down  upon  the  ranges  of 
grassy  hills,  the  undulating  plains,  the  extensive  reaches 
of  grazing  land,  and  the  fertile  valleys  of  Tennessee. 
Attracted  by  the  glowing  accounts,  given  by  the  first 
settlers  and  adventurers,  of  the  beautiful  daughter  of  his 
native  state,  Samuel  Polk  formed  a  determination  to  re- 
move thither  with  his  family  ;  and  if  honesty  of  purpose, 
enterprise  and  industry,  could  accomplish  that  end,  to 
achieve  a  competence  for  himself,  and  those  who  looked 
up  to  him  for  support  and  protection. 

From  one  cause  or  another  the  fulfilment  of  his  design 
was  postponed  till  the  autumn  of  the  year  1806,  when, 
ccompanied  by  his  wife  and  children,  he  followed  the 
now  well-trodden  path  of  emigration  that  conducted  him 
to  tlie  rich  valley  of  the  Duck  river,  one  of  the  principal 
tributaries  of  the  Tennessee.  Here,  in  the  midst  of  the 
wilderness,  in  a  tract  of  country  erected  in  the  following 
year  into  the  County  of  Maury,  he  established  his  new 
home.  His  example  w^as  imitated  by  all  the  Polk  family 
in  North  Carolina,  who,  with  the  exception  of  one  branch, 
"emigrated,  and  cast  their  lot  in  with  the  bold  spirits' 
that  sought  a  home  in  the  great  vallc}^  of  the  Missis- 
sippi."! 

Having  purchased  a  quantity  of  land,  Samuel  Polk 
employed  himself  in  its  cultivation ;  following,  at  inter- 
vals, the  occupation  of  a  surveyor.     By  dint  of  patient 

*  Democratic  Review,  May,  1838. 
t  Foote's  Sketches,  p.  309. 


1806.]  EARLY    LIFE    AND    CHAHACTER.  37 

industry  and  econonw,  and  by  his  untiring  and  energetic 
perseverance,  he  acquired  a  fortune  equal  to  his  wishes 
and  his  wants.  He  lived  to  behold  the  country  around 
him  become  flourishing  and  prosperous  ;  to  see  its  dark 
forests  pass  away  like  some  vision  of  enchantment,  and 
its  broad  plains  and  valleys  blooming  with  fruits  and 
flowers,  and  teeming  with  the  luxuriant  produce  of  a  fer- 
tile soil.  He  lived  to  witness  the  brilliant  triumphs  of 
Mfs  first-born  son  in  his  professional  career,  and  to  mark 
his  manly  bearing  as  he  advanced  with  rapid  strides  on 
the  pathway  to  greatness  and  fame.  Respected  as  one 
of  the  first  pioneers  of  Maury,  and  esteemed  as  a  useful 
citizen  and  an  estimable  man,  he  finally  closed  his  life  at 
Columbia  in  1827.  His  wife,  a  most  excellent  and  pious 
woman,  afterwards  married  a  gentleman  by  the  name  of 
Eden,  and  is  now  living  in  Columbia,  loved  and  revered 
by  all  who  know^  her,  and  can  appreciate  her  many  vir- 
tues and  her  worth. 

Her  son  James,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  passed  his 
boyhood  in  the  humble  position  in  life  which  his  parents 
occupied.  The  lessons  that  he  learned  in  this  school  were 
never  forgotten.  Here  was  formed  his  manly  and  self- 
reliant  disposition  :  here  were  imbibed  those  principles  of 
economy,  industry,  integrity  and  virtue,  which  adorned 
his  ripened  manhood.  He  was  by  no  means  a  stranger 
to  what, — unless,  as  in  his  case,  accompanied  by  a  happy 
and  contented  heart, — is  the  drudgery  of  daily  toil.  He 
assisted  his  father  in  the  management  of  his  farm,  and 
was  his  almost  constant  companion  in  his  surveying  ex- 
cursions. They  were  frequently  absent  for  weeks  to- 
gether, treading  the  dense  forests  and  traversing  the  rough 


38  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1806. 

cane-brakes  which  then  covered  the  face  of  the  country, 
and  exposed  to  all  the  changes  of  the  weather,  and  the 
dangers  and  vicissitudes  of  a  life  in  the  woods.  ^  On  these 
occasions,  it  was  the  duty  of  James  to  take  care  of  the 
pack-horses  and  caAp  equipage,  and  to  prepare  the  scanty 
and  frugal  meals  of  the  surveying  party. 

When  a  lad,  he  was  strongly  inclined  to  study,  and 
v/  often  busied  himself  with  the  mathematical  calculations  of 
his  father.  He  was  very  fond  of  reading,  and  was  of% 
reflective  turn  of  mind.  In  the  imperfect  and  indistinct 
lines  of  early  youth  were  to  be  traced  the  tokens  of  the 
man, — the  certain  indices  of  the  future  fixed  .and  perma- 
nent character.  Not  indifferent  to  the  sports  and  pas- 
times of  boyhood,  he  engaged  in  them,  not  for  amusement 
merely,  but  for  the  recreation  they  afforded,  for  the  light 
and  joy  they  brought  to  his  heart.  To  obtain  a  liberal 
J  education  was  his  chief  desire,  and  a  professio'n  was  the 
great  end  at  Avhich  he  aimed.  His  habits,  formed  by  the 
moulding  hand  of  his  exemplary  mother,  peculiarly  fitted 
him  for  success  in  the  sphere  toward  which  his  thoughts 
were  directed,  and  on  Avhich  his  hopes  were  fixed. 

He  was  correct  and  punctual.  He  had  industry  and 
application.  He  had  true  native  talent, — not  the  false 
gem  that  may  dazzle  and  sparkle,  and  when  brought  to 
the  test,  appears  mean  and  contemptible  ;  it  was  the  pure 
diamond,  borrowing  not  its  lustre,  but  containing  liglit 
within  itself.  He  had  earnestness  of  purpose,  subdued, 
perhaps,  in  expression,  but,  nevertheless,  "  the  strong 
passion,  which,"  said  the  philosopher  of  Vore,*  ^'  rescu- 

*  Helvetius. 


1806.]  PERSEVERANCE    AND    AMBITION.  39 

ino"  us  from  sloth,  can  alone  impart  to  us  that  continuous 
and  earnest  attention,  necessary  to  great  intellectual  ef- 
forts."    He  possessed  genius,  also, — 

"  the  voice  within, 
That  ever  whispers,  '  Work  and  win  !'  " 

He  had  perseverance  and  amhition, — and  these  are 
traits  Avhich  all  the  wealth  of  the  Rothschilds  cannot  call 
into  existence,  where  nature  herself  has  not  planted  ihe 
seeds.  What  have  they  not  achieved  1  What  cah  they 
not  accomplish  7  In  the  three  hundred  and  sixtieth  year 
before  the  Christian  era,  the  Athenian  people  for  the  first 

*  time  acknowledged  the  great  mental  powers,  and  the  en- 
thusiastic and  soul- stirring  eloquence,  of  the  orator  of 
Pieania.  JMore  than  eight  years  had  elapsed  since  he 
had  made  his  debut  in  the  Assembly,  when  the  weakness 
of  his  voice,  his  harsh  and  careless  style,  and  his  ungrace- 
ful gesticulation,  had  brought  on  him  the  ridicule  of  his 
fellow-citizens^,  j^  History  informs  us,  that  one  kind  friend 
stood  by  him  in  this  crisis  of  his  fortunes,  and  inspired 
and  cheered  him  on  to  new  efforts  ; — might  she  not  have 
added,  that  a  voice  in  his  heart  continued  to  speak  words 
of  consolation  and  encouragement,  in  those  anxious  years 
of  his  probation  ? — that  in  the  long,  wearisome  nights,  lie 
devoted  to  study  and  toil,  in  his  secret  retreat,  one  sweet, 

.familiar  spirit,  smiled  hopefully  on  Demosthenes,  alid 
pointed  his  way,  clearly  and  distinctly  traced,  though 
devious-  and  difficult,  to  that  bright  hour  which  witnessi^d 
the  full  fruition  of  his  fame  ? 

The  history  of  the  world-famed  '^  folly"  of  Fulton  las 
been  handed  down  to  us  as  containing  an  instructive  moial, 


40  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.'  [1806 

and  a  truthful  lesson,  -vvliich  deserve  to  be  remembered. 
We  can  now  smile  at  the  incredulity  of  the  gaping  and 
doubting  crowd  that  assembled  to  behold  his  triumph  over 
the  great  motive  power  which  he  had  subjected  to  his 
will ;  or  at  the  mirth-moving  astonishment  of  those  who 
dwelt  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  and  trembled  with 
fer^r  when  they  saw  the  flaming  vessel  plowing  the  waters 
"  like  a  thing  of  life."  But  who  can  tell,  how  Herculean 
were  the  efforts  of  our  countrj^man's  genius  and  persever- 
ance ;  how  diligently  and  patiently  they  toiled  in  the  vast 
laboratory  of  discovery,  without  recompense  or  reward 
save  their  hopes  for  the  future,  to  forge  those  mighty 
links  that  now  bind  nations  and  continents  together. 

Most  appropriately  has  the  temple  of  Fame  been  rep- 
resented as  adorning  the  embattled  crest  of  some  lofty 
and  rugged  eminence, — clouds  and  darkness  hovering 
around  its  base,  and  "  eternal  sunshine"  resting  in  love- 
liness and  beauty  on  its  summit.  Under  all  circumstan- 
ces, the  ascent  is  tedious  and  difficult.  Delilahs  there 
are,  who  beset  the  aspirant  at  every  step,  and  seek  to  woo 
hin  from  his  enterprise  by  their  soft  blandishments; 
sweet  Paphian  bowers  by  the  wayside  invite  him  to  re- 
pose, and  groves  of  perfumed  trees  send  forth  their  Sabean 
odors  to  intoxicate  the  mind  and  soul.  All  these  influ- 
erces  must  be  disregarded  at  once  and  forever.  "  Onward 
ard  upward"  must  be  the  motto  to  arouse  the  flagging . 
spirit,  to  restore  the  drooping  energies,  to  inspire  to  re- 
tiewed  exertion,  to  cheei^in  every  trial,  and  to  soften  the 
pang  of  every  disappointment.  Tlie  struggle  may  bo 
arduous  and  protracted  ;  but  the  recompense  is  sure  and 
certain.     It  may  be  deferred  for  long,  but,  sooner  or  la- 


1813. J  HIS    EDUCATION.  41 

ter,  the  reward  will  come.  Youthful  Ambition,  rightly 
directed  and  encouraged,  never  lacks  the  will,  and  while 
life  is  spared,  it  knows  no  such  word  as  "  fail  !" 

In  the  infancy  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  as  is  always 
the  case  in  new  settlements,  the  opportunities  of  instruc- 
tion were  quite  limited.  The  father  of  young  Polk  was 
not  in  affluent  circumstances j  though  able  to  give  all  his 
children  a  good  education.  He  regarded  with  favor  the 
natural  bent  and  inclination  of  his  son's  mind  toward 
study,  and  kept  him  pretty  constantly  at  school.  Though 
afflicted  for  many  years  by  a  painful  affection,  from  which 
he  was  only  relieved  by  a  surgical  operation,  James  had 
been  completely  successful  in  mastering  the  English  stud- 
ies usually  taught,  when  his  health  began  to  give  way. 
Fearing  that  his  constitution  had  become  so  much  weak- 
ened as  to  unfit  him  altogether  for  a  sedentary  life,  his 
father,  not  without  many  an  earnest  remonstrance  from 
his  son,  placed  him  with  a  merchant,  with  the  view  of 
fitting  him  for  commercial  pursuits. 

This  was  a  severe  blow  to  James.  All  his  dearest 
hopes  seemed  about  to  be  prostrated  forever.  He  had  no 
taste  for  the  new  duties  that  devolved  on  him,  and  their 
performance  was  irksome  to  him  in  the  extreme.  He  had 
an  antipathy,  of  which  he  could  not  divest  himself,  to  the 
mercantile  profession,  almost  as  great  as  that  of  John' 
Randolph,  who  could  not  endure  "  a  man  with  a  quill 
behind  his  ear."  After  remaining  a  few  weeks  with  the 
merchant,  James  obtained  the  permission  of  his  father, 
by  much  entreaty  and  persuasion,  to  return  home ;  and 
in  the  month  of  July,  1813,  he  was  placed  under  the  tui- 
tion of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Henderson.     Subsequently  he  was 


42  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1815 

v'sent  to  the  Murfreesborough  Academy,  then  under  the 
superintendence  of  Mr.  Samuel  P.  Black,  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  classical  teachers  in  Middle  Tennessee. 

Henceforward  there  were  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his 
obtaining  the  education  he  so  ardently  desired.  In  les's 
than  two  years  and  a  half  he  prepared  himself  thoroughly 
for  an  advanced  class  in  college ;  and  in  the  autumn  of 

v^l815,  being  then  in  his  twentieth  year,  he  entered  the 
University  of  North  Carolina,  at  Chapel  Hill,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sophomore  year.  This  venerable  insti- 
tution, at  which  so  many  of  the  most  distinguished  states- 
men, and  the  most  eminent  divines,  in  the  Southern  part 
of  the  Union,  have  been  educated,  was  then  under  the 
charge  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Joseph  Caldwell,  "justly  styled 
the  father  of  the  University."*  Colonel  William  Polk, 
late  of  Raleigh,  and  the  first  cousin  of  the  father  of  Pres- 
ident Polk,  was  also  one  of  the  most  influential  and  ac- 
tive of  the  trustees,  and  had  been  such  from  about  the 
time  of  the  first  establishment  of  the  institution. 

y  At  the  University,  Mr.  Polk  was  most  exemplary  in 
the  performance  of  all  his  duties,  not  only  ^s  a  member 
of  college,  but  also  of  the  literary  society  to  which  he 
belonged.  He  was  punctual  and  prompt  in  every  exer- 
cise, and  never  absent  fromr  ecitation  or  any  of  the  relig- 
ious services  of  the  institution.  So  high  was  his  stand- 
ing, so  remarkable  his  character,  in  this  respect,  that  one 
of  his  classmates,  who  was  something  of  a  wag,  was  in 
the  habit  of  averring,  when  he  desired  his  hearers  to 
place  confidence  in  his  assertions^  that  the  fact  he  stated^ 


^     •  Foate's  Sketches,  p.  530. 


1818.]  HONORS    OF    HIS    ALMA    MATER.  ^       43 

Tvas  "just  as  certain,  as  tliat  Polk  ^^'ould  get  up  at  the 
first  call." 

He  was  no  superficial  student;  lie  was  perfect  and 
thorough  in  everything  he  undei'took.  fte  well  under- 
stood the  difference  between  true  merit  and  pretence. 
Untiring  assiduity  and  close  application  characterized 
him  throughout  his  whole  collegiate  course.  Of  the  exact 
sciences  he  was  passionately  fond,  though  he  was  also  an 
excellent  linguist.  At  each  semi-annual  examination  he 
bore  away  the  highest  honors,  and  at  the  close  of  the  ju- 
nior year  the  first  distinction  was  awarded  to  him  and 
Ex-Governor  William  D.  Moseley,  of  Florida,  '^e  grad-  v/ 
uated  in  June,  1818,  with  the  highest  distinction,  which 
was  assigned  to  him  alone,  as  the  best  scholar  in  both  the 
mathematics  and  classics,  and  delivered  the  Latin  Salu- 
tatory Oration.  The  second  distinction,  at  this  com- 
mencement, was  awarded  to  William  M.  Green,  who  de- 
livered the  valedictory,  and  was  afterwards  Professor  of 
Rhetoric  and  Logic  in  the  University,  which  station  he 
resigned  in  1849  to  enter  upon  his  duties  as  Bishop  of  the 
Episcopal  Church  in  the  Diocese  of  Mississippi. 

Mr.  Polk  did  not  forget  his  Alma  Mater  amid  the  busy 
scenes,  the  turmoil  and  confusion,  of  his  active  life  ;  nor 
did  she  lose  sight  of  one  who  reflected .  so  much  credit 
upon  her,  in  every  station  that  he  filled.  He  often  re- 
visited her  shrine,  and  attended  the  pleasant  reunions  of 
the  Mother  and  her  sons  ;  and  at  the  annual  commence- 
ment, in  June,  1847,  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  ■ 
Laws  was  conferred  upon  him,  together  with  John  Y. 
Mason,  late  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  of  the  class  of  1816, 
and  Willie  P.  Mangum,  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 


44     *  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1818. 

States,  and  a  member  of  the  class  of  1815, — a  compli- 
ment, in  each  instance,  most  richly  deserved,  by  good 
scholarship  and  correct  deportment  while  in  college,  and 
by  ability  and  fidelity  displayed  in  the  public  service. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Commences  the  Study  of  the  Law  in  the  Office  of  Felix  Grundy-Se- 
cures  the  Friendship  of  Andrew  Jackson— Admitted  to  the  Bar— Success 
in  the  Practice  of  his  Profession— His  Political  Associations— Style  and 
Manner  as  a  Public  Speaker— Chief  Clerk  and  Member  of  the  Ten- 
nessee Legislature— DuelTing  Law— Internal  Improvements— His  Mar- 
riajre— Mrs.  Polk. 


When  Mr.  Polk  left  the  University,  his  health  was  v 
considerably  impaired  by  his  constant  and  unremitting 
application  to  his  studies.  But  the  hopes  and  aspirations 
of  youth,  like  the  waters  of  the  magical  fountain  which 
Ponce  de  Leon  so  longed  to  discover,  are  famed  for  their 
restorative  powers ;  and  the  mind,  as  the  body,  in  the 
spring-time  of  life,  contains  within  itself  a  host  of  recu- 
perative energies.  A  few  months  of  relaxation  and  res- 
pite from  study,  were  sufficient  fully  to  restore  him  ;  and 
the  choice  of  a  profession  was  then  to  be  considered  and 
decided.  This  was  not  at  all  difficult.  His  thoughts 
had  long  been  directed  toward  the  law,  and  each  suc- 
ceeding year  had  served  to  confirm  and  strengthen  the 
desire  which  he  had  half  formed  ere  the  time  came  for 
sober  and  serious  reflection. 

His  final  determination  was  made  in  accordance  with 
his  previous  inclinations  ;  and  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1819,  he  entered  tlie  office  of  Felix  Grundy,  at  V 
Nashville.     Mr.  Grundy  was  then  in  the  zenith  of  his 
fame— at  the  head  of  the  Tennessee  bar— enjoying  the 


46  ^  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1819. 

professional  honors  and  rewards  -winch  continued  to  flow 
liberally  upon  him — and  with  the  laurels  he  had  won  on 
the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  in  defence  of  the  war  measures  of  President  Mad- 
ison, blooming  freshly  on  his  brow.  In  him  Mr.  Polk 
found  not  only  a  legal  preceptor  whose  rich  stores  of 
learning  were  freely  opened  for  his  profit  and  instruction, 
but  "  an  experienced  Nestor,"  i,vhose  counsel  and  advice 
guided  and  directed  his  footsteps  aright,  upon  the  same 
road  once  travelled  by  himself,  to  the  distinction  and 
eminence  which  he  had  attained.  He  found  him,  also, 
a  warm  and  sincere  friend,  who  admitted  him  to  his  con- 
fidence and  his  heart,  who  "sympathized  with  him  over  the 
difficulties  that  attended  his  first  efforts  to  master  the 
black-letter  of  his  profession,  who  watched  his  progress 
with  paternal  solicitude  and  care,  and  who  rejoiced  most 
heartily  at  the  success  that  rewarded  his  exertions.  A 
friendship  sprung  up  between  them,  cherished  on  the  one 
side  with  all  the  ardor  and  disinterestedness  of  youth, 
and  on  the  other,  though  less  lavish,  perhaps,  in  profes- 
sions, marked  by  the  calm  and  deep  earnestness  of  age : 
it  stood  the  test  of  years,  and  the  changes  of  time  and  cir- 
cumstance, and  it  was  severed  only  by  death,  the  great 
destroyer  of  human  hopes  and  human  ties. 

Beside  being  the  favorite  student  of  Mr.  Grundy,  it 
was  the  good  fortune  of  Mr.  Polk,  during  his  residence 
at  Nashville,  to  attract  the  attention  and  to  win  the  es- 
i3em  of  one  who  bound  his  friends  to  him  with  hooks. of 
adamant,  and  whose  favor  could  not  be  too  highly  prized  ; 
of  one,  whose  influence  over  him,  powerful  though  it 
was,  was  at  all  times  voluntarily  and  cheerfully  acknowl- 


1819.]  FRIENDSHIP    OF    ANDREW    JACKSON.  47 

edged  ;  of  Andrew  Jackson,  the  gallant  defender  of  ^ 
New  Orleans,  already  occupying  a  proud  position  among 
the  great  men  of  the  nation.*  Both  preceptor  and  pupil' 
were  ever  welcome  guests  at  the  Hermitage  ;  both  con- 
tributed, in  after  years,  to  the  elevation  of  its  occupant 
to  the  highest  station  in  the  land,  and,  the  one  in  the 
Senate,  and  the  other  in  the  House,  sustained  and  de- 
fended his  administration  against  whomsoever  assailed  it, 
in  storm  and  in  sunshine,  from  its  commencement  to  its 
close.  A  General  Jackson  was  always  warmly  attached  to 
Mr.  Polk  :  he  looked  upon  him  something  in  tlie  light  of 
a  protege ^  and  took  a  deep  interest  in  his  political  ad- 
vancement. His  feelings  were  often  manifested  in  a 
manner  that  could  not  be  mistaken,  and  particularly  so  at 
the  presidential  election  in  1844,  when,  though  trembling 
on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  he  appeared  at  the  polls,  and 
deposited  his  ballot  in  favor  of  the  republican  candidates, 
James  K.  Polk  and  George  M.  Dallas. 

Within  two  yeare  from' the  time  he  entered  the  office 
of  Mr.  Grundy,  Mr.  Polk  had  made  sufficient  progress  in 
his  legal  studies  to  entitle  him  to  an  examination,  and 
near  the  close  of  1820  he  was  regularly  admitted  to  theV^ 
bar.  He  now  returned  to  Maury  "County,  and  established 
himself  in  practice  at  Columbia,  among  the  companions 
of  his  boyhood,  who  had  grown  up  with  him  to  man's  es- 
tate,— among  those  who  had  known  and  esteemed  him 

*  Recollections  of  the  past  undoubtedly  aided  to  strengthen  the  friend- 
ship of  General  Jackson  for  JNIr.  Polk.  When  the  former  was  obliged  to 
fly  with  his  mother  and  brother  before  the  army  of  Cornwallis,  in  the  war 
of  the  Revolution,  they  took  refuge^  Mecklenburg  County,  and  resided 
for  some  time  with  the  neighbors  and  friends  of  Mr.  Polk's  father  and 
grandfather.— Foote's  Sketches,  pp.  199,  476. 


48  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1820. 

from  liis  earliest  years.  His  advantages  were  great,  in 
consequence  of  the  ^connection  of  bis  family,  by  the  ties 
•of  blood  or  of  friendship,  with  most  of  the  old  inhabitants 
and  their  descendants.  His  success,  therefore,  was  equal 
to  his  fondest  hopes  ;  yet  this  may  be  attributed  far  more 
to  his  personal  qualities  and  conduct,  than  to  any  adven- 
titious circumstances.  "  A  republican  in  habits  as  well 
as  principles,  depending  for  the  maintenance  of  his  dig- 
nity upon  the  esteem  of  others,  and  not  upon  his  own 
assumption,  his  manners  conciliated  the  general  good  will. 
The  confidence  of  his  friends  was  justified  by  the  result. 
His  thorough  academical  preparation,  his  accurate  knowl- 
edge of  the  law,  his  readiness  and  resources  in  debate, 
his  unwearied  application  to  business,  secured  him,  at 
once,  full  employment,  and  in  less  than  a  year  he  was 
already  a  leading  practitioner.  Such  prompt  success  in 
a  profession  where  the  early  stages  are  proverbially  slow 
and  discouraging,  falls  to  the  lot  of  few."* 

As  a  lawyer  he  was  no  more  a  sciolist,  than  he  had 
been  as  a  student  in  college.  His  learning  was  thorough 
and  profound.  Perfectly  familiar  with  the  lore  of  his 
profession,  and  prompt  and  accurate  in  judgment,  his  cli- 
ents were  accustomed  to  place  the  utmost  reliance  on  his 
opinions.  In  the  trial  of  causes  he  was  wary  and  skil- 
ful, but  frank  and.  honorable ;  he  disdained  to  avail  him- 
self of-tricks  or  technicaUties,  but  he  never  suffered  his 
opponent  to  obtain  any  advantage  through  his  own  care- 
lessness or  neglect.  •  In  addressing  a  jury  he  was  always 
animated  and  impressive  in  manner,  though  his  language 

*  Democratic  Review,  May,  1838. 


1820.]  PROFESSIONAL    SUCCESS.  49 

was  impassioned  or  argumentative^  as  the  occasion  re-  y 
quired.  He  was  a  close  logician,  an  able  reasoner ;  and 
in  the  argument  of  legal  questions,  he  wielded  the  club 
of  Hercules.  His  reputation  was  not  confined  to  Maury 
alone  ;  it  extended  to  the  adjoining  counties,  and  through- 
out the  state.  Wherever  he  was  known  he  was  respected 
and  esteemed  for  his  talents,  his  courtesy,  his  -  kindness 
and  generosity  of  heart,  his  uprightness  and  integrity ; 
and  this  favorable  estimation  in  which  he  was  held,  was 
no  reluctant  acknowledgment,  yielded,  like  the  bounty  of 
the  miser,  sparingly  and  with  regret,  but  a  voluntary 
tribute  to  his  worth. 

Mr.  Polk  remained  at  the  bar,  it  may  be  said,'  up  to 
the  time  of  his  election  as  governor  of  Tennessee,  but  for  ^ 
several  years  he  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  the  labo- 
rious duties  of  his  calling,  constantly  adding  to  his  prac- 
tice and  his  reputation,  and  annually  reaping  a  rich 
harvest  of  professional  emoluments.  Though  "  there 
were  giants  in  the  land,"  he  stood  in  the  front  rank 
among  his  cotemporaries.  During  some  portion  of  this 
period  he  was  associated  with  other  practitioners  in  busi- 
ness, and  at  other  times  he  was  alone.  Among  his  law 
partners  were  Aaron  V.  Brown,  of  Pulaski,  for  some  years 
a  representative  in  Congress  from  the  sixth  district  (Ten- 
nessee) and  governor  of  the  state  from  1845  to  1847,  and 
Gideon  J.  Pillow,  a  major-general  in  the  army  during  the 
war  with  Mexico. 

Allusion  has  been  already  made  to  the  politics  of  that 
branch  of  the  Polk  family  who  remained  in  Maryland. 
Those  who  migrated  to  North  Carolina  entertained  simi- 
lar sentiments.     The  father  of  the  late  President  also 
3 


50  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  ^[1823. 

belonged  to  the  JefFersonian  scliool ;  he  supported  its 
founder  in  the  great  contest  of  1800,  and  up  to  tlie  close 
of  his  life  was  the  firm  and  consistent  advocate  of  repub- 
lican principles;  The  associations  of  Mr.  Polk  himself, 
in  early  life,  and  while  he  was  reading  law,  naturally 
inclined  him  to  adopt  the  same  opinions  ;  but  the  convic- 
tions of  his  matured  judgment  accorded  with  and  ap- 
proved them. 

It  is  rarely  the  case,  in  this  country,  that  the  politician 
and  the  lawyer  are  not  united  in  one  and  the  same  person; 
and  Mr.  Polk  was  not  an  exception  to  this  general  rule. 
As  soon  as  he  became  a  voter  he  attached  himself  to  the 
republican  party,  and  aftfer  his  admission  to  the  bar,  was 
an  active  participant  in  the  political  contests  of  that  day. 
His  style  and  manner  as  a  public  speaker  were  eminently 
calculated  to  win  the  favor  of  a  popular  assembly,  and  he 
was  often  sent  for  many  miles  from  his  home  to  address 
1^6  meetings  of  his  party  friends.  His  reputation  in  this 
respect  was  unrivalled,  and  it  was  ultimately  conceded  by 
men  of  all  parties,  that  he  richly  merited  the  distinction 
generally  awardi^d  to  him,  of  being  the  "  Napoleon  of  the 
Stump"  in  Tennessee. 

In  his  political  harangues,  however,  he  did  not  deviate 
from  the  ruling  principle  of  his  life, — to  seek  for  the  use- 
ful rather  than  the  ornamental.  He  charmed  his  hear- 
ers, not  by  frothy  declamation,  but  by  his  plain  and  prac- 
tical common  sense.  '  He  captivated  and  interested  them 
by  his  smcerity,  and  led  them  imperceptibly  to  adopt  his 
conclusions,  by  the  simple  beauty  and  cogency  of  his  ar- 
gum^ts,  and  his  pertinent  and  forcible  illustrations.  He 
aimed  to  convince,  not  merely  to  produce  an  impression 


'it 


1823.]  STYLE    AS    A    PUBLIC    SPEAKER.  51 

favorable  to  the  speaker.     His  elocution  was  rapid,  but 

fluent,  his  address  easy,  yet  dignified ;  his  manner  ear- 
nest, often  enthusiastic.  Though  naturally  reserved  in 
his  disposition,  he  occasionally  indulged'  himself  in  a 
playful  sally  of  wit.  But  his  language  was  always  sin- 
gularly correct  and  chaste ;  he  sought  for  none  of  the 
flowers  of  rhetoric,  no  brilliant  figures  or  high-wrought 
metaphors,  but  regarded  them  as  equally  deceptive  and 
unsubstantial  with  the  dew-drops  that  sparkled  at  his 
feet,  and  which  disappeared  in  the  first  hour  of  sunshine. 
He  expressed  himself  in  the  good  old  idioms  of  his  mother 
tongue,  which  he  found  to  harmonize  so  well  with  his  own 
sentiments,  and  with  the  honest  independence  and 
straightforward  character  of  the  freemen  whom  he  ad- 
dressed. 

In  private  life,  too,  in  his  social  habits,  he  was  fitted 
by  nature  to  win  ''troops  of  friends."  His  daily  walk 
and  conversation  were  blameless.  He  had  none  of  the 
low  arts  or  tricks  of  the  demagogue.  He  was  affable  and 
polite ;  maintaining  the  dignity  of  his  position,  without 
exhibiting  the  arrogancy  that  wounds.  He  was  not,  like 
the  Parisian,  "  a  democrat  when  on  foot,  and  an  aristo- 
crat when  in  his  carriage."  The  welfare  of  his  friends 
and  neighbors  was  at  all  times  a  matter  of  importance  in 
his  estimation ;  and  whenever  it  was  proper  for  him  to 
interfere,  he  interested  himself  in  their  commonest  con- 
cerns, in  the  kindest  arid  most  sympathizing  manner. 
Friendly  words  and  smiles  seemed  to  cost  him  nothing ; 
they  came  .to  his  lips  unbidden,  and  lighted  up  his  cheek 
without  an  effort. 

Possessing  all  these  advantages  of  mind  and  disp^si- 


52  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1823. 

v'  tion  so  necessary  to  success  in  an  aspirant  for  political 
honors  ;  deep-rooted  in  the  affections  of  a  large  circle  of 
admirhig  friends  ;  the  pride  and  the  hope  of  the  party  to 
ivhich  he  belonged,- he  entered  public  life  at  an  early  age., 

-^  His  first  employment  in  this  character  "U'as  that  of  chief 
clerk  to  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  Tennessee 
legislatu)-e ;  and  in  the  summer  of  1823,  in  accordance 
not  more  with  his  own  desire  than  with  the  wishes  of  his 
friends,  he  took  the  stump  against  the  former  member  of 
that  body  from  Maury.  A  most  formidable  opposition 
was  encountered,  but  after  an  animated  canvass  he  se- 
cured his  election  by  a  heavj^  majority. 
^  He  remained  in  the  legislature  for  two  successive 
years,  being  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  talented 
and  promising  members.  His  ability  and^ shrewdness  in 
debate,  his  business  tact,  his  firmness  and  industry,  se- 
*  ^-ed  him  a  high  reputation.  Most  of  the  measures  of 
the  then  President,  Mr.  Monroe,  received  his  unqualified 
support  ajp  approbation,  Snd'hewas  ardently  desirous 
that  the  successor  of  the  former  should  be  one  who  had 
no  sympathy  for  the  iatitudinarian  doctrines  with  refer- 
ence to  the  constitution  which  appeared  to  be  gaining 
"^ound.  Animated  by  this  -motive,,  he  approved  of  the 
nomination  of  Andrevr  Jackson  for  the  Presidency,  made 
V  by  the  Tennessee  legislature  in  August,.  1822 ;  and  in 
tiie  autumn  of  the  following  year,  he  contributed  by  his 
influence  and  vote  to  the  eleotiaij  of  his  distinguished 
friend  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  #• 

Wliile  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly^  Mr.  Polk 
succeeded  in  procuring  the  passage  of  a  law  designed  to 
present  duelling.     Though  residing  in  a  section  ^^f  the 


1824. 


DUELLING    LAW. 


53 


Union  where-  this  mode  of  vindicating  one's  honor  when 
assailed  has  ever  been  sustained  by  the  general  sense  of^ 
the  community,  oftentimes  in  opposition  to  positive  enactJ 
ments,  he  was  never  concerned  in  a  duel,  during  hisi 
whole  life,  either  as  principal  or  second.  This  was  th 
more  remarkable,  because  of  the  many  stormy  epochs  i 
his  polifical  career.  His  aversion  to  duelling  did  not 
proceed  iVom  constitutional  timidity  ;  he  was  utterly  op 
posed  to  the  practice,  from  principle ;  and  though  he 
made  no  unbecoming  parade  of  his  sentiments,  he  did  not 
care  to  conceal  them.  No  one  ever  invaded  his  pbrsonal 
rights  without  finding  him  prepared  to  defend  them. 
Never  giving  an  insult  himself,  he  was  not  called  upon 
to  render  satisfaction ;  and  if  indignity  were  offered  to 
him,-  it  was  resented  by  the  silence  that  indicated  his 
contempt,  or    the  prompt  rebuke  that    carried    with  it 


pui 


Lshment  enom 


He  could  not  imbrue  his  hands  un- 


necessarily in  the  blood   of  his  fellow-man  ;  but  he  pos- 
sessed true  moral  courage — that  braver}^  of  soul  which  ' 
prompted  him  to  do  right. 

iMr.  Polk   always   doubted  the  power  of  the  general!  ^ 
government  to  make  improvements  in  the  States  ;  and  hisl 
doubts  ultimately  became  absolute  denials  of  the  right.  1 
He  concurred,  howevey,  with  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  belief 
that  such  impr^ffements  were  desirable,  and  that  it  would 
be  proper  to  amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  confer  the 
power,  although,  in  the  absence  of  such  an  amendment, 
^  they  might  be  carried  on  with  the  consent  of  the  States 
in  which  they  were  located.*    When,  therefore,  the  Pres- 
t 
*  Special  ]\Iessage  of  Mr.  Monroe,  May  4th,  1822. 


54  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1824. 

m 
ident  so  far  yielded  to  those  of  his  friends^  v;liQ  had  long 
vainly  attempted  to  persuade  him  to  lend  his  countenance 
to  an  extensive  system  of  improvements,  as  to  give  his 
consent  to  the  act  of  1824,  authorizing  surveys  to  be 
made  of  the  routes  of  such  roads  and  canals  as  he  might 
deem  of  national  importance,  Mr.  Polk  looked  upon  the 

*  measure  with  favor;  and  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the 
,  legislature  on  the  29th  of  September,  1824,  on  the  bill  to 

incorporate  the  Murfreesborough  Turnpike  Company,  he 
expressed  the  opinion  that  such  v.'orks  ought  properly  to 
be  constructed  by  the  State  or  the  general  governmept, 
and  added  that,  inasmuch  as  "  the  question  with  regard 
to  the  powers  of  the  government  to  make  internal  im- 
provements" had  been  settled  at  the  previous  session  of 

♦  Congress,  "  he  thought  it  likely  that  the  attention  of  the 
government  might  be  directed  to  the  object  of  extending 
the  military  road  from  New  Orleans." 

The  views  of  Mr.  Polk  on  this  question  of  internal  im- 
provements subsequently  underwent  a  change;  and  when 
he  saw  what  great  latitude  had  been  taken  under  the  con- 
stitution as  it  was,  and  how  much  danger  there  was  to 
be  apprehended  from  the  undue  enlargement  of  the  power 
i  of  the  general  government  by  the  adoption  of  the  proposed 
amendment,  he  took  decided  ground  against  any  change, 
and  exerted  all  his  influence  and  authority  to  bring  back 
.  the  ship  of  state  to  her  ancient  moorings.  * 
\/      On  the  1st  day  of  January,  1824,  ^Ir.  Polk  was  mar- 
ried to  Sarah  Childless,  the  daughter  of  Joel  Childress,  a-r 
*^  wealthy  and  enterprising  merchant  of  Rutherford  county, 
Tennessee.     Mr.  Childress  was  a  native  of  Campbell 
I  county,  Virginia,  and  married  Elizabeth  Whitsitt. 


1824. J  MRS.    POLK.  55 

Mrs.  Polk  T^•as  well  fitted  to  adorn  any  station.  To 
the  charms  of  a  fine  person  she  united  intellectual  accom- 
plishments of  a  high  order.  Sweetness  of  disposition, 
gracefulness  and  ease  of  manner,  and  beauty  of  mind, 
were  happily  blended  in  her  character.  A  kind  mistress, 
a  faithful  friend,  and  a  devoted  wife,— these  are  her  titles 
to  esteem  ;  and  they  are  gems  brighter  and  more  resplen- 
dent than  ever  decorated  a  queenly  brow.  Afiable,  but 
dignified  ;  intelligent,  but  unaffected  ;  frank  and  sincere, 
yet  never  losing  sight  of  the  respect  due  to  her  position, 
she  won  the  regard  of  all  who  approached  her.  Her  un- 
failing courtesy,  and  her  winning  deportment,  were  re- 
marked by  every  one  who  saw  her  presiding  at  the  White 
House;*  each  one  of  her  husband's  guests  was  for  the 

*  No  excuse  need  be  offered  for  the  insertion  in  this  place  of  the  follow 
ing  well-told  anecdote,  having  reference  to  an  incident  that  transpired  dur- 
ing a  visit  of  the  eloquent  orntor  and  eminent  igtatesman,  Henry  Clay,  at 
Washington,  in  the  winter  of  ISIS,  wh--ch  '..rigii.ally  appeared  in  a  public 
iournal :— "  Shortly  before  his  departure  fvom  the  Capital,  Mr.  Clay  at- 
tended a  dinner  party,  with  mnyolhelP' distinguished  gentltoien  of  both 
political  parties,  at  the  President's  honse.  The  party  is  said  to  have  been 
a  very  pleasant  affair— the  viands  were  choice,  the  wine  was  old  and  spark- 
"i^g— good  feeling  abounded,  and  wit  and  lively  repartee  gave  zest  to  the 
occasion,  while  Mrs.  Polk,  the  winning  and  accomplished  hostess,  added 
the  finishing  grace  of  her  excellent  housewifery  in  the  superior  management 
of  the  feast.  Mr.  Clay  was  of  course  honored  with  a  seat  near  the  President's 
lady,  where  it  became  him  to  put  in  requisition  those  insinuating-  talents 
which  he  possesses  in  so  eminent  a  deforce,  and  which  are  irresistible  even 
to  his  enemies.  Mrs.  Polk,  with  her  u^ual  frank  and  affable  manner,  was 
extremely  courteous  to  her  distirguisled  guest,  on  whose  good  opinion,  as 
of  all  who  share  the  hospitalities  of  the  White  House,  she  did  not  fail  to 
win. 

"  '  Madam,'  said  Mr.  Clay,  in  that  bl.-md  manner  peculiar  to  himself,  '  I 
must  say  that-in  my  tra^-els,  wherever  I  have  been,  in  all  companies  and 
among  all  parties,  T  havaheard  but  one  opinion  of  you.  All  agree  in  com- 
mending, in  the  highest  terms,  your  excellent  administration  of  the  domes- 


1  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.^  [1824. 

timi  being  her  favorite;  and  none  who  beheld  her 
moring  in  what  seemed  to  be  her  appropriate  sphere, 
will  hesitate  to  join  in  the  hope,  that  she  may  long  be 
spared,  like  the  wife  of  Madison,  to  perpetuate  the 
memory  of  him  whose  name  she  bears,  and  to  witness 
the  impartial  verdict  which  history  will  ere  long  record, 
in  justice  to  his  fame.  ♦ 

tic  affairs  of  the  White  House.  Bat,'  contiaued  he,  directing  her  atten- 
tion to  her  husband,  *  as  for  that  young  gentleman  there,  I  cannot  say  as 
much.  There  is,'  said  he,  '  some  little  difference  of  opinion  in  regard  to 
the  policy  of  his  course.' 

"  '  Indeed,'  said  Mrs.  Polk,  '  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  my  administration 
is  popular.  And  in  return  for  your  compliment,  I  will  say  that  if  the  coun- 
tiy  should  elect  a  Whig  next  fall,  I  know  of  no  one  whose  elevation  would 
please  me  more  than  that  of  Henry  Clay.' 

"  '  Thank  you,  thank  you,  Madam.' 

— "  '  And  I  will  assure  you  of  one  thing.  If  you  do  have  occasion  to  occu- 
py the  White  House  on  the  fourth  of  March  next,  it  shall  be  surrendered 
to  you  in  perfect  order,  from  garret  to  cellar.' 

"  '  I'm  certain  that ' 

"  But,  the  laugh  that  followed  this  plea-^  mt  repartee,  which  lost  nothing 
from  the  manner  nor  the  occasion  of  it,  d  .1  not  permit  the  guests  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  table  to  hear  the  rest  of  .  Ir.  Clay's  reply.  Whether  he 
was  '  certain  that'  he  should  be  the  tenant  of  the  President's  mansion,  or 
whether  he  only  said  he  was  '  certain  that'  whoever  did  occupy  it  would 
find  it  in  good  condition,  like  the  result  of  the  coming  contest  for  the  Presi- 
dency, remains  a  mystery." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Chosen  a  Member  of  Congress — Repeated  Reelections— Opposition  to  INIr. 
Adams'  Administration — The  Panama  Mis -ion  and  the  American  Sys- 
tem—Support of  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Van  Buren— The  TarifiF  Ques- 
tion— Internal  Improvements — The  Pension  Laws — United  States  Bank — 
Independent  Treasur3^ 

In  the  spring  of  1825,  Mr.  Polk  offered  himself  to  the 
electors  of  the  sixth  or  Duck  river  district,  in  -u'hich  he 
resided,  as  their  candidate  for  Congress,  At  this  time 
the  subject  of  internal  improvements  was  attracting  unu- 
sual attention  in  Tennessee,  owing,  probably,  to  the 
exarninations  recently  made  by  the  Board  of  Engineers, 
under  the  act  of  •1821-,  of  the  country  between  the  Poto- 
mac and  Ohio  rivers.  Indeed,  it  was  the  only  political 
question  of  importance, — except  the  manner  in  which 
General  Jackson,  whom  Mr.  Polk  had  ardently  supported, 
liad  been  defrauded,  as  was  alleged  by  his  friends,  of  the 
presidency, — ^that  was  then  agitated  or  discussed ;  for, 
although  there  had  been  several  candidates  voted  for  at 
the  late  presidental  election,  they  all  claimed  to  belong 
to  the  same  party. 

The  views  of  Mr.  Polk,  at  this  period,  as  has  been 
intimated,  were  at  least  friendly,  if  not  entirely  favorable, 
to  the  construction  of  works  of  iniernal  improvement  by 
the  national  government.  He  had  doubts  an<i  misgivings  ; 
but  in  accordance  with  what  appeared  to  be  the  prevail- 
3* 


I 


58       .  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39., 

ing  sentiment  throughout  the  Union,  he  felt  inclined  to 
yield  them.  In  a  circular  letter  addressed  to  his  con- 
stituents, on  the  lO.th  day  of  May,  1825,  he  said :  "  How 
far  the  general  government  has  power  to  make  internal 
improvements,  has  been  a  question  of  some  difficulty  in 
the  deliberations  of  Congress.  It  has  been  a  question 
long  and  ably  controverted  by  our  wisest  statesmen.  It 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  lately  settled  by  the  three 
great  departments  of  the  government  in  favor  of  the 
exercise  of  such  a  power.  *  *  *  xhe  expediency 
of  making  internal  improvements  is  unquestioned ;  it  is 
only  on  the  question  of  power  that  doubt  has  arisen. 
They  are  calculated  to  promote  the  agricultural,  com- 
mercial, and  manufacturing  interests  of  the  country ; 
they  add  to  the  wealth,  prosperity,  and  convenience  of 
the  great  body  of  the  people,  by  diminishing  the  expenses, 
and  improving  the  facilities  for  the  transportation  of  our 
surplus  products  to  market,  and  furnishing  an  easy  and 
cheap  return  of  those  necessaries  required  for  our  con- 
sumption. A  judicious  system  of  internal  improvements, 
within  the  powers  delegated  to  the  general  government, 
I  therefore  approve." 

It  is  very  evident  from  the  general  tenor  of  these  extracts, 
and  from  the  cautious  mode  of  expression  made  use  of  by 
the  writer,  that  he  feared  lest  the  powers  of  the  general 
government  should  be  unduly  enlarged  by  a  latitudina- 
rian  ccnstruction  of  the  federal  constitution ;  and  as  a 
thorough-going  and  consistent  states'-rights  man,  he  had 
a  natural  di^ad  of  conceding  anything  by  way  of  impli- 
cation. It  is  one  of  the  faults,  among  the  numberless 
blessings,  of  a  written  constitution,  that  those  who  orig- 


1825-39. J  VIEWS  ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.     69 

inate  it,  and  for  whose  protection  it  is,  or  should  be 
framed,  are  sometimes  lulled  into  a  false  security. 
Having  thrown  every  conceivable  safeguard  around  it, 
they  are  too  jfpt  to  fancy  themselves  perfectly  protected  f- 
against  the  assaults  of  open  or  secret  enemies.  The 
greatest  wrong  a  people  can  do,  is  to  sleep  on  their  rights, 
jind  by  so  doing,  afford  crafty  and  designing^  nien_  i^e 
opportunit}^,  but  top  frequently  seizM  with  avidity,.,  of 
blinding  and  betraying  them.  The  exercise  of  power  by 
delegated  agents  is  in  its  nature  aristocratic,  and  like  all 
aristocracies,  seeks  to  increase  its  influence,  and  to  per- 
petuate its  existence.  Nothing  can  be  safely  jelled  on 
to  counteract  these  natural  tendencies,  but  the  closest 
care  and  scrutiny  on  the  j)art  of  tEe  principals  who  have 
jielegated  the  power. 

In  a  government  constituted  like  ours,  encroachments 
on  the  rights  of  the  states  by  the  national  authorities,  are 
always  to  be  feared.  Freemen  as  we  are,  each  man  indi- 
vidually a  sovereign,  proud  of  our  independence,  and  of 
the  privileges  and  immunities  that  have  been  handed 
down  to  us  by  our  forefathers,  we  are  too  pror.c  to  forget 
that  "  eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty ;"  that  the 
first  great  duty  which  we  owe  to  our  country,  to  our- 
selves and  our  posterity,  is  to  see  that  the  purity  of  the 
government  is  maintained.  Direct  attempts  to  subvert 
the  principles  of  the  constitution — to  overawe  the  free 
and  full  expression  of  the  popular  will ;  open  and  undis- 
guised acts  of  tyranny  and  injustice,  are  rarely  known 
among  us,  because  their  bearing  is  at  once  perceived  and 
understood,  and  they  are  sure  to  be  immediately  resisted 
and  condemned,    .Desimins:  and  ambitious  men,  however 


60  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39. 

unprincipled,  rarely,  if  ever,  resort  to  overt  acts  for  the 
accomplishment  of  their  deep-laid  schemes.  On  the 
contrary,  adopting  the  motto  of  Talleyrand,  that  "lan- 
guage is  given  to  man  to  conceal  his  thi^ughts,"  their 
chief  dependence  is  on  their  ability  to  hide  their  plans, 
and  to  practice  successful  deception.  Their  whole  sys- 
tem' of  tactics  is  indirect  in  its  operations ;  they  do 
nothing'  directly, — -.they  work  secretly  and  in  the  dark. 
They  never  aim  to  secure  an  important  position  by  a 
single  bold  stroke ;  everything  is  effected  by  a  series  of 
slow  but  sure  advances.  If  they  are  able  to  bring  about 
the  adoption  of  a  single  measure,  without  attracting  at- 
tention to  the  secret  motives  that  originated  it,  another 
of  the  sam:  ruroort,  but  a  little  stronger  in  its  character, 
is  certain  to  be  j-'rcoosed.  These  two  secured,  their 
authors  are  encouraged  cc  rrosecute  their  measures,  in  a 
regular  gradation,  till  they  reacn  the  final  result  sought 
to  be  attained.  That  once  accomplished,  the  victims 
may  struggle  vainly  and  ineffectually  in  the  toils  so  cun- 
ningly devised  to  entrap  them. 

The  history  of  the  American  government,  and  of 
its  legislation  in  particular,  abounds  in  illustrations 
that  will  confirm  and  enforce  the  correctness  of  these 
views.  Although  Mr.  Polk,  like  many  other  young  men 
belonging  to  the  republican  party,  was  disposed,  in  1825, 
to  adopt  the  impression  that  the  authority  to  construct 
works  of  internal  improvement  wsls  comprehended  in  che 
money-power  conferred  by  the  Constitution,  further  .re^ 
flection  and  experience  convinced  him  of  his  error.  * 

*  Harbor  and  River  Veto,  August  3,  1846  ;  Internal  Imrfovement  Mes- 
sage, December  15, 1847. 


1825-39. J         CHOSEN    A    MEMBER    OF    CONGRESS.  61 

At  the  August  election  in  1825,  he  was  chosen  a  mem-  -^ 
ber  of  Congress,  by  a  most  flattering  vote.  That  he  dis- 
charged his  duties  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  those 
whom  he  represented,  is  evidenced  by  the  fact,  that  he 
was  repeatedly  returned  by  the  same  constituency,  for 
fourteen  years  in  succession,  from  1825  to  1839.  In  the  "^ 
latter  year  he  voluntarily  withdrew  from  another  contest, 
in  which  his  success  was  not  even  questionable,  in  order 
to  become  a.  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor  of  his 
adopted  State. 

Mr.  Polk  first  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, as  a  member  of  the  19th  Congress,  in  December, 
1825  ;  being,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  the  youngest 
member  of  that  body.  The  same  habits  of  laborious  ap- 
plication which  had  previously  characterized  him  ,^ were 
now  displayed  on  the  floor  of  the  House  and  in  t,he  com- 
mittee-room. He  was  punctual  and  prompt  in  the  per-  ^ 
formance  of  every  duty,  and  firm  and  zealous  in  the 
maintenance  and  advocacy  of  his  opinions.  He  spoke 
frequently,  but  was  invariably  listened  to  with  Reference 
and  respect.  He  was  always  courteous  in  debate ;  his 
speeches  had  nothing  declamatory  about  them, — they 
were  always  to  the  point,  always  clear  and  forcible.  So  ^ 
faithful  and  exemplary  was  he  in  his  attendance  upon 
the  sessions  of  Conirress,  that  it  is  said  he  never  missed 
a  division  while  occupying  a  seat  on  the  floor  of  the 
House,  and  was  not  absent  from  the  daily  sittings  for  a 
single  day,  except  on  one  occasion,  on  account  of  indis- 
position. Such  punctuality  is  rarely  witnessed  in  a  leg- 
islator, and  it  deserves  to  be  remembered. 

John  Quincy  Adams  had  scarcely  seated  himself  in  the 


62  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39. 

chair  of  state,  Tvhen  he  discovered  that  his  position  was 
environed  "with  difficulties  and  embarre.ssir.ents.  As  a 
member  of  Mr.  ^Monroe's  cabinet,  he  had  advocated  a  lib- 
eral policy  in  regard  to  internal  improvements,  and  a 
high  protective  tariff.  In  his  inaugural  address,  he  took 
bolder  and  more  decided  ground  than  he  had  hitherto 
done,  and  advanced  views  and  doctrines  utterly  at  vari- 
ance with  those  cherished  by  the  old  republican  party, 
and  trenching  closely  on  the  federal  platform  of  1800. 
The  friends  of  General  Jackson,  Mr.  Crawford,  Mr. 
Calhoun,  and  a  portion  of  those  who  had  supported  Mr. 
Clay,  immediately  manifested  a  disposition  vigorously 
to  oppose  the  new  administration,  the  tendency  of  which, 
as  they  maintained,  was  toward  federalism  and  consolida- 
tion. This  feeling  was  strengthened,  when  they  discovered 
in  the  appointments  to  office,  and  in  the  manner'in  which 
all  the  important  committees  of  the  19  th  Congress  were 
constituted  by  the  Speaker,  a  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  the 
certain  indications  of  an  intention  to  build  up  a  party 
w^ith  the  President  at  its  head,  and  to  proscribe  those 
who  were  supposed  to  be  unfriendly  to  his  reelection. 
The  measures  of  policy,  too,  which  he  recommended, 
w^ere  not  approved  by  the  great  majority  of  the  repub- 
lican friends  of  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe. 

Immediately  after  the  organization  of  the  two  houses 
of  Congress,  in  December,  1825,  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances attending  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams,  through  the 
influence  and  aid  of  Mr.  Clay,  were  brought  up  in  review. 
Amendments  to  the  constitution  were  proposed  in  the 
Senate  by  Mr.  Benton,  of  Missouri,  providing  for  a  direct 
vote  by  the  people,  in  districts,  for  president,  and  dis- 


1825-39. J  THE    PANAMA    MISSION.  63 

pensiiig  with  the  electoral  colleges  ;  and  by  Mr.  McDuf- 
fic,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  House,  authorizing  the 
electoHft  to  be  chosen  by  districts,  and  containing  pro- 
visions which  would  prevent  the  choice  of  president,  in 
future,  from  devolving  on  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Mr.  Polk  made  his  debut  as  a  speaker  on  this  question, v^ 
and  advocated  the  amendment  of  the  constitution,  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  give  tlie  choice  of  president  and  vice-pres- 
ident directly  to  the  people.  As  one  of  the  friends  of 
General  Jackson,  he  e;it:>red  v>-armly  into  the  subject,  and 
his  speech  was  characterized  by  what  was  with  him  an 
unusual  decree  of  animation  in  addressins;  a  deliberative 
body.  It  was  also  distinguished  for  its  clearness  and 
force,  its  copiousness  of  research,  and  the  cogency  of  its 
arguments.  Henceforth  the  way  w^as  clear  .^or  him. 
Among  his  associates  were  many  of  the  ablest  men  in  the 
nation,  but  an  honorable  position  anfbng  them  was  cheer- 
fully assigned  to  him. 

Among  the  prominent  recommendations  of  Mr.  Adams, 
which  Mr.  Polk,  with  the  other  opponents  of  the  adminis- 
tration, zealously  resisted,  were  the  Panama  Mission,  and 
that  class  of  measures,  the  chief  features  of  which  were 
an  extensive  system  of  internal  improvements  and  a  high 
protective  tariff,  usually  comprehended  under  the  general 
designation  of  "  the  American  System." 

The  debate  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
Panama  Mission,  as  the  reader  will  not  need  to  be  re- 
minded, arose  upon  the  bill  making  the  required  appro- 
priation for  the  purposes  of  the  mission.  Mr.  A-^^ms 
bad  appointed  commissioners  to  attend  a  congress  pro- 
posed to  be  held  at  Panama,  by  delegates  appointed  by 


64  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39. 

the  Spanish  American  states,  who  had  in  fact  achieved 
their  independence,  though  still  nominally  at  war  with 
the  mother  country.  The  object  of  this  meeting  was  to 
form  an  alliance,  defensive  if  not  offensive,  between  the 
North  and  South  American  republics.  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
Mr.  Benton,  and  other  leading  republicans,  in  the  Senate, 
opposed  the  confirmation  of  the  appointments  with  great 
ability,  but  they  were  unsuccessful.  They  endorsed,  to 
the  fullest  extent,  the  declaration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  "  that 
the  American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent 
condition  which  they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are 
henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  col- 
onization by  any  European  powers  ;"*  and  they  approved 
the  authoritative  announcement  made  by  Mr.  Rush  to 
Mr.  Canning,  in  1823,  that  the  United  States  would  view 
any  attempt  on  the  part  of  France  and  the  Continental 
Alliance  to  resubjugate  the  Spanish  American  states, 
"  as  a  transcendent  act  of  national  injustice,  and  indica- 
tive of  progressive  and  alarming  ambition. "f 

But,  it  was  contended,  this  proposition  to  appoint  com- 
missioners, and  the  conclusion  of  any  league  or  alliance 
as  anticipated,  would  be  a  departure  from  the  established 
policy  of  the  government ;  it  would  have  the  inevitable 
tendency  to  involve  the  United  States  in  war  with 
Spain,  and  eventually  with  other  European  powers  having 
possessions  in  America  that  might  be  disposed  to  revolt ; 
and  they  should  content  themselves  with  protesting 
against  any   future  -colonization.     In   these  views   Mr. 


*  Annual  IMessagc  of  Mr.  Monroe,  December  2,  1823. 
t  Rush's  Residence  at  the  Court  of  London,  p.  430. 


1825-39.].     HIS    RESOLUTIONS    AND    SPEECH.  65 

Polk  concurred ;  and  he  subsequently  had  occasion  offi-v/ 
cially  to  endorse  the  declaration  made  by  Mr.  Monroe.'* 
The  whole  question  was  freely  discussed  in  the  House, 
but  a  new  point  was  here  raised.  It  was  insisted  by  the 
friends  of  the  administration,  as  was  contended  by  the 
federal  party  during  the  discussions  on  Jay's  treaty,  that 
the  treaty- making  power,  and  the  management  of  the  for- 
eign relations  of  the  government,  belonged  exclusively  to 
the  President  and  Senate ;  and  that  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives had  no  constitutional  right  to  deliberate  upon, 
much  less  to  withhold  the  appropriations  necessary  to  carry 
a  treaty  into  effect,  or  what  might  be  required  for  a  spe- 
cial mission  of  this  character.  This  startling  doctrine/" 
was  denounced  in  unmeasured  terms  by  Mr.  Polk  and 
those  members  who  concurred  with  him  in  sentiment. 
He  was  quite  prominent  in  the  debates,  and  offered  a 
series  of  resolutions  on  the  subject,  one  of  which  was  a 
reproduction  of  the  doctrines  of  the  republican  party  of 
1798  in  regard  to  the  poAver  of  the  House  to  refuse  ap- 
propriations, and  the  other  condemning  the 'appointment 
of  commissioners  to  attend  the  Congress  at  Panama.' 
These  resolutions  are  here  inserted  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  constitutional  right  and  duty  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  when  called  upon  for  appro- 
priations to  defray  the  expenses  of  foreign  missions,  to  de- 
liberate on  the  expediency  or  inexpediency  of  such  missions, 
and  to  determine  and  act  thereon,  as  in  their  judgment  may 
seem  most  conducive  to  the  public  good. 

"  Resolved,  That  it   is  the  sense   of  this  House,  that  the 

*  Annual  Message,  December  2, 1845. 


6Q  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39. 

'sending  of  ministers,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  to 
take  part  in  the  dehberations  of  the  Congress  of  South 
American  nations,  at  Panama,  would  be  a  total  departure 
from  the  uniform  course  of  policy  pursued  by  this  govern- 
ment, from  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  to  the 
present  period ;  and  might,  and  in  all  probability  would, 
have  a  tendency  to  involve  the  nation  in  *  entangling  alliances' 
and  endanger  the  neutrality  and  relations  of  amity  and 
peace,  which  at  present  happily  subsist  between  the  United 
States  and  the  belligerent  powers — old  Spain  and  the  south- 
ern republics  of  this  continent."* 

Mr.  Polk  defended  his  resolutions,  and  enforced  his 
views  upon  the  question,  in  an  able  and  argumentative 
speech.  He  maintained  "  that  the  proposed  mission 
to  Panama  was  without  a  precedent  in  our  history; 
was  novel  in  its  character,  and,  in  his  judgment,  danger- 
ous to  the  best  interests  of  the  country."  "  We  aro 
about  to  depart,"  he  added,  "  from  our  ancient  and  plain 
republican  simplicity,  and  to  oecome  a  great  and  splendid 
government ;  new  projects  are  set  on  foot :  we  are  called 
upon  by  the  President  to  change  the  whole  policy  of  the 
country,  as  adopted  by  our. fathers,  and  sb  happily  pur- 
sued b}^  their  posterity  down  to  the  present  period.  He 
called  on.  gentlemen,  before  they  abandoned  the  present 
safe  policy  of  the  country,  to  ponder  well  what  they  are 
about  to  do."  "  The  sound  and  sober  judgment  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,"  he  further  contended, 
"  had  not  been  brought  up  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
could  in  any  event  make  common  cause  with   the  repub- 

*  Gongressional  Debates,  vol.  ii.,  p.  21C6.  • 


1825-39.]  GENERAL    REVIEW    OF    HxS    COURSE.  67 

lies  of  the  South,  or  involve  ourselves  in  the  calamities  of 
war  in  their  behalf:  all  our  sympathies,  all  our  good 
feelings,  were  with  them  :  we  wished  them  success  :  but 
self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  nature  and  of  nations  : 
we  were,  then,  as  he  hoped,  we  still  were,  unprepared  to 
depart  from  our  settled  policy."* 

"  From  this  time,  Mr.  Polk's  history,"  says  an  elo-V 
quent  review  of  his  course  in  Congress,  "  was  insepar- 
ably interwoven  with  that  of  the  House.  He  is  promi- 
nently connected  with  every  important  question;  and 
upon  every  one,  as  by  an  unerring  instinct  of  republican- 
ism, took  the  soundest  and  boldest  ground.  From  his 
entrance  into  public  life,  his  adherence  to  the  cardinal 
principles  of  the  democratic  creed  has  been  singularly 
steadfast.  During  the  whole  period  of  General  Jackson's 
administration,  as  long  as  he  retained  a  seat  on  the  floor, 
he  was  one  of  its  leading  supporters,  and  at  times,  and  on 
certain  questions  of  paramount  importance,  its  chief  reli- 
ance. In  the  hour  of  trial  he  was  never  found  wanting, 
or  from  his  post.  In  December,  1827,  two  years  after  >/ 
his  entrance  into  the  House,  Mr.  Polk  was  placed  on  the 
important  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  some  time 
after  was  appointed,  in  addition,  chairman  of  the  select 
committee  to  which  was  referred  that  portion  of  the 
President's  message  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to 
the  probable  accumulation  of  a  surplus  in  the  treasury, 
after  the  anticipated  extinguishment  of  the  national  debt. 
As  the  head  of  this  committee,  he  made  a  lucid  report, 
replete  with  the  soundest  doctrines,  ably  enforced,  deny- 

*  Congressional  Debates,  vol.  y.,    pp.  2475,  2489. 


68  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1825-39. 

ing  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  collect  from 
the  people,  for  distribution,  a  surplus  beyond  the  wants 
of  the  government,  and  maintaining  that  the  revenue 
should  be  reduced  to  the  exigencies  of  the  public  service. 
"  The  session  of  1830  will  always  be  distinguished  by 
tlie  death-blow  which  was  then  given  to  the  unconstitu- 
tional system  of  internal  improvements  by  the  general 
government.  We  have  ever  regarded  the  Maysville  road 
veto  as  second  in  importance  to  none  of  the  acts  of  Gen- 
eral Jackson's  energetic  administration.  It  lopped  off 
one  of  the  worst  branches  of  the  miscalled  '  American 
system.'  Mr.  Polk  had  assailed  the  bill  before  its.  pas- 
sage with  almost  solitary  energy  ;  and  one  of  his  speech- 
es,* in  which  he  discusses  the  general  policy  of  the 
'  American  system '  in  its  triple  aspect  of  high  prices  for 
the  pubhc  lands — to  check  agricultural  emigration  to  the 
West,  and  foster  the  creation  of  a  manufacturing  popula- 
tion— of  high  duties  or  taxes  for  protection,  and  excessive 
revenue — and  of  internal  improvements,  to  spend  this 
revenue  in  corrupting  the  country  with  its  own  money, — 
should  be  perused  by  every  one  who  wishes  to  arrive  at 
sound  views  upon  a  question  which  has  so  much  agitated 
the  public  mind.  When  the  bill  was  returned  by  the 
President  unsigned,  a  storm  arose  in  the  House,  in  the 
midst  of  which  the  veto  was  attacked  by  a  torrent  of  pas- 
sionate declamation,  mixed  with  no  small  share  of  per- 
sonal abuse.  To  a  member  from  Ohio,  whose  observa- 
tions partook  of  the  latter  character,  Mr.  Polk  replied  in 
an    energetic    improvisation,    vindicating  the   patriotic 

*  On  the  Buffalo  and  New- Orleans  road  bill. 


1825-39.]  UNITED    STATES    BANK.  69 

'^resolution  of  tlie  Chief  Magistrate.  The  friends  of  State 
rights  in  the  House  rallied  ma^ifully  upon  the  veto.  The 
result  was  that  the  bill  Avas  rejected,  and  countless  '  log- 
rolling '  projects  for  the  expenditure  of  many  millions  of 
the  public  treasure,  which  awaited  the  decision,  perished 
in  embryo. 

"  In  December,  1832,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Com-  ^ 
mittee  of  Ways  and  Means,  with  which  his  connection 
has  been  so  distinguished.  At  that  session  the  Direct- 
ors of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  were  summoned  to 
Washington,  and  examined  upon  oath,  before  the  com- 
mittee just  named.  A  division  of  opinion  resulted  in  the 
presentation  of  two  reports.  That  of  the  majority, 
which  admitted  that  the  Bank  had  exceeded  its  lawful 
powers,  by  interfering  with  the  plan  of  the  Government, 
to  pay  oif  the  three  per  cent,  stock,  was  tame,  and  unac- 
companied by  pertinent  facts,  or  elucidating  details. 
Mr.  Polk,  in  behalf  of  the  minority,  made  a  detailed  re- 
port, communicating  all  the  material,  circumstances,  and 
presenting  conclusions  utterly  adverse  to  the  institution 
which  had  been  the  subject  of  inquiry.  This  arrayed 
against  him  the  whole  bank  power,  which  he  was  made 
to  feel  in  a  quarter  Avhere  he  had  everything  at  stake, 
for  upon  his  return  to  his  district,  he  found  the  most 
formidable  opposition  mustered  against  him  for  his  course 
upon  this  question.  The  friends  of  the  United  States 
Bank  held  a  meeting  at  Nashville  to  denounce  his  report. 
The  most  unscrupulous  misrepresentations  were  resorted 
to,  in  order  to  prove  that  he  had  destroj^ed  the  credit  of 
the  West,  by  proclainung  that  his  countrymen  were  un- 
worthy of  mercantile  confidence.     The  result,  however, 


^ 


70  JAMES  KKox  POLK.  ri825-39. 

was,  that  after  a  violent  contest,  Mr.  Polk  was  reelected' 
by  a  majority  of  more  thaji  three  thousand.  Fortunately 
for  the  stability  of  our  institutions,  the  panics  which 
'  frighten  cities  from  their  propriety,'  do  not  sweep  with 
the  same  desolating  force  over  the  scattered  dwellings  of 
the  country. 

"  In  September,  1833,  the  President,  indignant  at  the 
open  defiance  of  law  by  the  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  unblushing  corruption  which  it  practiced,  deter- 
mined upon  the  bold  and  salutary  measure  of  the  removal 
of  the  deposits,  which  was  effected  in  the  following  month. 
The  act  produced  much  excitement  throughout  the  coun- 
try, and  it  was  foreseen  that  a  great  and  doubtful  con- 
flict was  about  to  ensue.  At  such  a  crisis  it  became  im.- 
portant  to  have  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  a  man  of  courage  to  meet,  and  firmness  to 
sustain,  the  formidable  shock.  Such  a  inan  Avas  found 
in  Mr.  Polk,  and  he  proved  himself  equal  to  the  occasion. 
Congress  met,  and  the  conflict  proved  even  fiercer  than 
had  been  anticipated.  The  cause  of  the  Bank  was  sup- 
ported in  the  House  by  such  men  as  Mr.  McDufiie, 
Adams  and  Binney,  not  to  mention  a  host  of  other  names. 
It  is  instructive  to  look  back  in  calmer  times,  to  the 
reign  of  terror,  known  as  the  Panic  Session.  The  Bank 
with  the  whole  commerce  of  the  country  at  its  feet,  al- 
ternately torturing  and  easing  its  miserable  pensioners  as 
they  increased  or  relaxed  their  cries  of  financial  agony  ; 
public  meetings  held  in  every  city  with  scarcely  the  in- 
termission of  a  day,  denouncing  the  President  as  a  ty- 
rant, and  the  enemy  of  his  country  ;  deputations  flocking 
from  the  towns  to  extort  from  him  a  reluctant  submis- 


1825-39.]  THE    PANIC    SESSION.  71 

sion  ;  Whig  orators  traversing  the  country,  and  stimu- 
lating the  passions  of  excited  multitudes,  without  respect 
even  to  the  sanctity  of  the  Sahbath  ;  inflammatory  me- 
morials poured  into  Congress  from  every  quarter  ;  the 
Senate  almost  decreeing  itself  into  a  state  of  permanent 
insurrection,  and  proclaiming  that  a  revolution  had  al- 
ready begun  ;.all  the  business  of  legislation  in  both  wings 
of  the  capitol  postponed  to  that  of  agitation  and  panic  ; 
an  extrajudicial  and  branding  sentence  pronounced  upon 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation,  in  violation  of  usage 
and  of  the  constitution— these  features  present  but  a 
faint  picture  of  the  alarm  and  confusion  which  prevailed. 
Consternation  had  almost  seized  upon  the  Republican 
ranks,  thinned  by  desertion  and  harassed  by  distracting 
doubts  and  fears.  But  the  stern  resolve  of  him  whose 
iton  arm  guided  the  helm  of  state,  conducted  the  perilous 
conflict  to  a  successful  issue.  Nor  should  we  forget  the 
eminent  services  of  the  individual  who  presided  over  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  His  coolness,  prompt- 
itude, and  abundant  resources,  were  never  at  fault.  His 
opening  speech  in  vindication  of  the  President's  measure, 
contains  all  the  material  facts  and  reasons  on  the  repub- 
lican side  of  the  question,  enforced  with  much  power,  and 
illustrated  by  great  research.  To  this  speech  almost 
every  member  of  the  opposition,  who  spoke  upon  the 
question,  attempted  to  reply,  but  the  arguments  which 
its  author  brought  forward  to  establish  the  power  of  the 
President  under  the  constitution,  as  elucidated  by  cotem- 
poraneous  or  early  exposition,  to  do  the  act  which  had 
been  so  boldly  denounced  as  a  high-handed  and  tyran- 
nical usurpation,  could  neither  be  refuted  nor  weakened. 


72  JAMES  KNOX   POLK.  [1825-39. 

Mr.  McDuffie,  the  distinguished  leader  of  the  opposition 
in  this  eventful  conflict,  bore  testimony,  in  his  concluding 
remarks,  to  the  boldness  and  manliness  with  which  Mr. 
Polk  had  assumed  the  only  position  which  could  be  ju- 
diciously taken.  The  financial  portion  of  his  speech,  and 
that  in  which  he  exposed  the  glaring  misdeeds  of  the 
Bank,  were  no  less  efficient.  When  Mr.  McDuffie  had 
concluded  the  remarks  to  which  we  have  alluded,  a 
member  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  MasonJ  after  a  few  perti- 
nent observations,  demanded  the  previous  question.  A 
more  intense  excitement  was  never  felt  in  Congress  than 
at  this  thrilling  moment.  The  two  parties  looked  at 
each  other  for  a  space,  in  sullen  silence,  like  two  armies 
on  the  eve  of  a  deadly  conflict.  The  motion  of  Mr. 
Mason  prevailed,  the  debate  was  arrested,  and  the  di- 
vision proved  a  triumphant  victory  for  the  republicaa 
cause.  The  Bank  then  gave .  up  the  contest  in  de- 
spair. 

"  The  position  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  JVIeans,  at  all  times  a  most  arduous  and  re- 
sponsible one,  was  doubly  so  at  this  session,  which  will 
form  an  epoch  in  the  political  annals  of  the  country.  Mr. 
Polk  occupied  it  for  the  first  time.  From  its  organiza- 
tion and  the  nature  of  its  duties,  this  committee  must  be 
at  all  times  the  chief  organ  of  every  administration  in 
the  House.  At  this  session  it  was  for  obvious  reasons 
peculiarly  so.  To  attack  it,  then,  was  to  strike  at  the 
government;  to  embarrass  its  action  was  to  th^vart  the 
course  of  the  Administration.  Extraordinary  and  indis- 
criminate opposition  was  accordingly  made  to  all  the  ap- 
propriation bills.     It  was  avowed  in  debate,  that  it  was 


1825-39.]  THE    PANIC    SESSION.  73 

within  the  scope  of  legitimate  opposition  to  withhold  even 
the  ordinary  supplies  until  the  deposits  were  restored  to 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States  :  that  this  restitution 
must  be  made,  or  revolution  ensue.  The  Bank  must  tri- 
umph, or  the  wheels  of  government  be  arrested.  The 
people  should  never  forget  the  perils  of  a  contest  in  wliiich 
the  J  were  almost  constrained  to  succumb.  The  recollec- 
tion should  warn  them  not  to  build  up  again  a  power  in 
tlie  State  of  such  formidable  faculties.  The  tactics  which 
we  have  just  described,  threw  great  additional  labor  upon 
the  committee,  and  par  tier,  larly  upon  its  chairman. 
Fully  apprised  of  the  difficulties  he  had  to  encounter,  he 
maintained  his  post  with  sleepless  vigilance  and  untiring 
activity.  He  was  always  ready  to  give  the  House  ample 
explanation  upon  every  item,  however  minute,  of  the  va- 
.rious  appropriations.  He  was  ever  prompt  to  meet  any 
objections  which  might  be  started,  and  of  quick  sagacity 
to  detect  the  artifices  to  which  factious  disingenuousness 
is  prone  to  resort.  All  the  measures  of  the  Committee, 
including  those  of  paramount  importance,  relating  to  the 
Bank  and  the  deposits,  were  carried  in  spite  of  the  most 
immitigable  opposition."* 

The  same  cordial  and  unhesitating  support  which  Mr. 
Polk  gave  to  the  administration  of  General  Jackson,  he 
also  yielded  to  that  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  Although,  on 
account  of  his  position  as  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  he 
took  no  part  in  the  discussions,  he  approved  of  all  the 
prominent  measures  recommended  by  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
including  the  cession  of  the  public  lands  to  the  states, 

*  Democratic  Review,  May,  1838. 
m  4 


74  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1825-39. 

the  preemption  law,  and  the  independent  treasury,  and 
exerted  his  influence  to  secure  their  adoption. 

In  regard  to  the  tariff  question,  and  the  kindred  meas- 
ure of  distribution  for  many  years  inseparably  connected 
with  it,  his  views  were  repeatedly  expressed.  In  his  re- 
poii^  as  chairman  of  the  select  committee  on  the  surplus 
in  the  treasury,  made  at  the  session  of  1827-8,  he  de- 
clared his  preferences  for  a  revenue  tariff ;  and  the  opin- 
ion thus  advanced  was  never  changed.  The  revenue 
tariff  which  he  favored  was  no  mere  will-o'-the-wisp,  like 
Pitt's  "  treasury  wonder,"  the  sinking  fund — but  a 
practical,  substantial  reality  ;  something  which  promised 
what  it  was  intended  to  perform,  and  performed  what  it 
promised.  To  a  tariff  for  protection  merely,  he  was  ut- 
terly opposed. 

The  encouragement  of  domestic  production  and  home 
manufactures,  has  not  only  taxed  the  ingenuity  of  the 
law-makers  of  this  country  to  the  utmost ;  but  it  has 
also  been  the  theme  upon  which  fledgeling  politicians 
and  youthful  legislators  have  expended  a  great  deal  of 
eloquence.  A  theory,  correct  and  praiseworthy  in  the 
abstract,  has  been  twisted  and  distorted  into  so  many, 
and  so  various  shapes,  that  it  has  now  become  almost 
impossible  to  recognize  it  in  the  unnatural  garb  which  it 
has  been  forced  to  assume.  The  idea  of  preserving  the 
integrity  of  our  government,  and  of  encouraging  the 
formation  of  feelings  and  habits  of  self-relianqe,  so  neces- 
sary in  order  to  command  the  respect  of  foreign  nations, 
by  rendering  our  citizens  independent  of  them  for  all  ne- 
cessary articles  of  consumption,  was  certainly  a  com- 
mendable one.     Confined  to  it§  legitimate  sphere,  when 

Jf 


1825-39.]  A    REVENUE   TARIFF.  75 

carried  into  practical  effect,  it  could  not  have  failed  to 
advance  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  add  to  the  national  strength  and  security.  Its  ap- 
propriate province  was  one  of  encouragement  solely,  and 
not  of  favoritism. 

It  was  idle  to  anticipate  any  permanent  beneficial 
results  from  an  unvrise  interference  witli  the  natural  and 
unchangeable  laws  of  production,  demand,  and  supply. 
A  temporary  inflation  could  be  produced,  by  forcing 
business  and  trade  into  a  different  cl^annel  from  that  into 
which  they  ordinarily  and  properly  flowed,  but  it  was 
impossible  to  realize  any  substantial  good  from  disregard- 
ing the  instincts  which  they  were  inclined,  through  a 
law  of  their  nature,  to  obey.  The  foundation  of  the 
tariff  system  in  the  United  States,  was  wisely  and  pru- 
dently laid,  under  the  auspices  of  the  founders  and  letfll- 
ers  of  the  republican  party.  The  causes  which  led  to 
the  enactment  of  the  first  law,  providing  for  the  impo- 
sition of  duties  on  foreign  importations,  are  obvious.  At 
the  time  the  Union  was  formed,  both  the  government 
and  the  people  were  involved  in  debt.  It  was  necessary 
that  a  revenue  should  be  raised  to  defray  the  annual  ex- 
penses, and  discharge  the  liabilities  of  the  nation. 

No  other  source  presented  itself,  that  promised  to  be 
available,  except  a  tariff  on  imports.  This  appeared  to 
be  the  most  feasible  plan,  and  was  therefore  adopted. 
The  sequel  showed  most  clearl^^,  that  no  better  method 
could  have  been  devised.  The- establishment  of  a  reve- 
nue tariff  system,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  while 
it  yielded  ample  means  for  carrying  on  the  operations  of 
government,  also  afforded,  incidentally,  a  proper  degree 


T6  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39. 

of  encouragement  to  home  industiy  and  domestic  manu- 
factures. The  subsequent  development  of  our  own  natu- 
ral resources,  and  the  change  in  our  condition,  from  a 
state  of  dependence  on  foreign  countries  for  the  necessi- 
ties of  life,  to  one  of  comparative  independence,  led  to 
modifications  and  alterations  in  the  system  ;  which,  for 
a  long  period  of  time,  however,  were  made  in  conformity 
to  the  great  principle  on  which  the  system  was  originally 
based.  So  long  as  the  revenue  idea  was  rigidly  main- 
tained, the  country.  Avas  prosperous,  and  no  particular 
section  was  unduly  favored  ;  but  when  a  new  principle 
was  introduced  into  the  system,  and  protection  became 
the  controlling  feature,  instead  of  being  secondary  and 
subordinate  to  that  of  revenue,  a  different  state  of  things 
was  produced. 

*Mr.  Polk  approved  of  the  act  of  1816.  He  believed 
that  t^ie  manufactures  of  the  United  States  were  in  a 
prosperous  condition  under  that  act,  "  and  for  eight 
years  intervening  between  the  years  1816  and  1824  ; 
and  also  that  the  act  of  1816  afforded  them  ample  inci- 
dental protection."*  When  he  entered  Congress,  he 
found  the  act  of  1821  in  force.  The  main  object  of  this 
law  was  to  afford  additional  protection  to  the  iron  manu- 
factures of  Pennsylvania,  though  other  features  far  more 
objectionable,  w^ere  embraced  in  it.  Although  Mr.  Polk 
would  have  been  willing  to  encourage  the  iron  interest, 
then  in  its  infancy,  and  struggling  amid  numerous  em- 
barrassments, so  far  as  was  consistent  with  a  due  regard 


*  Speecii  on  the  Bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  at 
the  Session  of  1832-33.— CongresBional  Debates,  vol.  ix.,  p.  1170. 


1825-39.]  DIFFERENT    ACTS.  7T 

for  the  other  interests  of  the  country,  he  did  not  approve  y 
of  this  law.  In  1827,  a  powerful  rally  was  made  by 
the  friends  of  a  high  protective  tariff  in  the  Northern  and 
Eastern  States  ;  the  producers  of  wool,  hemp,  corn,  and 
rye,  in  the  Middle  and  Western  States  ;  and  the  iron 
manufacturers  in  Pennsylvania.  At  the  first  session  of 
the  20th  Congress,  a  bill  was  reported  from  the  Commit- 
tee on  Manufactures,  avowedly  for  ^protection.  The 
struo-o-le  in  regard  to  the  details  of  the  act  was  confined 
mainly  to  the  different  interests  united  in  support  of  the 
measure,  whose  views  were  constantly  clashing.  ^  Mr. 
Polk,  and  the  members  from  the  Southern  States  gen- 
erally, resisted  the  passage  of  the  bill  at  every  step  ;  but 
when  he  discovered  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Adams,  which  was  frequently  the  case,  to  make 
pohtical  capital  out  of  the  measure,  to  the  prejudice"  of 
General  Jackson,  upon  whom  the  opponents  of  the  ad- 
ministration had  united  as  their  candidate  for  the  presi- 
dency, he  made  every  exertion  to  prevent  such  a  result. 

The  act  of  1823,  emphatically  called  ^' the  bill  ofy 
abominations,"  became  a  law,  in  opposition  to  the  wishes 
and  the  vote  of  Mr.  Polk.  That  it  was  an  unwise  and 
unjust  measure,  was  the  general  verdict  of  the  country  ; 
and  one  of  its  principal  authors  and  supporters— one  who 
did  not  lightly  change  an  opinion— subsequently  admitted, 
that  he  had  committed  "  a  great  error"  in  advocating  and 
voting  for  it.* 

In  1832,  Mr.   Polk  voted  for  the   act  of  that  year  ^ 
modifying  some  of  the   most  objectionable  provisions  of 

*  Remarks  of  Silas  Wright  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  August  27th,  1842. 


78  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  .       [1825-39. 

the  law  of  1828.  But  he  was  disposed  to  go  much  fur- 
ther than  this.  The  evil  that  had  been  done,  in  his  opin- 
ion, was  not  yet  remedied.  Though  he  did  not  favor  in 
the  least  the  nullification  doctrines  put  forth  in  South 
Carolina,  but  approved  of  the  noble  and  determined  stand 
taken  by  General  Jackson,  and  supported  the  force  bill 
and  other  measures  of  like  character  ;  he 'felt  that  there 
was  grave  cause  for  blame.  He  therefore  aided,  as  far 
as  was  in  his  power,  to  remove  the  grievances  which  had 
given  rise  to  so  many  well-founded  complaints.  He  gave 
his  assent  to  the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  at  the  session  of  1832-33,  making  further 
reductions  in  the  duties  imposed  by  the  law  of  1832. 
This  bill  eventually  gave  place  to  the  Compromise  Act, 
which  surrendered  the  principle  of  protection  except  as  an 
incidental  result,  and  for  which  Mr.  Polk  voted.  With 
some  of  the  details  of  this  law  he  was  not  entirely  satis- 
fied, and  at  the  ensuing  session  of  Congress  he  favored 
an  efibrt  then  made  to  modify  it  in  some  particulars  ;  but 
its  general  features  and  principles  he  did  not  desire  to 
disturb.  He  thought  that  "  when  the  act  was  passed, 
every  interest  in  the  country  stood  pledged,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  to  adhere  to  and  abide  by  it,"  and  he 
hoped  that  "  this  agitated  and  disturbing  subject  was  put 
at  rest  for  a  long  term  of  years,  if  not  forever."* 

His  wishes  were  not  realized.  When  the  reduction 
proposed  by  the  compromise  act  reached  its  minimum, 
the  revenue  was  found  inadequate  to  meet  the  expenses 
of  the  government,  and  to  discharge  the  public  liabilities. 

*  Letter  to  the  people  of  Tennessee,  May  26th,  1843. 


1825-39. J  COMPROMISE    ACT.  79 

The  Whig  party  being  now  in  power,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Mr.  Clay,  a  high  protective  tariff  law  was  passed, 
— a  law  equally  objectionable  in  many  respects  with  that 
of  1828,  and  like  that,  too,  unequivocally  condemned  by 
the  American  people.  JMr.  Polk  was  not  in  Congress 
when  the  act  of  1842  was  passed  ;  but  he  took  an  early 
occasion  to  make  known  his  opposition  to  the  law,  in  a 
letter  addressed  to  the  people  of  Tennessee,  on  the  26th  of 
Alay,  184o,  and  during  the  gubernatorial  canvass  of  that 
year,  he  expressed  his  sentiments  ably  and  explicitly,  in 
an  eloquent  speech  to  the  people  of  Madison  and  tlie  ad- 
joining counties,  delivered  at  Jackson,  on  the  3d  day  of 
April.  From  a  synopsis  of  tliis  speech,  the  annexed  ex- 
tracts are  taken  : — 

"  He  took  other  views,  briefly  presented,  of  the  subject, 
and  proceeded  to  the  discussion  of  the  Protective  Tariff  act 
passed  by  the  last  Congress.  He  showed  that  it  was  a  highly 
protective  tariff,  and  not  one  for  revenue.  He  showed  that 
by  the  Compromise  Tariff  of  1833,  the  tax  on  no  imported 
article  was  to  exceed  20  per  cent,  upon  its  value  after  the  30th 
of  Juffe,  1842.  No  higher  duty  than  20  per  cent,  was  im- 
posed on  any  article  after  the  30th  of  June,  1842,  until  the 
30th  of  August,  1842,  on  which  latter  day  the  present  Tariff 
law  was  passed  by  a  Whig  Congress.  The  Whig  Congress 
laid  violent  hands  on  the  Compromise  Act  of  1833,  and 
broke  it  up." 

"It  was  clear,  therefore,  tliat  the  late  tariff  act  was  not  a 
revenue  measure.  It  had  raised  the  rates  of  duty  so  higli 
as  to  shut  out  imports,  and  consequently  to  cut  off  and  dimin- 
ish revenue." 

"Judging  from   tlie  amount  of  revenue  received  at  the 


80  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39 

Treasury,  under  the  operations  of  the  present  Tariff  act,  foi 
the  last  quarter  of  1842,  as  already  shown,  it  will  not  produce 
annually  half  the  amount  of  revenue  which  would  have  been 
produced  by  the  lower  rates  of  the  ComproiTiise  act,  had  that 
act  been  left  undisturbed." 

"  He  was  opposed  to  direct  taxes,  and  to  prohibitory  and 
protective  duties,  and  in  favor  of  such  moderate  duties  as 
would  not  cut  off  importation.  In  other  words,  he  was  in  favor 
of  reducing  the  duties  to  the  rates  of  the  compromise  act, 
where  the  Whig  Congress  found  them  on  the  30th  of  June, 
1842." 

"  The  South,  and  ho  with  them,  had  voted  for  the  act  of 
1832,  because  it  was  a  reduction  of  the  rates  of  the  act  of 
1828,  though  by  no  means  so  low  as  he  would  have  desired 
it  to  be :  still  it  was  the  m-eatest  reduction  which  could  be 
attained  at  the  time  of  its  passage." 

"  Distribution  and  a  Protective  Tariff^measures  which  I 
consider  ruinous  to  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  especially 
to  the  interests  of  the  planting  states — I  have  steadily  and  at 
all  times  opposed." 

^  When  Mr.  Polk  became  a  candidate  for  the  presidencj^, 
his  opinions  and  views  on  the  tariff  question  were,  much 
inquired  after,  and  vv-ere  frequently  misrepresented.  In 
order  to  prevent  fin^ther  misapprehension,  he  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  Judge  Kane  of  Philadelphia,  in  re- 
ply to  one  previously  received  from  that  gentleman, 
making  inquiries  Avith  reference  to  his  sentiments  : — 

Coi>U3iBiA,  Tennessee,  June  19th,  1844. 

Dear  Sir  : — I  have  received  recently  several  letters  in 
reference  to  my  opinions  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  and 
among  others  yours  of  the  30th  ultimo.     My  opinions  on 


1825-39. j  THE    KANE    LETTER.  81 

this  subject  have  been  often  given  to  the  public.  They 
are  to  be  found  in  my  public  acts,  and  in  the  public  dis- 
cussions in  which  I  have  participated. 

I  am  in  favor  of  a  tariff  for  revenue,  such  a  one  as  Avill 
yield  a  sufficient  amount  to  the  treasury  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  government  economically  administered. 
In  adjusting  the  details  of  a  revenue  tariff,  I  have  hereto- 
fore sanctioned  such  moderate  discriminating  duties,  as 
wo  aid  produce  the  amount  of  revenue  needed,  and  at 
the  same  time  afford  reasonable  incidental  protection  to 
our  home  industry.  I  am  opposed  to  a  tariff  for  protec- 
tion merely,  and  not  for  revenue. 

Acting  upon  these  general  principles,  it  is  well  known 
that  I  gave  my  support  to  the  policy  of  Gen.  Jackson's 
administration  on  this  subject.  I  voted  against  the  tariff 
act  of  1828.  I  voted  for  ^e  act  of  1832,  which  contained 
modifications  of  some  of  the  objectionable  provisions  of 
the  act  of  1828.  As  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Medns  of  the  House  of  Rfepresentatives,  I  gave 
my  assent  to  a  bill  reported  by  that  ConiTnittee  in  Decem- 
ber, 1832,  making  further  modifications  cf  the  act  of 
1828,  and  making  also  discriminations  in  the  imposition 
of  the  duties  which  it  proposed.  The  bill  did  n^t  pass, 
but  was  superseded  by  the  bill  commonly  called  the  Com- 
promise bill,  for  which  I  voted. 

In  my  judgment,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
extend,  as  far  as  it  may  be  practicable  to  do  so,  by  its 
revenue  laws  and  all  other  means  within  its  power,  fair 
and  just  protection  to  all  the  great  interests  of  the  whole 
Union,  embracing  agriculture,  manufactures,  the  mechanic 
arts,  commerce  and  navigation.  I  heartily  approve  the 
4* 


82  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39: 

resolutions  upon  this  subject,  passed  bj  the  Democratic 
National  Convention,  lately  assembled  at  Baltimore. 
I  am,  with  great  respect. 

Dear  sir,  your  ob't  serv't, 

James  K.  Polk. 

John  K.  Kane,  Esq.,  Philadelphia. 


This  letter  indicates  what  were  the  sentiments  of  its 
author  on  the  subject  to  which  it  related,  as  .qlearl/  and 
y  distinctly  as  language  could  express  them.  lH^  was  in 
favor  of  a  tariff  yielding  sufficient  revenue  to  support  the 
government  economically  administered,  a^d  which  should 
afford,  at  the  same  time,  mcidental  pi-otection  to  all  the 
various  interests  of  the  country.  He  was  willing  to  en- 
courage manufactures  to  this  e^tcent,  but  he  was  not  dis- 
posed to  favor  them,  to  the  injury  of  other  interests.  A 
high  protective  system  iio  could  not  countenance.  He 
saw  how  it  had  operated  in  England,  where  a  powerful 
aristocracy  were  maintained  in  luxury  and  idleness,  and 
a  corrupt  antZ  expensive  government  supported,  out  of 
the  hard-earned  substance  of  the  3^eoman,  the  laborer,  and 
the  operative  ;  and  history  taught  him,  that  wlienever 
and  vfherever  it  had  been  adopted,  it  had  brought  the 
poorer  classes  to  abject  penury  and  want,  and  reduced 
them  to  a  condition  of  slavish  dependence  on  the  wealthy 
and  more  favored  classes. 

Entertaining  such  views,  he  cordially  approved  of  the 
revenue  tariff  of  1846.  All  its  main  features  harmonized 
with  his  own  convictions  ;  he  did  not  consider  it  perfect 
in  all  its  parts,  but  as  a  whole  it  was  satisfactory  to  him ; 


1825-39. J  UNITED    STATES    BANK.  ^ 

and  the  bill  received  his  signature,  as  it  met  mth  his 
approbation. 

Whenever  and  howsoever  any  of  the  objectionable 
features  of  the  "  American  System,"  were  brought  for- 
ward in  Congress,  they  encountered  the  determined  and 
unyielding  opposition  of  Mr.  Polk.  He  planted  himself 
upon  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  impregnable  doctrines 
of  the  Maysville  road  veto,  and  refused  to  be  driven  from 
his  position.  If  he  had  ever  been  in  doubt  in  respect  to 
the  propriety  of  constructing  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment in  the  states  by  the  general  government,  his  expe- 
rience as  a  legislator  led  him  to  reflect  carefully  upon  the 
subject.  He  saw  how  the  power  which  had  been  inferred 
from  the  Constitution,  had  been  abused;  and  when  a 
careful  examination  of  that  instrument  resulted  in  dis- 
covering no  positive  warrant  for  the  authority  which  had 
been  claimed  by  the  friends  of  the  "  American  System" 
to  belong  to  the  national  government,  he  denied  its  ex- 
istence altogether. 

During  his  service  in  Congress,  he  was  the  steadfast 
friend  of  the  surviving  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  revolu- 
tion. No  one  did  more  than  he  to  establish  and  perfect  ^ 
the  pension  system,  and  he  was  particularly  active  in  his 
efforts  to  extend  its  benefits  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of 
the  militia. 

He  was  among  the  earliest  opponents  of  the  recharter  y 
of  the  United  States  Bank ;  and  in  the  month  of  August, 
1829,*  in  a  letter  addressed  to  his  constituents,  he  avowed 

*  This  was  several  months  previous  to  the  appearance  of  General  Jack- 
son's first  message. 


84  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1825-39- 

his  convictions  to  be  irreconcilably  opposed  to  the  exist- 
ence of  such  an  institution,  and  denied  both  its  conslitu- 
tionalitj  and  expediency.  He  supported  and  defended 
the  adiiiinistration  of  General  Jackson  during  the  exciting 
«-<)i:test  with  the  bank,  and  approved  and  justified  the 
]\uio\al  of  the  deposits.  With  General  Jackson  and  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  he  was  at  first  favorable  to  the  state  bank 
deposit  system ;  but  when  he  saw  how  total  was  its  fail- 
ure to  answer  the  expectations  of  himself,  and  his  friends 
and  coadjutoi*s,  he  hailed  the  project  of  an  independent 
treasury  recommended  by  Mr.  Van  Buren,  as  th&  great 
desideratum  in  the  financial  system  of  the  government. 
This  measure  received  his  unqualified  approbation,  and 
at  all  times  and  on  all  occasions,  he  expressed  himself 
unreservedly  in  its  favor.  He  had  the  proud  satisfaction, 
too,  in  tlie  first  year  of  his  administration,  of  approving, 
in  an  official  cliaracter,  the  bill  which,  at  the  close  of  his 
public  career,  remained  unrepealed  on  the  statute-book, 
— a  bill  Avhich  had  risen,  like  the  Phoenix  from  his  pyre^ 
from  the  ashes  of  obloquy  and  persecution,  and  was  pro- 
claimed the  law  of  the  land,  in  accordance  with  the 
expressed  will  of  the  Nation. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Dissensions  in  the  Republican  Party  in  Tennessee — Nomination  of  Judge 
White  for  the  Presidency — Course  of  Mr.  Polk — Chosen  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives — Reelected— Charaqter  as  a  Presiding  Officer — 
Vote  of  Thanks — Farewell  Address. 

Although  the  vote  of  Tennessee,  given  at  the  presi- 
dential election  in  1828,  was  almost  unanimous  in  favor 
of  General  Jackson,*  indications  of  dissatisfaction  were 
manifested  by  some  of  the  most  prominent  members  of 
the  republican  party  in  that  state,  at  an  early  period  of 
his  administration.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  gratify 
all  the  numerous  applicants  for  office,  and  those  who  were 
disappointed,  though  they  took  care  to  conceal  their  cha- 
grin, cherished  many  an  unfriendly  feeling  at  heart,  that 
only  required  an  occasion  for  its  exhibition.  But  while 
his  personal  fortunes  appeared  to  be  at  stake,  nothing  like 
open  opposition  was  witnessed  ;  he  had  firmly  secured 
the  love  and  respect  of  the  people  of  Tennessee,  and  a 
whisper  against  his  fair  fame  aroused  their  indignation. 
His  name,  like  that  of  Hafed,  was  a  "  name  of  fear  ;" 
and  if  murmurs  were  ever  heard,  they  were  directed 
toward  those  who  were  said  to  be  his  confidential  friends 
*nd  advisers. 

As  the  time  approached,  however,  for  the  selection  of 
his  successor,  the  elements  of  discord  and  disaffection 


*  There  were  only  about  twenty-two  hundred  votes  cast  for  the  Adams 
electors  in  the  whole  state.  • 


86  -  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1834. 

were  more  plainly  visible.  His  preferences  for  Mr.  Van 
Buren  were  well  known,  as  they  were  never  disguised. 
But  in  Tennessee,  a  large  portion  of  the  republicar- 
party  were  in  favor  of  Hugh  L.  White,  an  estimable 
and  talented  citizen  of  that  state,  then  one  of  its  Senators 
in  Congress ;  and  they  desired  to  have  him  duly  brought 
forward  by  a  legislative  nomination,  as  their  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  Unsuccessful  attempts  were  made 
to  induce  the  legislature  to  make  the  desired  nomination, 
and  a  similar  effort  at  the  convention  called  to  revise  the 
state  constitution,  in  the  spring  of  1834,  likewise  failed 
of  success.  In  tlie  neighboring  state  of  Alabama,  the 
friends  of  Judge  White  were  more  fortunate ;  and  in  the 
month  of  Jarmarj^,  1835,  the  legislature  of  that  state 
nominated  him  as  their  candidate  for  the  succession, — 
but  with  the  reservation,  and  upon  the  condition,  that  he 
should  be  "  the  choice  of  the  republican  party  throughout 
the  Union." 

Governor  Carroll,  Ex-Governor  Blount,  Felix  Grundy, 
James  K.  Polk,  Cave  Johnson,  and  other  discerning 
men  in  the  republican  ranks  in  Tennessee,  saw,  at  a 
glance,  that  the  prospects  of  Judge  White  were  utterly 
hopeless.  Indeed,  it  was  idle  to  presume  that  the  condi- 
tion mentioned  in  the  resolution  of  the  Alabama  legisla- 
ture would  ever  take  place.  Tennessee  had  been  honored 
with  a  president  of  her  own  choice,  for  eight  years  in 
succession ;  and  there  was  nothing  in  the  public  service% 
or  in  the  character  of  Judge  White,  that  peculiarly  enti- 
tled him  to  inherit  this  distinction,  in  opposition  to  the 
candidates  whose  nomination  was  desired  in  other  states. 
Besides,  the  general  sentiment  of  the  republican  party  in 


1834.]  HIS  COURSE.  87 

the  nation,  as  manifested  in  a  thousand  ways,  and  in  the 
most  unequivocal  manner,  had  indicated  a  decided  pref- 
erence for  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

Mr.  Polk  and  his  friends  were  disposed  to  yield  a 
ready  acquiescence  to  what  appeared  to  be  the  controlling 
desire,  of  their  republican  friends  out  of  Tennessee.  Ho 
WAS  himself  urgently  solicited  to  join  in  some  public 
manifestation  in  behalf  of  Judge  White ;  but  he  firmly 
and  constantly  refused  to  lend  his  name  or  his  influence 
for  any  such  purpose.  He  esteemed  Judge  White  for 
his  virtues  and  talents,  and  was  averse  to  taking  ground 
decidedly  against  him,  although  he  saw,  that  his  suscep- 
tibility to  flattery  had  been  taken  advantage  of  by  his 
particular  friends,  and  the  opponents  of  the  administra- 
tion, in  order  to  distract  and  divide  the  republican  party 
at  the  approaching  presidential  election.  Personally, 
JNIr.  Polk  was  not  in  tlie  least  degree  unfrien^^ly  to  the 
political  advancement  of  Judge  White  ;  but  he  had  none 
of  that  false  state  pri.le,  which  would  liave  led  him  to 
o-ppose  and  denounce,  as  he  was  desired  to  do,  the  pre- 
ferred candidate  of  the  republicans  throughout  the  Union. 

Meanwhile,  the  course  of  Judge  White  and  his  friends 
was  not  calculated  to  increase  his  popularity  amono-  the 
supporters  of  General  Jackson's  administration.  Oa  sev- 
eral occasions  he  had  given  evidence  of  a  disposition  to 
thwart  the  President  in  some  of  his  favorite  and  leading 
measures.  At  the  session  of  1833-31,  lie  voted  agains*t 
the  "three  million  amendment"  to  the  fortification  bill ; 
he  opposed,  also,  the  Ross  treaty,  and  the  expunging  res- 
olutions of  Mr.  Benton  ;  and  he  supported  the  movement 
made  by  the  Whigs  in   Congress,  predicated,  as  they 


88  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1834. 

alleged,  upon  their  fears  with  respect  to  the  union  of  the 
purse  and  the  sword  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  to  re- 
duce the  Executive  patronage  and  power. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  White  interest 
was  represented  bj  John  Bell,  one  of  the  colleagues  of 
Mr.  Polk,  and  betv/een  whom  there  had  long  existed  a 
sort  of  rivalship.  Both  claimed  to  be  the  sincere  friends 
of  General  Jackson,  and  both  approved  of  the  veto  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  and  the  removal  of  the  deposits. 
But  Mr.  Bell  was  in  favor  of  the  incorporation  of  another 
bank,*  while  Mr.  Polk,  in  accordance  with  what  had  now 
become  one  of  the  cardinal  doctrines  of  the  party  to  which 
he  belonged,  as  it  had  been  one  of  the  tests  of  the  old  re- 
publican creed,  avowed  his  uncompromising  hostility  to 
any  such  institution.  The  latter,  therefore,  was  the  most 
popular  with  the  republican  members  of  the  House,  and 
was  more  particularly  honon-d  vita  the  confidence  and 
friendship  of  President  Jackson,  ;iiid  the  principal  leaders 
of  the  republican  party.  In  Jar.",  1834.  the  Speaker  of 
the  House,  Andrew  Stevenson,  oi'  Virginia,  resigned  his 
seat  in  Congress,  in  consequence  of  his  nomination  as 
Minister  to  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Polk  was  instantly  se- 
lected by  the  majority  of  the  republican,  or  democratic! 
members,  as  the  administration  candidate  for  the  vacant 

*  Speech  of  Mr.  Bell  on  :^Ii-  ■(  layton's  Kesolution,  1832. 

f  About  the  time  of  the  first  election  of  General  Jackson,  in  1828,  his 
friends  «ind  supporters  began  to  assume  the  party  designation  of  democrats, 
or  demi.cratir  npublicans, — the  former  term,  previous  to  that  time,  having 
been  generally  regarded  as  one  of  reproach.  Tlie  opponents  of  his  adminis- 
tration called  themselves  nalionil  rcjmblirans,  until  1834,  when  thoy  as- 
sumed the  name  ofiohiifs  Since  that  date  the  two  great  parties  have  been 
usually  designated  as  tMgs  and  democrats.  'I'lio  adherents  of  Judge  White 
in  Tennessee,  claimed  to  be  the  "  no-party  party." 


1835. J  SUPPORT    OF    MR.    VAN    BUREN.  89 

position.  But  the  friends  of  Judge  White  refused  to 
support  him,  and  voted  for  Mr.  Bell,  who,  with  the  aid 
of  the  Whig  members,  was  elected  over  Mr.  Polk  on  the 
tenth  ballot. 

In  the  month  of  January  following,  the  Alabama  nomi- 
nation was  made,  as  has  been  mentioned  ;  and  during  the 
same  session  of  Congress,  the  Tennessee  delegation  in 
the  House,  with  the  exceptio.n  of  Mr.  Polk  and  Cave 
Johnson,  united  in  recommending  the  support  of  Judge 
White  for  the  Presidency.  Mr.  Bell,  it  is  said,  originally 
preferred  Colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky  ;  but 
the  vie^rs  of  the  latter  in  regard  to  the  incorporation  of  a 
national  bank  not  being  satisfactory  to  him,  he  connected 
himself  with  the  fortunes  of  Judge  W^hite, 

Shortly  after  tlic  adjournment  of  Congress,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  regularly  put  ia  nomination  as  the  republican 
candidate  for  President,  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
national  convention  assembled  at  Baltimore  in  May,  1835. 
Mr.  Polk  took  no  part  in  calling  or  recommending  this 
convention.  It  was  entirely  a  new  movement,  and  orig- 
inated mainly  in  a  desire  to  organize  the  republican 
party  in  a  most  efficient  manner,  in  anticipation  of  a  pow- 
erful effort  on  the  part  of  the  opponents  of  the  adminis- 
tration to  defeat  their  candidates.  After  the  nominations 
were  made,  and  received  with  an  almost  universal  ex- 
pression of  approbation  in  every  State  in  the  Union, 
Tennessee  alone  excepted,  Mr.  Polk  announced  his  de- 
termination not  to  separate  himself  from  the  republican 
party  of  the  nation.  Messrs.  Carroll,  Blount,  Grundy 
and  Johnson,  agreed  with  him  in  sentiment,  and  active 
preparations  were  immediately  made  to  carry  the  state 


90  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [18S5p 

at  the  gubernatorial  and  congressional  elections,  in  Au- 
gust, 1835.  But  the  time  proved  too  short  to  counteract 
the  impressions  which  had  been  formed,  and  to  change 
the  direction  of  the  popular  current.  The  Whigs  united 
with  the  friends  of^  Judge  White,  and  succeeded  in  de- 
feating Governor  Carroll,  who  was  nominated  for  re- 
election, and  all  the  administration  candidates  for  Con- 
gress, save  Mr.  Polk  and  Mr.  Johnson. 

The  triumphant  return  of  these  two  individuals  was 
particularly  disagreeable  to  the  combined  opposition. 
The  most  powerful  efforts  had  been  made  to  defeat  them, 
and  their  opposition  to  Judge  White  was  arrayed  against 
them,  through  the  press,  and  the  harangues  of  public 
speakers,  in  every  conceivable  shape  and  form.  Mr. 
Polk  was  assailed  in  his  district  with  especial  vehemence  ; 
but  when  his  opponents  discovered  that  all  efforts  to  de- 
feat his  reelection  were  useless,  and  that  it  was  impossible 
to  overcome  his  strong  personal  popularity,  they  sought 
to  pledge  him  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Bell  for  the  speaker- 
ship, in  opposition  to  any  candidate  beside  himself. 

He  had  no  terms  to  offer,  or  to  accept, — no  bargain  to 
suggest,  or  to  conclude.  He  went  before  the  people, 
and  defended  his  course  and  conduct,  from  the  stump,  in 
right  good  earnest.  In  a  speech  addressed  to  his  con- 
stituents on  the  20th  of  May,  and  before  the  Baltimore 
nominations  were  announced,  he  declared  that  he  had  at 
all  times  been  willing  to  see  Judge  White  elevated  to  the 
presidency,  since  his  name  had  been  spoken  of,  if  it  could 
be  done  by  the  political  party  to  which  they  both  be- 
longed ;  "  and,"  said  he,  "  if  at  any  time  hereafter,  the 
public  sentiment  in  the  democratic  republican  states,  in 


1835.J  PRESIDENTIAL    ELECTION.  91 

whatever  fair  mode  ascertained  or  expressed,  shall  indi- 
cate him  as  the  choice  of  the  body,  or  of  a  majority  of 
the  republican  supporters  of  the  present  administration, 
I  T\-ill  be  found  uniting  with  them  in  his  support.  But 
until  such  indication  shall  be  given,  I  will  wait  and  see 
upon  whom  the  great  body  of  our  friends  of  the  same  po- 
litical faith  in  other  states  do  concentrate  ;  and  upon 
him,  whomsoever  he  may  be,  in  my  opinion,  all  should 
unite." 

"  Were  I  to  give  an  opinion,"  he  added,  "  as  to  what 
the  course  of  the  opposition  would  ultimately  be,  judging 
from  the  conduct  of  the  leaders  of  that  party  in  Congress,  I 
should  say  that  they  would  wait,  in  the  hope  that  we  would 
become  excited,  divided,  and  arrayed  against  each  other, 
between  two  or  more  candidates  of  our  party,  so  that  we 
could  not  be  reunited  ;  and  having  effected  this  by  false 
pretence  of  intended  support  to  one  of  our  party,  it  will 
only  be  necessary  to  sound  a  bugle  to  rally  the  whole 
strength  of  the  opposition  upon  one  of  their  own  men. 
Should  we  divide  to  any  great  extent,  none  can  suppose 
that  the  ambitious  men  who  lead  the  opposition,  will  not 
take  advantage  of  our  divisions  and  run  a  candidate  of 
their  own."  ' 

On  the  8th  of  June,  during  the  term  of-  the  county 
court,  Mr.  Polk  addressed  the  citizens  of  Maury  in  still 
more  eloquent  and  animated  terms.  He  defended  the 
administration  of  General  Jackson  from  the  charges  of 
the  opposition,  and  repelled  with  manly  generosity  and 
disinterestedness  the  attacks  made  upon  Mr.  Van  Buren 
by  his  enemies.  He  pointed  out  the  folly  of  supporting 
Judge  White  for  the  presidency,  unless  it  was  done  for 


92  'jAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1835. 

the  express  purpose  of  distracting  and  dividing  the  re 
publican  party,  so  that  the  election  ^vould  devolve  on  the 
House  of  Representatives.  He  said  he  had  taken  no  part 
in  the  Baltimore  convention,  nor  in  the  nomination  made 
by  his  colleagues  ;  but  he  declared  that  "  as  a  citizen, 
he  Avould  support  for  the  presidency  that  man  -who  "was 
the  choice  of  the  great  body  of  the  republicans  of  the  na- 
tion," at  the  same  time  pledging  himself,  if  the  election 
•went  before  the  House,  to  carry  out  the  -will  of  the  peo- 
ple of  his  district. 

The  predictions  of  Mr.  Polk  were  verified.  Judge 
White  ultimately  received  the  support  only  of  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  administration  and  of  the  friends  of  the  United 
States  Bank,  except  that  in  a  very  few  instances  he  ob- 
tained the  votes  of  persons  in  the  Southern  States,  who 
thought  Mr.  Van^uren  would  be  unable  to  carry  them, 
and  desired  to  prevent  the  election  of  General  Harrison, 
the  whig  candidate  at  the. north.  In  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, Mr.  Polk  and  his  friends  engaged  with  great  ac- 
tivity in  the  contest,  in  support  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  ;  and 
the  White  electoral  ticket,  with  the  whole  whig  opposi- 
tion united  in  its  favor,  succeeded  by  but  about  nine 
thousand  majority. 

Shortly  after  the  August  election  in  1835,  Mr.  Polk 
visited  Nashville,  when  on  his  way  to  Rutherford  Count}^ 
While  at  the  seat  of  government,  the  compliment  of  a 
public  dinner  was  tendered  to  him  by  the  republicans  of 
that  city  ;  but  he  was  forced  to  decline  the  profiered  invi- 
tation, on  account  of  the  poor  state  of  his  health.  In  his 
reply  to  the  letter  of  the  citizens,  which  expressed  their 
high  approbation  of  his  political  course,  he  said :  "  Being 


1835. J  DECLINES    A    PUBLIC    DINNER.  93 

unwillincr  to  do  any  act,  which  might  tend  to  hreak  up  or 
disturb  the  integrity  of  this  party-the  republican  party 
to  which  we  belong-and  with  a  sincere  desn-e  to  avoid 
the  state  of  things  which  now  exists,  and  which  I  thought 
I  foresaw  was  likely  to  be  produced,  I  did  not  hesitate, 
during  the  past  winter,  to  assume  the  position  I  now  oc- 
cupy.°    It  is  the  position  of  principle.     I  am  still  acting 
upon  my  old  principles,  and  with  a  vast  majority  of  my 
old  political  friends  ;  with  whom  I  do  now,  and  have  ever 
a-reed  in  opinion.     I  have  not  changed  my  position,  or  . 
any  political  opinion,  upon  which  I  have  ever  acted.     I 
have  compromised  no  principle,  nor  can  I  act  with  those 
who  have  broken  off  and  seceded  from  the  body  of  the  re- 
publican party,  and  assumed  a  position,  which  cannot 
operate  otherwise  (though  by  many  that  effect,  doubtless, 
is  not  intended)  than  in  aid  of  the  adversaries  of  our  prin- 
ciples ;  who,  being  in  a  minority,  are  '  willing  to  destroy 
the  landmarks  of  repubhcanism  ;'  who  seek  to  efface  the 
lines  which  have  hitherto  separated  federalists  and  repub- 
licans, and  to  organize  upon  the  ruins  of  the  republican 
party,  by  an  unnatural  amalgamation  of  political  leaders 
of  discordant  principles  and  opinions,  a  new  party  called 
by  whatever  name,  whether  by  that  of  the   'no-party 
partv,  or -any  other,  when  the  necessary  and  mevitable 
consequences  must  be  the   destruction  of  those  princi- 
ples we  hold  dear.     If  the  object  of  this  amalgamation 
and  new  organization  be,  as  is  sometimes  professed,  to 
put  an  end  to  the  existence  and  asperity  of  party,  it  can- 
not be  attained;  for  of  what  avail  is  it,  to  break  up  and 
destroy  one  party— the  republican  party— and  erect  upon 
its  ruins  another-the  '  no-party'  party-which,  judging 


94  *     JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [l8oS     i9. 

from  the  indications  we  have  seen,  from  some  of  the  lead- 
ers of  this  new  party,  is  likely  to  be,  in  Tennessee  at 
least,  more  intolerant  than  any  other  party  which  has 
ever  existed  amongst  us." 

The  friends  of  Judge  White  did  not  yet  despair  of  se- 
curing the  influence  of  Mr.  Polk  ;  and  in  the  month  of 
October  he  received  an  invitation  to  attend  a  public  dfli- 
ner  to  be  given  to  the  Judge  in  Maury  county,  on  the 
20th  instant.     The  reply  of  Mr.  Polk  to  the  committee 

'  was  brief  but  pertinent.  "  I  have  this  moment,"  said  he, 
'"  received  3'our  uote  of  invitation  to  dine  on  Tuesday,  the 
20th  inst.,  and  have  the  honor  to  decline  it."  After  the 
dispatch  of  this  missive,  he  was  honored  with  no  further 
attentions  in  that  quarter.  His  constituents,  however, 
looked  upon  the  dinner  to  Judge  White  as  being  designed 
to  rebuke  him  for  his  course,  and  they  forthwith  made 
preparations  for  a  similar  demonstration  of  their  regard 
for  their  representative.  A  dinner  was  accordingly  given 
to  Mr.  Polk,  at  Mooresville,  on  the  22d  of  October,  which 
was  far  more  numerously  attended  than  the  previous  af- 
fair in  honor  of  Judge  White. 

When  the  members  of  th*e  twenty-fourth  Congress  as- 
sembled at  the  capitol  for  their  first  regular  session,  in 
December,  1835,  it  was  found  that  the  friends  of  the  ad- 

)^nnistration  were  largely  in  the  majority.  Mr.  Polk  was 
selected  by  general  consent  as  their  candidate  for  speaker, 
not  merely  as  an  act  of  justice  on  account  of  the  circum- 
stances under  which  he  was  defeated  the  previous  year, 
but  as  a  tribute  due  to  his  exalted  worth  and  talents,  and 
the  firmness  and  independence  he  had  exhibited  during 
the  recent  canvass  in  Tennessee.     Mr.  Bell  was  once 


1835-39. J    CHARACTER    AS    PRESIDING    OFFICER.  95 

more  tlie  opposing  candidate,  but  he  received  only  84 
vo4eSj  while  132  Avere  given  for  Mr.  Polk.  At  the  first, 
or  extra  session  of  the  2oth  Congress,  held  in  September, 
1837,  the  same  candidates  were  pitted  against  each  other 
— Mr.  Bell  being  at  that  time  thoroughly  identified  with 
the  whig  opposition.  Parties  were  more  equally  divided 
ill  tliis  Congress,  but  Mr.  Polk  was  again  chosen  over  his 
opponent  by  thirteen  majority.  s.^ 

As  the  Speaker  of  the  24th  and  the  2oth  Congress,  Mr.  v^ 
Polk  occupied  the  c'  n'rr  of  the  House  during  five  ses-  . 
slons.  It  was  his  .fortune  to  fill  this  distinguished  posi- 
tion when  party  feelings  wer.e  excited  to  an  unusual  de- 
gree. During  the  first  session,  more  appeals  were  taken 
from  his  decisions,  than  were  ever  before  known  ;  but  he 
was  uniformly  sustained  by  the  House,  and  frequently  by 
the  most  prominent  members  of  the  opposition.  He  was 
courteous  and  afiable  toward  all  who  approached  him, 
and  in  his  manner,  as  the  presiding  ofiicer,  dignity  and 
urbanity  were  appropriately  blended.  In  the  appoint- 
ment of  committees,  in  awarding  the  floor,  and  in  his  de- 
cisions on  questions  of  parliamentary  law,  he  aimed  to  be 
strictly  impartial ;  and  if  he  at  any  time  failed  in  this,  it 
was  because  he  could  not  entirely  divest  himself — and 
who  is  there  that  can — of  party  feelings  and  prejudices. 
Amid  the  stormy  scenes  that  attended  the  abolition  ex- 
citement in  Congress,  and  the  presentation  of  petitions 
connected  in  one  shape  or  another  with  the  slavery  ques- 
tion, he  was  always  cool  and  collected,  and  never  dis- 
turbed from  the  calm  serenity  that  characterized  him. 
Totally  opposed  though  he  was  to  all  the  movements  of 
the  abolitionists,  he  yet  habitually  extended  to  their  lead- 


96  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1835-39. 

er  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
"  every  kindness  and  courtesy  imaginable."* 

Being  perfect!}'  familiar  with  the  lex  parliamentarian 
he  was  ever  prompt  in  his  decisions.  Questions  of  order 
might  be  multiplied,  till  the  whole  business  of  the  House 
seemed  to  be  in  a  state  of  irretrievable  confusion  ;  but  he 
instantly  unravelled  the  knot  and  restored  order  and  har- 
mony. Discord  and  strife  might  shake  the  pillars  of  the 
capitol,  but  he  quailed  not  from  his  duty.  Whether 
frowns  or  smiles,  favor  or  dislike,  followed  his  decisions, 
he  did  not  stop  to  inquire.  He  would  not  swerve  a  single 
hair's  breadth  from  what  he  conceived  to  be  ricrht :  and 
this  he  did,  and  to  this  he  adhered,  regardless  of  conse- 
quences personal  to  liimself. 

At  the  close  of  the  24th  Congress,  in  March,  1837,  a 
unanimous  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Speaker  was  passed  by 
the  House.  The  sessions  of  the  ensuing  Congress  were 
remarkable  for  the  violence  and  asperity  that  signalized 
the  proceedings. J  The  discussions  on  the  independent 
treasurj^,  and'otlier  topics  connected  with  the  prevailing 
panic  and  derangement  in  the  monetary  affairs  of  the 
country,  were  exceedingly  animated.  Mr.  Polk  was 
often  called  upon  to  decide  what  were  regarded  as  party 
questions  ;  and  though  the  same  uprightness  of  principle, 
honesty  of  intention,  and  conscientious  desire  not  to  for- 
get his  moral  responsibility,  influenced  his  conduct,  the 
opposition  members,  as  was  natural  in  their  excited  state 
of  feeling  which  continued  to  be  exhibited  up  to  the  very 
last  day  of  the  closing  session,  refused  to  unite  in  passing 

•  Reminiscences  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  by  an  Old  Colony  Man. 


i 


1835-39.]  VOTE    OF   THANKS.  97 

the  customary  vote  of  tlianks.  The  usual  resolution  was 
offered  by  an  administration  member,  which  produced  a 
warm  debate.  It  was  at  length  adopted  by  the  A-otes  of 
the  republican  members  ;  several  of  the  opposition  mem- 
bers also  concurred  in  it,  but  the  great  body  of  them 
either  voted  in  the  negative  or  remained  silent. 

Under  almost  any  other  circumstances  this  resolution 
would  probably  have  been  passed  without  a  dissenting 
voice.  No  speaker  elected  as  the  candidate  of  a  political 
party  could  have  been  more  rigidly  impartial  than  was 
Mr.  Polk.  To  his  opponents,  doubtless,  it  sometimes 
seemed,  in  the  ardor  with  which  they  pursued  their  ef- 
forts to  render  the  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  un- 
popular, and  to  defeat  its  measures,  that  he  was  inclined 
to  exert  his  power  unnecessarily  to  thwart  them,  «nd  that 
he  was  unduly  governed  by  party  feelings.  But  they 
were  mistaken  in  his  character.  He  was  a  party  man, 
but  not  a  bitter  or  vindictive  partisan.  If  his  political 
prejudices  even  led  him  into  an  unintentional  error,  what 
member  of  the  25th  Congress  belonging  to  the  opposition, 
could  say—"  Stand  aside,  for  I  am  holier  than  thou  !" 
Where  all  were  excited  to  an  extent  hitherto  unexam- 
pled, who  had  the  fight  to  censure  his  fellow  1 

In  adjourning  the  House  on  the  4th  of  March,  1839, 
and  terminating  forever  his  connection  with  the  body,  of 
which  he  had  been  so  long  a  member,  Mr.  Polk  delivered 
a  farewell  address  of  more  than  ordinary  length,  bu: 
characterized  by  deep  feeling.  "  When  I  look  b'-xCK  to 
the  period,"  said  he,  "  when  I  first  took  mv  scat  in  this 
House,  and  then  look  around  me  for  tLose  who  were  at 
that  time  my  associates  here,  I  find  but  few,  very  few, 
5 


98  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

remaining.  But  five  members  who  were  here  with  me 
fourteen  years  ago,  continue  to  be  members  of  this  body. 
My  service  here  has  been  constant  and  laborious.  I 
can  perhaps  say  what  but  few  others,  if  any,  can,  that  I 
have  not  failed  to  attend  the  daily  sittings  of  this  House 
a  single  day  since  I  have  been  a  member  of  it,  save  on 
a  single  occasion,  vrhen  prevented  for  a  short  time  b}^  in- 
disposition. In  my  intercourse  with  the  members  of 
this  body,  when  I  occupied' a  place  upon  the  floor,  though 
occasionally  engaged  in  debates  upon  interesting  public 
questions,  and  of  an  exciting  character,  it  is  a  source  of 
unmingled  gratification  to  me  to  recur  to  the  fact,  that 
on  no  occasion  was  there  the  slightest  personal  or  un- 
pleasant collision  with  any  of  its  members.  Maintaining, 
and  at  ^11  times  expressing,  my  own  opinions  firmly,  the 
same  right  was  fully  conceded  to  others.  For  four  ^'-ears 
past,  the  station  I  have  occupied,  and  a  sense  of  pro- 
priety, in  the  divided  and  unusually-exciting  state  of  pub- 
lic opinion  and  feeling,  which  has  existed  both  in  this 
House  and  the  country,  have  precluded  me  from  partici- 
pating in  your  debates.  Other  duties  w^ere  assigned  me. 
"  The  high  ofiice  of  Speaker,  to  which  it  has  been 
twice  the  pleasure  of  the  House  to  elevate  me,  has  been 
at  all  tim:s  one  of  labor  and  high  responsibility.  It  has 
been  made  my,  duty  to  decide  more  questions  of  parlia, 
mentary  law  and  cider,  many  of  them  of  a  complex  and 
difficult  character,  arisino;  often  in  the  midst  of  high  ex- 
citement, in  the  course  of  our  proceedings,  than  had 
been  decided,  it  is  believed,  by  all  my  predecessors,  from 
the  foundation  of  the  government.  This  House  has  uni- 
formly sustained  me,  without  distinction  of  the  political 


1839. J         speaker's  farewell  address.  99 

parties  of  which  it  has  been  composed.  I  return  them 
my  thanks  for  their  constant  support  in  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  I  have  had  to  perform. 

''  But,  gentlemen,  my  acknowledgments  are  especially 
due  to  the  majority  of  this  House,  for  the  high  and 
flattering  evidence  they  have  given  me,  of  their  approba- 
tion of  my  conduct  as  the  presiding  officer  of  the  House, 
by  the  resolution  you  have  been  pleased  to  pass.  I  re- 
gard it  as  of  infinitely  more  value  than  if  it  had  been  the 
common  matter-of-course,  and  customary  resolution, 
which,  in  the  courtesy  usually  prevailing  between  the 
presiding  officer  and  the  members  of  any  deliberative 
assembly,  is  always  passed  at  the  close  of  their  deliber- 
ations. I  regard  this  as  the  highest  and  most  valued 
testimonial  I  have  ever  received  from  this  House ;  be- 
cause I  know  that  the  circumstances  under  which  it  has 
passed,  have  made  it  matter  of  substance,  and  not  of 
mere  form.  I  shall  bear  it  in  grateful  remembrance  to 
the  latest  hour  of  my  life. 

"  I  trust  this  high  office  may  in  future  times  be  filled, 
as  doubtless  it  will  be,  by  abler  men.  It  cannot,  I 
know,  be  filled  by  any  one  who  will  devote  himself  with 
more  zeal  and  untiring  industry  to  do  his  whole  duty, 
than  I  have  done." 


# 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Mr.  Poik  supported  by  the  Democratic  Party  in  Tennessee  as  their  Candi- 
date for  Governor — The  Canvass — His  Election — Inaugural  Address — 
Executive  Recommendations — His  Administration — A  Candidate  for 
K  eijlection — Defeat — State  Politics. 

Still  higher  honors  awaited  Mr.  Polk.  His  long  and 
arduous  service  in  the  national  representation,  and  more 
especially  the  circumstances  attending  the  presidential 
canvass  of  1836,  liad  familiarized  the  people  of  Tennessee 
with  his  name  and  character.  To  the  republican  party 
he  was  endeared  by  his  sacrifices  in  their  behalf,  by  his 
devotion  to  their  interests,  and  his  steadfast  maintenance 
of  their  principles.  They  had  marked,  with  pride  and 
exultation,  his  manly  bearing  in  the  political  contests 
through  wdiich  they  had  passed  ;  they  had  seen  him  dis- 
play the  gallantry  of  Hotspur  with  the  prudent  caution 
and  wisdom  of  Worcester  ;  they  had  witnessed  the  unsuc-^ 
cessful  efforts  which  had  been  made  to  prostrate  him  as  a 
public  man  ;  and  they  had  rejoiced  over  his  repeated 
triumphs,  when  so  many  adverse  influences  were  arrayed 
against  him. 

Greatness  is  frcmiently  the  result  of  mere  accident; 
and  fame,  like  the  ignis  fatuus^  often  shines  the  most 
brightly  over  the  dead  man's  grave.  Popular  favor  is 
sometimes  hard  to  win,  and  then  again  it  is  easily  ac- 
quired, but,  it  may  be  as  easily  lost.     The  career  of  a 


1839.]    '  GUBERXATORIAL    CANVASS  101 

politician  resembles  the  summer  landscape  above  which 
the  fleecy  clouds  are  constantly  flitting — now  in  the  light, 
and  now  in  the  shade — here  all  sunshine  and  brightness, 
and  there  all  darkness  and  gloom.  The  gratification  of 
human  hopes  is  always  uncertain,  and  aspirations  after 
public  honors  are  not  exempt  from  the  disappointments 
incident  to  mortal  desires.  But  this  should  not  deter 
true  merit  from  treading  the  path  of  honorable  ambition. 
Accidental  distinctions  are  rarely  worth  striving  for  ;  but  • 
the  lasting  esteem  of  a  free  people  is  a  patent  of  nobility 
prouder  than  was  ever  granted  by  kingly  favor,  and  is 

"  stamped  Avitli  a  seal, 
Far,  far  more  ennobling,  than  monarch  e'er  set." 

At  the  earnest  request,  and  upon  the  urgent  solicita- 
tions of  his  friends,  repeatedly  pressed  upon  him,  Mr.  ^ 
Polk  consented  to  become  the  candidate  of  the  republicans 
of  Tennessee,  at  the  August  election  in  1839,  for  the 
office  of  governor.  It  w\as  very  evident  that  none  but  the 
strongest  man  in  the  party  could  enter  into  the  canvass 
with  anything  like  a  fair  prospect  before  him ;  and  it  was 
exceedingly  doubtful  whether  he  could  be  successful. 
The  democracy  of  the  state  were  in  a  measure  disheart- 
ened by  the  disasters  and  defeats  which  they  had  expe- 
rienced since  the  secession  of  Judge  White,  Mr.  Bell, 
and  their  friends,  from  the  party ;  and  they  needed  some 
leader  possessing  a  powerful  hold  upon  their  afl'ections, 
of  popular  manners  and  an  able  speaker,  to  place  himself 
at  their  head,  to  encourage  them  by  his  example,  and  to 
animate  them  by  his  stirring  eloquence. 

Such  a  leader  was  Mr.  Polk.     He  cheerfully  accepted 


102  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

the  nomination,  which  was  tendered  to  him  bj  tlie  unani- 
mous consent  of  his  republican  friends,  in  the  fall  of 
1838,  and  at  a  barbecue  in  Murfreesborough  publicly  de- 
clared himself  a  candidate.  He  immediately  took  the 
stump,  but  was  only  able  to  make  a  few  speeches  that 
fall,  as  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  repair  to  Washington 
in  time  for  the  opening  of  the  session  of  Congress. 

At  the  close  of  the  session,  in  the  spring  of  1839,  he 
hastened  home  without  delay,  and  his  familiar  voice  was 
soon  heard  uttering  its  thrilling  appeals,  that  aroused  the 
feelings,  and  moved  the  hearts,  of  those  who  listened  to 
him,  like  tlie  notes  of  a  trumpet  on  the  eve  of  an  impend- 
ing battle.  The  energies  of  the  party  were  forthwith 
revived  ;  unity  and  harmony  everywhere  prevailed  ;  and 
a  new  spirit  seemed  to  dwell  in  the  bosoms  of  those  who 
had  been  languid  and  fahit-hearted,  and  had  already 
predicted  defeat. 

The  canvass  was  warm  and  spirited.  The  state  had 
for  years  been  in  the  hands  of  the  opposition,  and  they 
now  rallied  with  enthusiasm  and  alacrity  in  support  of 
Governor  Cannon,  the  incumbent  of  the  oiBce,  who  was 
a  candidate  for  reelection.  The  governor  was  a  man  of 
great  popularity,  well  and  w^idely  known,  and  justly  es- 
teemed for  his  high  character  and  talents.  He  appeared 
on  the  stump  in  person,  and  a  number  of  the  ablest  whig 
speakers  in  the  state  labored  for  weeks  in  his  support. 
Mr.  Polk  was  favored  by  no  factitious  circumstances. 
On  the  contrary,  everything  was  against  him,  and  the 
issue  of  the  contest,  as  was  proved  by  the  result,  depend- 
>y  ed  mainly  on  himself.  As  a  stump  speaker  he  was  in- 
vincible ;  and  his  abilities  in  this  .respect  were  now  put  to 


1839.]  THE    CANVASS.  103 

a  severe  test.  Never  did  his  aptness,  liis  facilite  in  ad- 
dressing popular  assemblies,  appear  to  greater  advantage, 
or  serve  him  in  greater  stead.  He  had  reached  the  turn- 
ing point  of  his  fortunes — the  crisis  of  his  career.  If 
defeated  on  this  occasion  it  might  bo  impossible  to  main- 
tain himself  in  the  position  he  had  previously  occupied, 
but  if  successful,  yet  higher  distinctions  miglit  be  attain- 
ed. The  prize  seemed  to  be  worthy  of  his  utmost  efforts. 
He  flew,  as  it  were,  from  one  end  of  the  state  to  the 
other.  He  visited  every  county  and  addressed  its  citi- 
zens. He  scarcely  gave  himself  time  to  eat  or  to  sleep, 
but,  entirely  indifferent  to  fatigue,  continued  his  efforts, 
without  pause  or  relaxation,  up  to  the  last  hour  of  the 
canvass. 

Animated  as  was  the  contest,  nothing  like  personal  ill- 
feeling  was  manifested  by  either  of  the  rival  candidates. 
Governor  Cannon,  however,  was  afraid  to  meet  Mr.  Polk 
on  the  stump.  The  latter  made  out  a  list  of  appointments 
in  West  Tennessee,  and  invited  his  opponent  to  accom- 
pany him.  The  invitation  was  declined  by  Governor 
Cannon  ;  whereupon  Mr.  Polk  set  out  to  fill  his  appoint- 
ments, but  when  he  had  reached  the  extreme  western 
limits  of  the  state,  he  was  informed  that  Governor  Can- 
non had  left  for  East  Tennessee,  in  order  to  fill  some  ap- 
pointments which  he  had  made  there.  Mr.  Polk  instantly 
suspended  his  own  unfilled  appointments,  and  travelled 
w^ith  the  utmost  speed  to  Knoxville,  which  place  he  reach- 
ed without  having  slept  in  a  bed,  or  pulled  off  his  boots, 
during  the  journey.  He  then  met  Governor  Cannon, 
and,  as  was  claimed  by  his  friends,  defeated  him  on 
every  occasion.     That  the  people  coincided  in  this  opin- 


104  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

ion,  was  evinced  by  their  expressions  of  praise  and  ap- 
probation, and  by  their  votes  at  the  polls. 

The  exertions  of  Mr.  Polk  during  this  canvass  de- 
served the  success  with  which  they  were  rewarded.  He 
was  elected  over  Governor  Cannon  by  upwards  of  twenty- 
"V^five  hundred  majority,  and  on  the  14th  of  October  took 
the  oath  of  office  at  Nashville,  and  entered  upon  the  dis- 
charge of  the  executive  duties.  On  this  occasion,  he  de- 
livered the  following  address,  which  is  with  justice  con- 
sidered to  be  one  of  the  clearest  and  ablest  documents 
that  ever  came  from  his  pen,  in  the  presence  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  and  a  large  concourse  of  citizens  : 

governor's  address. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  Fellow-Citizens : 

Deeply  impressed  with  a  sense  of  gratitude  to  my  fellow- 
citizens  for  the  confidence  they  have  reposed  in  me  by  elevat- 
ing me  to  the  Chief  Executive  Office  in  the  State,  and  duly 
sensible  of  the  weight  of  responsibility  which  will  devolve 
upon  me,  I  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  its  duties  firmly  rely- 
ing upon  the  cooperation  of  t]ie  coordinate  departments  of 
the  State  Government,  in  all  such  measures  of  public  policy 
as  may  be  calculated  to  maintain  the  high  character  of  the 
State,  and  to  advance  and  promote  the  interests,  the  happi- 
ness, and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

A  proper  respect  for  public  opinion,  as  well  as  a  compliance 
with  public  expectation,  seem  to  require  that  I  should  upon 
this  occasion  publicly  declare  the  leading  principles  which  I 
shall  deem  it  proper  to  be  observed  in  the  conduct  of  the 
State  Administration,  so  far  as  the  action  of  the  Executive 
branch  may  be  concerned. 

Under  our  happy  system  of  Government,  the  ultimate  and 


1839.]  governor's  address.  105 

supreme  sovereignty  rests  in  the  people.     The  powers  of  gov- 
ernment delegated  by  the  people  to  their  public  functionaries, 
are   by  our  constitution  divided  between  the   Federal  and 
State  authorities.     The  State  Governments  are  not,  as  has 
been  erroneously  supposed  by  some,  subordinate  to  the  Fed- 
eral Government.     "  They  are  coordinate  departments  of  one 
simple  and  integral  whole."     The  States  have  parted  with 
certain  enumerated  and  specified  powers,  and,  by  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  these  are  delegated  to  the  Fed- 
eral  Government,  and  can  only  be  rightfully  exercised  by 
that  Government.     "  The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United 
States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States, 
are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 
B  ^  the  partition  of  powers  thus  distinctly  defined,  it  is  mani- 
fest ^  that  each  govern<nent  possesses  powers  which  are  with- 
held from  the  other.     And  so  long  as  each  acts  within  its 
legitimate  and  proper  sphere,  the  system  works  harmoniously, 
and  affords  to  the  citizen  a  greater  amount  of  security  for  life, 
liberty  and  property,  and  in  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  than 
is  to  be  found  under  any  other  government  which  has  ever 
existed.     When  either  overleaps  the  true  boundary  prescribed 
for  its  action,  and  usurps  the  exercise  of  powers  properly  be- 
lono'ino-  to  the  other,  the  harmony  of  the  system  is  disturbed, 
and  agitating  collisions  arise  which  are  calculated  to  weaken 
the  bonds  of  union.     Whilst,  therefore,  the  States  should  be 
jeaTous  of  every  encroachment  of  the  Federal  Government  on 
their  rights,  they  should  be  careful  to  confine  themselves  in 
their  own  action  to  the  exercise  of  powers  clearly  reserved  to 
them. 

It  will,  I  do  not  doubt,  be  the  patriotic  desire  of  my  con- 
stituents, as  I  know  it  will  be  mine,  in  the  discharge  of  the 
functions  to  which  I  am  called,  that  "  the  support  of  the 
State  Governments  in  all  their  rights,  as  the  most  competent 
administrations  for  our  domestic  concerns,  and  the  surest  bul- 
waik  against  anti-republican  tendencies,"  and  that  the  "pres- 
5* 


106  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [l8o9- 

ervation  of  the  General  Government,  in  its  whole  constitu- 
tional vigor,  as  the  sheet-anchor  of  oui*  peace  at  home,  and 
safety  abroad,"  shall  be  scrupulously  observed  and  inviolably 
maintained. 

lu  ascertaining  the  true  line  of  separation  between  the 
powers  of  the  General  Government  and  of  the  States,  much 
difficulty  has  often  been  experienced  in  the  operations  of  our 
system.  The  powers  delegated  to  the  General  Government 
are  either  express  or  implied.  The  general  rule  of  construc- 
tion laid  down  by  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  in  1799, 
may  be  regarded  as  a  sound  one  by  which  to  determine 
whether  a  given  power  has  been  delegated  to  that  Govern- 
ment, or  is  reserved  to  the  States.  That  nde  is — "  When- 
ever a  question  arises  concerning  the  constitutionality  of  a 
particular  power,  the  first  question  is,  whether  the  power  be 
exjjressecl  in  the  constitution.  .  If  it  be,  the  question  is  decided. 
If  it  be  not  ex2Jressed,  the  next  question  must  be,  whether  it 
is  properly  an  incident  to  an  expressed  power,  and  necessary/ 
to  its  execution.  If  it  be,  it  may  be  exercised  by  Congress. 
If  it  be  not.  Congress  cannot  exercise  it."  If  the  power  be 
not  expressed,  it  is  not  enough  that  it  may  be  convenient  or 
expedient  to  exercise  it,  for  such  a  construction  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  would  refer  its  exercise  to  the 
unlimited  and  unrestrained  discretion  of  Congress — to  deter- 
mine what  would  be  convenient  or  expfedient ;  thereby  making 
the  exercise  of  important  powers,  by  the  General  Govern- 
ment, to  depend  upon  the  varying  discretion  of  successive 
Congresses.  It  must  be  a  "  necessary  and  proper  "  power. 
It  must  be  an  incident  to  an  express  power,  "  necessary  and 
proper  "  to  carry  that  express  power  into  effect,  and,  without 
which,  it  could  not  be  exercised,  and  would  be  nugatory. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  whose  sound  expositions  of  the  relative 
powers  of  the  Federal  and  State  Governments  but  few  of  my 
constituents  will  be  prepared  at  this  day  to  question,  near 
the  close  of  a  long  and  eventful  life  of  public  usefulness,  de- 


1839.]  governor's  address.  107 

clared  "  to  be  most  false  and  unfounded,  the  doctrine  that 
the  compact,  in  authorizing  its  federal  branch  to  lay  and  col- 
lect taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and 
provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the 
United  States,  has  given  them  thereby  a  power  to  do  what- 
ever they  may  think,  or  pretend,  would  promote  the  general 
welfare,  which  construction  would  make  that,  of  itself,  a  com- 
plete government,  without  hmitation  of  powers  ;  but,  that  the 
plain  sense  and  obvious  meaning  were,  that  they  might  levy 
the  taxes  necessary  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare,  by  the 
various  acts  of  power  therein  specified  and  delegated  to 
them,  and  by  no  others." 

In  all  cases  of  well-founded  .constitutional  doubt,  it  is  safest 
and  wisest  for  all  the  functionaries  of  government,  both  State 
and'  Federal,  to  abstain  from  the  exercise  of  the  doubtful 
power.  In  all  such  cases,  it  is  both  safest  and  wisest  to  ap- 
peal to  the  people,  the  only  true  source  of  power  in  the  con- 
stitutional forms,  by  an  amendment  of  the  fundamental  law, 
to  remove  such  doubt,  either  by  an  enlargement  or  a  restric- 
tion of  the  doubtful  power  in  question. 

The  Federal  Government  has  at  different  times  assumed, 
or  attempted  to  exercise  powers,  which,  in  my  judgment, 
have  not  been  conferred  upon  that  government  by  the  com- 
pact. Among  these,  I  am  free  to  declare  my  solemn  convic- 
tion that  the  Federal  Government  possesses  no  constitutional 
power  to  incorporate  a  National  Bank.  The  advocates  of  a 
bank  insist  that  it  would  be  convenient  and  expedient,  and  that 
it  would  promote  the  "general  welfare;"  but  they  have,  in 
my  judgment,  failed  to  show  that  the  power  to  create  it  is 
either  expressly  granted,  or  that  it  is  an  incident  to  any  express 
power,  that  is  ''necessary  and  proper'''  to  carry  that  power 
into  effect.  The  alarming  dangers  of  the  power  of  such  a 
corporation  (vast  and  irresponsible  as  experience  has  shown 
it  to  be)  to  the  public  liberty,  it  does  not  fall  within  the  scope 
of  my  present  purpose  fully  to  examine.     We  have  seen  the 


108  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

power  of  associated  wealth  in  the  hite  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  Avresthng  with  a  giant's  strength  with  the  Govern- 
ment itself — and  although  finally  overthrown,  it  was  not  until 
after  a  long  and  doubtful  contest.  During  the  struggle,  it 
manifested  a  power  for  mischief  which  it  would  be  danger- 
ous to  permit  to  exist  in  a  free  country.  The  panic  and 
alarm,  the  distress  and  extensive  sufi^ering,  which  in  its  con- 
vulsive struggle  to  perpetuate  its  power  it  inflicted  on  the 
country,  will  not  soon  be  forgotten.  Its  notorious  alliance 
with  leading  politicians,  and  its  open  interference  by  means 
of  the  corrupting  power  of  money  in  the  political  contests  of 
the  times,  had  converted  it  into  a  political  engine,  used  to 
control  elections  and  the  course  of  public  affairs.  No  re- 
straints of  law  could  prevent  any  similar  institution  from  be- 
ing the  willing  instrument  used  for  similar  purposes.  The 
State  of  Tennessee,  througli  her  Legislature,  has  repeatedly 
declared  her  settled  opinions  against  the  existence  of  sucli  an 
institution,  and  at  no  time  in  its  favor.  She  has  instructed 
her  Senators,  and  requested  her  Representatives  in  Congress 
to  vote  against  the  establishment  of  such  an  institution.  In 
these  opinions,  heretofore  expressed  by  the  State,  I  entirely 
concur. 

Of  the  same  character  is  the  power  wliich  at  some  time  has 
been  attempted  to  be  exercised  by  the  Federal  Government, 
of  first  collecting  by  taxation  on  the  people  a  surplus  revenue 
beyond  the  wants  of  that  Government,  and  then  distributing 
such  surplus,  in  the  shape  of  donations,  among  the  States :  a 
power  which  has  not  been  conferred  on  that  Government  by 
any  express  grant,  nor  is  it  an  incident  to  any  express  power, 
"  necessary  and  proper"  for  its  execution.  To  concede  such 
a  power,  would  be  to  make  the  Federal  Government  the  tax- 
gatherer  of  the  States,  and  accustom  them  to  look  to  that 
source  from  which  to  supply  the  State  Treasuries,  and  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  the  State  Governments.  It  is  clear  that 
this  constituted  no  one  of  the  objects  of  the  creation  of  the 


1839.]  GOVERNORS    MESSAGE.  109 

Federal  Government  ;  and  to  permit  its  exercise  would  be  to 
reduce  the  States  to  the  degraded  condition  of  subordinate 
dependencies  upon  that  Government,  to  destroy  their  separ- 
ate and  independent  sovereignty,  and  to  make  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Union  in  effect  a  consolidation.  The  power  to 
make  provision  for  the  support  of  its  own  Government,  by 
the  levy  of  the  necessary  taxes  upon  its  own  citizens,  and  the 
adoption  of  such  measures  of  policy  for  its  internal  Govern- 
ment not  inconsistent  with  tlie  Federal  Constitution,  as  may 
be  deemed  jj^-oper  and  expedient,  "  remains  to  each  State 
among  its  domestic  and  unalienated  powers  exercisable  within 
itself  and  by  its  domestic  authorities  alone." 

A  surplus  Federal  revenue,  raised  by  means  of  a  tariff  of 
duties,  must  necessarily  be  collected  in  unequal  proportions 
from  the  people  of  the  respective  States.  The  planting  and 
producing  States  must  bear  the  larger  portion  of  the  burden. 
It  was  this  inequality  which  has  heretofore  given  rise  to  the  just 
complaints  of  these  States,  as  also  of  the  commercial  interests, 
against  the  operations  of  a  high  and  protective  tariff.  If  the 
proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands  be  set  apart  for  dis- 
tribution among  the  States,  as  has  been  sometimes  proposed, 
the  operation  and  eftect  would  be  the  same  ;  for,  by  abstract- 
ing from  the  Federal  Treasury  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
the  public  lands,  a  necessity  is  thereby  created  for  an  in- 
creased Tariff  to  the  amount  thus  abstracted.  To  collect  a 
surplus  revenue  by  unequal  taxation,  and  then  to  return  to 
the  people,  by  a  distribution  among  the  States,  their  own 
money,  in  sums  diminished  by  the  amount  of  the  cost  of  col- 
lection and  distribution,  aside  from  its  manifest  injustice,  is  a 
power  which  it  could  never  have  been  intended  to  confer  on 
the  Federal  Government. 

When,  from  the  unforeseen  operation  of  the  revenue  laws 
of  the  United  States,  a  surplus  at  any  time  exists  or  is  likely 
to  exist  in  the  Federal  Treasury,  the  true  remedy  is,  to  re- 
duce or  to  repeal  the  taxes  so  as  to  collect  no  more  money 


110  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

than  shall  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the  economical  wants 
of  that  Government,  and  thus  leave  what  would  otherwise 
be  surplus  uncollected  in  the  pockets  of  the  people.  The  act 
of  Congress  of  183G,  by  Avhich  a  large  amount  of  the  surplus 
on  hand  was  distributed  among  the  States,  is  upon  its  face  a 
dei^osit  and  not  a  donation  of  the  sums  distributed.  The 
States  have  become  the  debtors  to  the  Federal  Government 
for  their  respective  proportions,  and  are  subject  to  be  called 
upon  to  refund  it.  Had  the  act  provided  for  an  absolute  do- 
nation to  the  States,  so  palpable  an  infraction  of  the  Consti- 
tution it  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  could  have  been 
sanctioned.  By  making  it  assume  the  form  of  a  mere  deposit 
of  the  money  of  the  United  States  in  the  State  Treasuries  for 
safe-keeping  until  needed  for  pubhc  purposes,  it  became  the 
law.  Though  it  may  not  be  probable  that  the  sums  distrib- 
uted on  deposit  will  be  called  for  at  an  early  period,  if  indeed 
they  will  ever  be,  unless  in  cases  of  exigencies  growing  out  ot 
a  foreign  war,  yet  the  States  should  be  at  all  times  prepared 
to  meet  the  call  when  made ;  and  it  will  be  unsafe  for  them 
to  rely  upon  the  sums  they  have  received  as  a  permanent 
fund.  They  should  rather  look  to  their  own  credit  and  re- 
sources in  the  accomphshment  of  their  purposes. 

It  becomes  the  duty  of  all  the  States,  and  especially  of 
those  Avhose  constitutions  recognize  the  existence  of  domestic 
sikvery,  to  look  Avith  watchfulness  to  the  attempts  which 
have  been  recently  made  to  disturb  the  rights  secured  to 
them  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The 
agitation  of  the  abolitionists  can  by  no  possibility  pro- 
duce good  to  any  portion  of  the  Union,  and  must,  if  per- 
sisted in,  lead  to  incalculable  mischief.  The  institution 
of  domestic  slaveiy,  as  it  existed  at  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  as  it  still  exists  in 
some  of  the  States,  formed  the  subject  of  one  of  the  compro- 
mises of  opinion  and  of  interest  upon  the  settlement  of  which 
all  the  old  States  became  parties  to  the  compact  and  agreed 


1839.]  governor's  address.  Ill 

to  enter  the  Union.  Tlie  new  States  Avere  admitted  into  the 
Union  upon  an  equal  footing  witli  the  old  States,  and  are 
equally  bound  by  the  terms  of  the  compact.  Any  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government  to  act  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery,  as  it  exists  within  the  States,  would  be  a 
clear  infraction  of  the  Constitution ;  and  to  disturb  it  within 
the  District  of  Columbia,  would  be  a  palpable  violation  of 
the  public  faith,  as  well  as  of  the  clear  meaning  and  obvious 
intention  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  They  intended 
to  leave,  and  they  did  in  fact  leave,  the  subject  to  the  exclu- 
sive regulation  and  action  of  the  States  and  Territories  within 
which  slavery  existed  or  might  exist.  They  intended  to 
place,  and  they  did  in  fact  place  it,  beyond  the  pale  of  action 
within  the  constitutional  power  of  the  Federal  Government. 
No  power  has  been  conferred  upon  the  Federal  Government, 
either  by  express  grant  or  necessary  implication,  to  take  cog- 
nizance of,  or  in  any  manner  or  to  any  extent  to  interfere 
with,  or  to  act  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery,  the  ex- 
istence of  which  in  many  of  the  States  is  expressly  recog- 
nized by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  - 

Whether  the  agitation  we  have  recently  witnessed  upon 
this  delicate  and  disturbing  subject  has  proceeded  from  a 
mistaken  philanthropy,  as  may  have  been  the  case  with  a 
few  misguided  persons  ;  or  whether  there  is,  I  regret  to  say, 
but  too  much  reason  to  fear,  from  a  desire  on  the  part  of 
many  persons,  who  manifest  by  their  conduct  a  reckless  dis- 
regard of  the  harmony  of  the  Union  and  of  the  public  good, 
to  convert  it  into  a  political  engine,  with  a  view  to  control 
elections,  its  progress  should  be  firmly  resisted  by  all  the 
constitutional  means  within  the  power  of  the  State.  The 
most  casual  observer  of  passing  events  cannot  fail  to  have 
seen  that  modern  Abolitionism,  with  rare  and  few  exceptions 
amono-  its  advocates,  has  become,  to  a  great  extent,  pm'ely  a 
political  question.  That  many  of  the  leading  abolitionists  are 
active  political  partisans,  fully  identified  with,  and  constituting 


112  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

no  inconsiderable  part  of,  one  of  the  political  parties  of  the 
country,  can  no  longer  admit  of  doubt.  They  address  them- 
selves to  the  prepossessions  and  prejudices  of  the  community  in 
which  they  live,  against  slavery  in  tlie  abstract,  and,  availing 
themselves  of  these  prepossessions  and  prejudices,  are  strug- 
gling to  control  political  events.  All  the  lovers  of  the  Union  of 
the  States,  and  all  patriotic  citizens,  whether  of  the  slavehold- 
ing  or  non-slaveholding  States,  who  are  ardently  attached  to 
our  free  institutions,  must  view  with  indignant  reprobation  the 
use  made  of  such  an  unholy  agitation  with  such  objects.  The 
attempts  made  to  introduce  it  for  discussion  into  tl)e  Federal 
Legislature  have  been  met  in  the  proper  spirit,  not  only  by 
Southern  Representatives,  but  by  a  large  portion  of  the 
Northern  delejration  in  Cono;ress.  It  is  fortunate  for  the 
country,  that,  in  the  midst  of  this  agitation,  there  is  at  the 
head  of  the  Federal  Government  a  Chief  jMagistrate  who,  in 
the  patriotic  discharge  of  his  high  duties,  has  placed  the  seal 
of  his  unqualified  condemnation  upon  any  attempted  action 
by  Congress  upon  the  subject  of  slavery  in  any  manner,  or 
to  any  extent,  whether  existing  within  the  States  or  within 
the  District  of  Columbia,  That  he  deserves  and  will  receive 
the  support  of  the  States  and  of  the  people,  in  every  portion 
of  the  Union,  in  maintaining  his  uncompromising  and  public- 
ly declared  determination  to  preserve  inviolate  the  compro- 
mises of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  the  reserved  rights  of 
the  slave-holding  States  on  this  subject,  cannot  be  doubted. 

In  regard  to  other  poAvers,  which  at  different  times  the 
Federal  Government  has  assumed,  or  attempted  to  exeicise, 
tlie  same  rerisoning  may  be  applied.  Among  these  may  be 
enumerated  the  poAver  assumed  to  construct  works  of  Inter- 
nal Improvements  v;ithin  the  States,  by  means  of  appropria- 
tions drawn  from  the  National  Treasury ;  the  power  of 
"abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,"  secured  by  the  Constitu- 
tion to  every  citizen,  b}-  enacting  lav/s  to  suppress  alleged 
sedition,  or  the  more  recent  attempts  to  enact  them  under 


1839.]  governor'smessage.  113 

the  more  plausible  pretence  of  "  securing  tlie  freedom  of 
elections." 

I  shall  most  cheerfully  cooperate  with  the  Legislative  and 
Judicial  Departments  of  the  State  Government,  by  all  the 
constitutional  and  legal  means  within  the  competency  of  the 
Executive,  in  their  efforts  to  confine  the  action  of  the  State 
within  proper  limits,  and  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  the 
Federal  Government,  upon  her  reserved  rights  of  sovereignty. 

I  shall  as  cheerfully  cooperate  with  them  in  all  such  meas- 
ures as  shall  be  calculated  to  insure  economy  in  the  expen- 
ditures of  the  State  Government,  strict  accountability  on  the 
part  of  public  officers,  the  promotion  of  virtue,  the  suppres- 
sion of  crime,  and  the  development  of  the  wealth,  the  re- 
sources, and  the  energies  of  the  State. 

The  revised  Constitution  under  which  we  are  acting  has  in- 
fused into  the  administration  of  tlie  iState  Government  more 
of  the  Democratic  principle  of  immediate  and  direct  agency 
by  the  people  than  exi:3ted  under  the  former  Constitution. 
Instead  rf  delegating,  as  the  old  Constitution  did,  the  power 
of  appointlr-g  many  important  ministerial  and  municipal  offi- 
cers to  the  judicial  tribunals  and  other  appointing  agents,  the 
people  are  now  their  own  agents,  and  make  the  appointments 
by  popular  elections.  The  higher  judicial  functionaries  hold 
their  offices  by  a  tenure  restricted  to  a  term  of  years,  and 
not,  as  formerly,  by  the  tenure  for  life.  These  are  important 
changes  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  State.  In  practice 
they  have,  thus  far,  produced  no  inconvenience,  but  have 
v/orked  well. 

In  the  administration  of  the  State  Government  I  regard  it 

w  ... 

fortunate  that  there  are  but  few  subjects  of  internal  policy 
upon  which  there  exists  much  diversity  of  opinion.  The 
encouragement  of  a  "  v/ell-regulated  system  of  Internal  Im- 
provement," and  the  promotion  of  "knowledge,  learning,  and 
virtue,"  as  "  being  essential  to  the  preservation  of  Republican 
institutions,"  are  duties  imposed  by  the  Constitution  of  the 


114  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1839. 

State  upon  her  public  functionaries,  whicli  tiiey  are  not  at 
liberty  to  disregard.  Under  tlie  deep  conviction  that  these 
are  subjects  of  general  and  pervading  interest  to  the  whole 
people  of  the  State,  I  shall  regard  it  to  be  my  duty  to  lend 
my  aid  in  executing  the  injunctions  of  the  Constitution  in  a 
liberal  spirit.  No  objects  are,  in  my  judgment,  more  worthy 
of  the  public  patronage  and  support. 

The  preservation  of  public  credit,  and  of  a  sound  cun-en- 
cy  in  the  State,  will  undoubtedly  be  among  our  highest  du- 
ties. It  is  a  prevailing  errot  to  suppose  that  a  multiplication 
of  banks,  and  an  excessive  issue  of  paper  circulation,  can  ad- 
vance the  public  prosperity,  or  afford  any  permanent  relief 
to  the  community  in  which  they  exist.  Instead  of  a  bless- 
ing, excessive  banking  generally  proves  to  be  a  curse.  The 
bloated  state  of  apparent  prosperity  which  they  temporarily 
excite,  our  experience  has  shown,  has  invariably  been  fol- 
lowed by  derangement  of  the  money  market,  depreciation  ©f 
the  currency,  and  finally  by  severe  pressure  and  suffering 
inflicted  on  the  people.  To  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such 
a  state  of  things,  it  will  be  my  desire,  by  all.  the  constitu- 
tional and  legal  restrictions  which  can  be  thrown  around 
them,  to  see  that  the  banks  which  may  exist  in  the  State, 
shall  be  based  upon  a  solid  foundation,  and  confine  their 
operations  within  their  reasonable  means  to  meet  their  respon- 
sibilities promptly.  I  will,  at  an  early  day,  avail  myself  of 
an  appropriate  occasion  to  make  to  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  State,  now  in  session,  a  communication  touching  sub- 
jects which  may  seem  to  require  legislative  action  at  their 
present  session. 

It  will  be  my  duty,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  State, 
to  "  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed."  The 
Executive  is  vested  with  no  legislative  discretion  or  power. 
The  laws  which  the  General  Assembly  shall  pass,  it  is  made 
his  duty  to  execute,  even  though  he  may  difier  in  opinion 
with  that   branch  of   the  State   Government   in  roofard   to 


1839-41. J       EXECUTIVE    RECOMMENDATIONS.  115 

their  wisdom  or  policy.      This  duty  I  shall  faithfully  per- 
form. 

Relying  confidently  upon  the  support  of  my  fellow-citi- 
zens, and  invoking  the  aid  and  guidance  of  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  the  Universe,  in  whose  hands  are  the  destinies  of 
government,  and  of  men,  I  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the 
high  duties  which  have  been  assigned  me  by  the  people. 

By  the  amended  constitution  of  Tennessee,  provision 
was  made  for  such  works  of  internal  improvement  as  the 
geographical  position  of  the  state  rendered  necessary  ; 
and  in  his  first  regular  message,  delivered  to  the  two 
houses  of  the  General  Assembly  on  the  22d  of  October, 
1839,  Governor  Polk  advised  the  "  vigorous  prosecution 
of  a  judicious  S3^stem  of  improvements,"  and  that  "  a 
board  of  public  works,  to  be  composed  of  two  or  more 
competent  and  scientific  men,  should  be  authorized,  and 
their  duties  established  by  law." 

In  the  same  message  he  recommended  the  revision  of 
the  laws  prohibiting  the  practice  of  betting  on  elections, 
which,  he  says,  "  begets  excitement  and  engenders  strife ; 
and  it  but  too  often  happens,  that  those  who  have  stakes 
at  hazard,  become  more  interested  to  secure  them,  than 
by  a  dispassionate  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  to  se- 
cure the  public  good." 

Of  unwise  or  irresponsible  issues  of  paper  money,  or 
paper  credits  intended  for  circulation  as  money,  he  was 
always  jealous ;  and  in  his  second  regular  message  to 
the  legislature,  in  1841,  he  advised  "  a  revision  of  the 
laws  prohibiting  the  issuance  of  change  tickets  or  small 
paper  bills,  by  individuals  and  corporations  other  than 
banks,"  for  the  reason,  as  stated  by  him,  that  "  some  of 


116  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1841-43. 

the  interrtal  improvement  companies  in  wliicli  the  state 
■was©  copartner,"  luyl  issued  "  small  paper  bills  in  the 
form  of  scrip  or  checks,  and  put  them  into  circulation  as 
money  J  without  any  specie  basis  upon  which  to  rest,  and 
without  authority  of  law." 

*"  Ifee  administration  of  the  state  government  by  Mr. 
k  was  satisfactory  to  the  public,  and  his  course  as 
u..  of  magistrate  was  well  calculated  to  harmonize  the 
party  of  which,  by  the  death  of  his  old  friend  and  pre- 
ceptor, Mr.  Grundy,  in  1840,  he  had  become  the  ac- 
knowledged head.  He  did  not  have  occasion,  while  fiU- 
*  ing  the  office  of  governor,  to  endorse  any  of  the  great 
|M*inciples  of  the  democratic  part}^,  except  in  his  inaugural 
address  ;  nor  were  any  important  measures  of  state  poli- 
cy adopted  under  his  particular  auspices. ' 

Unlike  the  executives  of  other  states,  the  Governor 
of  Tennessee  possesses  no  veto  power  ;  neither  has  ho 
the  authority  to  commute  the  punishment  of  capital  offend- 
ers to  imprisonment  for  life.  The  cares  and  responsi- 
bilities of  the  executive  are  therefore  comparatively  light ; 
and  as  tlie  legislature  meets  only  once  in  two  years,  the 
duties  are  much  less  laborious  than  where  the  laws  to  be 
executed  are  constantly  being   changed  or  repealed. 

The  term  of  office  of  Mr.  Polk  expired  in  October, 
1841,  but  at  the  August  election  of  that  year,  he  was 
again  a  candidate.  His  prospects  of  defeat  could  hardly 
be  considered  doubtful ;  inasmuch  as  the  whirlwind,  which 
had  prostrated  the  democratic  party  in  1840  throughout' 
the  Union,  had  swept  over  the  State  of  Tennessee  Avitli 
irresistible  force.  The  Harrison  electoral  ticket  had 
succeeded  by  more  tuan  twelve  thousand  majority.     To 


1841-43. J  CANDIDATE    FOR    RE-ELECTION. 


^17 


overcome  this  heavy  vote  was  impossible ;  but  Mr.  Polk 
entered  upon  the  canvass  with  his  accustomed  spirit  and 
energy.  His  competitor  was  James  C.  Jones,  a  most  ef- 
fective speaker,  and  decidedly  the  most  popular  man  at 
tliat  ti  ne  in  the  whig  party  of  the  state. 

'personal  good  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  opposing  CiUi- 
didates  characterized  this  contest,  as  it  had  that  of  IS'dfd. 
]Mr.  Polk  frankly  and  cordially  met  Mr.  Junes  on  the 


/   ^ 


1   liun ;  and. 


It  IS 


stump  and  travelled  in  company  witl 
said,  they  slept  in  the  same  bed  on  one  occasion.  But 
all  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Polk  proved  unavailing.  The  pofi-  y 
tics  of  the  state  were  for  the  time  firmly  fixed  in  oppo- 
sition to  his  own.  He  was  defeated,  but  in  his  defeat 
achieved.a  triumph,  by  the  reduction  of  the  whig  m|i- 
jority  to'about  three  thousand.  In  1843  he  was  onfe^>^ 
more  a  candidate  in  opposition  to  Governor  Jones,  but  tie 
latter  was  reelected  by  nearly  four  thousand  majority. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Presidential  Canvass  of  1844— The  Texas  Question— Letter  of  Blr.  Polk  to 
the  Citizens  of  Cineinnatti — The  Baltimore  Convention — Nomination  of 
Mr.  Polli — His  Acceptance — Resolutions  of  the  Convention — The  Elec- 

ion — Rccejjtion  at  Nashville — Journey  of  the  President  Elect  to  Wash- 

ugton — His  Inauguration — Address. 

*  V  On  leaving  the  executive  chair  of  Tennessee,  Mr.  Polk 
returned,  ^vithout  a  single  murmur  or  feeling  of  regret, 
to  private  life.  Its  peace  and  tranquillity,  its  happiness 
and  content,  its  cahii  and  sweet  pleasures,  were  congenial 
U  his  disposition  and  his  tastes.  Fortune  had  not 
siowered  wealth  upon  him  with  a  lavish  hand  ;  nor  had 
he  ever  taken  advantage  of  the  frequent  opportunities 
resented  to  him,  to  enrich  himself  by  speculation.  Fes- 
6na  lente — "  make  haste  slowly" — was  his  motto  in  the 
studies  and  pursuits  of  his  youth,  and  in  the  occupations 
cf  maturer  years.  He  possessed  a  competence — all  that 
le  needed  or  desired — which  enabled  him  to  be  liberal  in 
tie  bestowment  of  his  charities,  and  to  dispense  a  gener- 
(us  hospitality  to  his  numerous  friends.  And  more  than 
dl,  and  above  all,  there  dwelt  by  his  fireside  a  minister- 
iig  angel,  whose  virtues  and  graces  made  his  home  a 
paradise  of  joys. 

But  a  politician,  like  a  revolution,  can  rarely  go  back- 
yard. As  a  combatant  who  entered  the  lists  at  the 
Olympian  Games  could  not  retire  without  dishonor,  so 


A 


1844.]  PRESIDENTIAL    CANVASS.  119 

lie  who  has  long  been  before  the  people  as  a  candidate 
for  their  suffrages,  and  been  elevated  by  them  to  posi- 
tions of  distinction,  is  not  often  permitted  to  withdraw 
himself  voluntarily  from  the  political  arena.  The  claims 
of  party  friends  upon  the  leader  whom  they  have  sup- 
ported are  alwa^^s  strong,  and  generally  irresistible.  Mr. 
Polk  was  not  without  ambition  ;  but  he  preferred  hence- 
forth to  rely  upon  others  to  secure  his  advancement,  if 
they  desired  so  to  do,  and  ^contented  himself  with  being 
in  the  main  a  passive  instrument  in  their  hands.  In 
1841  and  1843,  he  came  forward  as  a  candidate  for  gov- 
ernor, only  in  compliance  with  the  general  desire  of  his 
party. 

The  wishes  and  expectations  of  his  friends  Avere  early 
fixed  on  the  presidential  office.  At  the  session  of  the 
Tennessee  legislature  in  1839,  he  was  nominated  hj  that 
body  for  the  vice-presidency,  to  be  placed  on  the  ticket 
with  Mr.  Van  Buren,  a  id  with  the  expectation,  no  doubt, 
that  he  might  succeed  tiiat  gentleman  in  the  higher  office. 
He  was  afterward  nominated  in  othep;  states  for  the  same 
position ;  but  as  Colonel  Johnson  seemed  to  be  the  choice 
of  the  great  body  of  the  republican  party  in  the  Union, 
no  efforts  of  importance  were  made  by  the  friends  of  the 
former,  and  at  the  election  in  1840  he  received  but  one 
electoral  vote,  in  the  college  of  Virginia. 

From  the  time  of  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in 
1840,  up  to  within  a  few  weeks  previous  to  the  assem- 
bling of  the-Hational  democratic  convention  at  Baltimore, 
in  May,  1844,  public  opinion  in  the  republican  party 
seemed  to  be  firmly  fixed  upon  liim  as  their  candidate  for 
reelection  to  the  station  which  he  had  once  filled.     But 


120  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

in  the  month  of  April,  1844,  a  treaty  was   concluded 
under  the  auspices  of  President  Tyler,  between  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  government  of  the  United  States  and 
of  the  republic  of  Texas,  providing  for  the  annexation* 
of  the  latter  to  the  American  Confederacy.     This  meas- 
ure, though  long  in  contemplation,  like  the  apple  of  dis- 
cord, was  fruitful  in  strife  and  dissension.     Hitherto  it 
had  been  conceded  on  every  hand,  that  Mr.  Van  Buren 
and  Mr.  Clay  ought  to  be,  and  would  be,  the  rival  candi- 
dates for  the  presidency  in  1844 ;  but  now  the  pohtical 
elements  were  thrown  into  complete    confusion.      The 
opinions  of  almost  every  public  man  in  the  United  States 
were  inquired  after ;   and-  among  others,  Mr.  Polk  was 
addressed,  it  being  understood  that  he  would  be  a  promi- 
nent candidate  ,at  tlie   Baltimore   Convention  for  the  re 
publican  nomination  for  vice-president.    At  a  meeting  of 
citizens  of  Cincinnati  opposed   to  the  annexation,  held 
on  the  29th  of  March,  a  committ^^e  was  appointed  to  cor- 
respond, with  the  prominent  men  cf  both  political  parties, 
and  to  solicit  from  them  an  expression  of  their  views  upon 
the  Texas  question".     From  this  committee  Mr.  Polk  re- 
ceived a  letter,  accompanying  a  copy  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  meeting  at  Cincinnati,  to  which  he  returned  the 
following  reply  : — 

CoLUMCiA,  Tennessee,  April  22,  1844. 

Gentlemen  . — Your  letter  of  the  30th  ult.,  which  you 
have  done  me  the  honor  to  address  to  me,  reached  my 
residence  during  my  absence  from  home,  and.  was  not  re- 

*  The  terra  navncxntion  wa?  frequently  used  iluriig  the  eanvass,  as  sy- 
nonymous with  annexation  ;  because  Texns  <>,i^'i;ially  formed  part  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase,  and  holongod  to  the  Uuitel  States. 


»«; 


1844.]    •  LETTER   ON   ANNEXATION.  121 

ceived  until  yesterday.     Accompanying  your  letter  you 
transmit  to  me,  as  you  state,  "  a  copy  of  the  procecUngs 
of  a  very  large  meeting  of  tlie  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  as- 
sembled on  the  29tli  ult.,  to  express  tUeir  settled  opposi- 
tion to  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States." 
Ybu  request  from  me  an  explicit  expression  of  opmion 
upon  this  question  of  annexation.     Having  at  no  time 
entertained  opinions  upon  public  subjects  which  I  was 
unwilling  to  avow,  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  comply  with 
the   request.     I   have   no  hesitation   in  declaring,  that 
I  am  in  favor  of  the  immediate  reiinnexation  of  Texas  to 
the  territory  and  government  of  the  United  States.     I 
entertain  no  doubts  as  to  the  power  or  expediency  of  the 
reannexation.     The  proof  is  fair  and  satisfactory  to  my 
own  mind,  that  Texas  once  constituted  a  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States,  tlie  title  to  which  I  regard  to 
have  been  indisputable  as  that  to  any  portion  of  our  ter- 
ritory •  At  the  time  the  negotiation  was  opened  with  a 
view  to  acquire  the  Floridas,  and  the  settlement  of  other 
questions,  and  pending  that  negotiation,  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment itself  was  satisfied  of  the  validity  of  our  title, 
and  was  ready  to  recognize  a  line  far  west  of  the  Sabine 
as  the  true  western  boundary  of  Louisiana,  as  defined  by 
the  treaty  of  1803  with  France,  under  which  Louisiana 
,vas   acquired.     This   negotiation,   which    had   at   first 
opened  at  Madrid,  was  broken  off  and   transferred  to 
Washington,  where  it  was  resumed,  and  resulted  m  the 
treaty  with  Florida,  by  which  the  Sabine  was  fixed  on  as 
the  western  boundary  of  Louisiana.     From  the  rat.fica- 
tion  of  the  treaty  of  1803  with  France,  until  the  treaty  of 
1819,  with  Spain,  the  territory  now  constituting  the  Ke- 
6 


122  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844 

public  of  Texas,  belonged  to  the  United  States.  In  1819 
the  Florida  treaty  was  concluded  at  Washington,  by  Mr. 
John  Q.  Adams,  (the  Secretary  of  State,)  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States,  and  Don  Luis  de  Onis  on  the  part  of 
Spain  ;  and  by  that  treaty  this  territory  lying  west  of  the 
Sabine,  and  constituting  Texas,  was  ceded  by  the  United 
States  to  Spain.  The  Rio  del  Norte,  or  some  more  west- 
ern boundary  than  the  Sabine,  could  have  been  obtained, 
had  it  been  insisted  on  by  the  American  Secretary  of 
State,  and  by  increasing  the  consideration  paid  for  the 
Floridas.  In  my  judgment,  the  country  west  of  the  Sa- 
bine, and  now  called  Texas,  was  most  unwisely  ceded 
away.  It  is  a  part  of  the  great  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
directly  connected  by  its  navigable  waters  with  the  Mis- 
sissippi river  :  and  having  once  been  a  part  of  our  Union, 
it  should  never  have  been  dismembered  from  it.  The 
Government  and  people  of  Texas,  it  is  understood,  not 
only  give  their  consent,  but  are  anxiously  desirous  to  be 
reunited  to  the  United  States.  If  the  application  of 
Texas  for  a  reunion  and  admission  into  our  Confederacy, 
shall  be  rejected  by  the  United  States,  there  is  imminent 
danger  that  she  will  become  a  dependency  if  not  a  colony 
of  Great  Britain — an  event  which  no  American  patriot, 
anxious  for  the  safety  and  prosperity  of  this  country, 
could  permit  to  occur  without  the  most  strenuous  resist- 
ance. Let  Texas  be  reannexed,  and  the  authority  and 
laws  of  the  United  States  be  established  and  maintained 
tvithin  her  limits,  as  also  in  the  Oregon  Territory,  and 
let  the  fixed  policy  of  our  Government  be,  not  to  permit 
Great  Britain  or  any  other  foreign  power  to  plant  a  col 
»ny  or  hold  dominion  over  any  portion  of  the  people  oi 
territory  of  either. 


1844.]  THE    TEXAS    QUESTION.  123 

These  are  my  opinions  ;  and  without  deeming  it  neces- 
sary to  extend  this  letter,  by  assigning  the  many  reasons 
which  influence  me  in  the  conclusions  to  which  I  come,  I 
regret  to  be  compelled  to  differ  so  widely  from  the  views 
expressed  by  yourselves,  and  the  meeting  of  citizens  of 
Cincinnati  whom  you  represent.  Differing,  however, 
with  you  and  with  them  as  I  do,  it  was  due  to  frankness 
that  I  should  be  thus  explicit  in  the  declaration  of  my 
opinions. 

I  am,  with  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

James  K.  Polk. 

To  Messrs.  S.  P.  Chase,  Thomas  Heaton,  &c.,  &c., 
Committee,  Cinciunati. 

Mr.  Polk  concurred  in  the  opinion  entertained,  and 
expressed  on  various  occasions,  by  the  most  distinguished 
statesmen  and  diplomatists  of  the  United  States — by 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  Livingston,  Clay,  Adams, 
Jackson,  and  Van  Buren — that  Texas  formed  part  of 
Louisiana,  and  was  included  in  the  territory  ceded  to  the 
American  government  by  France  in  1803.  La  Salle,  a 
Frenchman,  was  the  first  white  man  that  descended  the 
IMississippi  river  to  its  mouth,  and  "  the  first  to  display 
the  Hly  of  France  to  the  winds  of  that  imperial  valley.'' 
The  first  white  colony,  too,  planted  in  Texas,  was  estab- 
lished by  the  French,  under  La  Salle,  on  the  bay  of  St. 
Bernard,  or  Matagorda,  in  the  year  1685.*  The  Span- 
iards, indeed,  claimed  that  the  country  formed  part  of 
the  conquest  of  Cortes,  and  in  1690  they  drove  out  the 

♦  Marbois'  History  of  Louisiana,  p.  107. 


^.    « 


124  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844 

French  colony,  and  made  their  first  permanent  settlement 
at  San  Francisco ;  but  the  French  always  insisted  upon 
their  prior  right  of  discovery,  and  the  early  Spanish  ge- 
ographers seemed  more  than  half  disposed  to  concede  it.* 
Texas  was  included  in  the  grant  made  by  Louis  XIV. 
toCrozat,  Marquis  du  Chatel,  in  1712. f  It  was  subse- 
quently ceded  to  Spain,  in  1761,  and  in  1800  retroceded 
to  France,  as  a  part  of  Louisiana,  by  the  treaty  of  San 
Ildefonso.  Such,  at  least,  was  the  understanding  of  the 
French  government,  and  of  the  American  plenipotentia- 
ries,t  when  the  treaty  of  1803  was  concluded,  by  which 
the  United  States  acquired  all  "  the  rights  and  appurte- 
nances "  belonging  to  France  under  or  by  virtue  of  the 
treaty  of  San  Iklefonso.§  The  Spanish  government,  with 
the  tenacity  peculiar  to  their  national  character,  still 
urged  their  claims,  and  were  desirous  of  limiting  the 
United  States  to  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  proper.  A 
protracted  negotiation  ensued  between  them  and  Spain. 
The  latter  was  inclined  to  surrender  all  her  pretensions 
to.  the  territory  extending  westward  from  the  Mississippi 
to  the  Rio  Grande  ;|!  but  this  was  rendered  unnecessary, 
as  the  government  of  the  United  States  consented  to  re- 
nounce its  rights  west  of  the  Sabine  river,  in  considera- 
tion of  the  cession  of  the  Floridas,  by  the  treaty  of 
1819.11     And,  what  is  a  remarkable  feature  in  this  ne- 

*  Diccionaiio   Geografico-Historico  de  las  Indias  Occidentales  o  Ame- 
rica, (Madrid,  1789,)  v.  "  Louisiana." 
1 1  Laws,  439. 

%  Marbois'  History  of  Louisiana,  p.  107,  et  seq. 
§  Lyman's  Diplomacy,  vol.  i,  p.  399.   * 

II  Expose  of  Hon.  George  W.  Erving,  American  Minister  to  Spain. 
IT  Elliott's  Diplomatic  Code,  vol.  i.,  p.  417. 


1844.]  HIS  VIEWS.  125 

gotiation,  when  the  Spanish  minister,  Don  Lnis  de  Onis, 
who  had  conckided  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  his  govern- 
ment, returned  home,  he  boasted  that  he  had  obtained  a 
great  advantage,  by  his  superior  tact  and  ability. 

The  cession  of  Texas,  or  the  renunciation  of  the  Amer- 
ican claim.^  in  1819,  was,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Polk, 
most  unwisely  made  ;  and  he  heartily  approved  of  the 
efforts  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Andrew  Jackson, 
during  their  respective  administrations,  to  recover  the 
territory  thus  surrendered.  He  therefore  favored  the 
reacquisition,  or  reannexation  of  Texas,  when  the  meas- 
ure was  first  proposed.  It  was  desirable,  in  his  estima- 
tion, in  a  geographical  point  of  view,  because  the  territo- 
ry formed  a  most  valuable  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi ;  and  highly  important,  in  a  military  aspect,  for 
the  security  of  New  Orleans,  the  great  commercial  mart 
in  the  southwestern  pJirt  of  the  Union,  which  would  be 
endangered,  in  time  of  war,  by  a  hostile  power  being  in 
such  close  proximity,  and  having  the  control  of  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Red  river,  by  which  it  could  be  approach- 
ed, or  seriously  menaced,  in  the  rear. 

There  was  but  one  question  of  doubt  connected  with 
the  proposition  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  ;  and  that 
was,  in  what  manner,  and  to  what  extent,  it  would  affect 
the  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Mexico,  already  on 
a  most  unfriendly  ifooting.  But  the  difficulty  which  this 
question  presented,  was  rather  apparent  than. real.  Un- 
der the  Spanish  colonial  government,  Texas  was  a  separ- 
ate and  distinct  province,  having  a  separate  and  distinct 
local  ororanization  :  and  it  remained  in  that  condition  un- 
til  its  temporary  union  with  Coahuila,  with  which  it 
formed  the  "  State  of  Coahuila  y  Tejas." 


126  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

Texas  "  was  one  of  the  unities  that  composed  the  gen- 
eral mass  of  the  nation,  and  as  such  participated  in  the 
war  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  represented  in  the  Con- 
stituent Congress  of  Mexico  that  formed  the  constitution 
of  1824.  This  Constituent  Congress,  so  far  from  de- 
stroying this  unity,  expressly  recognized  and  confirmed  it, 
hj  the  law  of  May  7th,  1824,  which  united  Texas  with 
Coahuila  provisionally,  under  the  especial  guarantee  of 
being  made  a  state  of  the  Mexican  confederation  as  soon 
as  it  possessed  the  necessary  elements.  That  la.w  and 
the  federal  constitution  gave  to  Texas  a  specific  political 
existence,  and  vested  in  its  inhabitants  special  and  defined 
rights,  which  can  only  be  relinquished  by  the  people  of 
Texas  acting  for  themselves  as  a  unity  and  not  as  a  part 
of  Coahuila,  for  the  reason  that  the  union  with  Coahuila 
was  limited,  and  only  gave  power  to  the  state  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas  to  govern  Texas  for  the  time  being,  but  al- 
ways subject  to  the  vested  rights  of  Texas.  The  state, 
therefore,  cannot  relinquish  those  vested  rights,  by  agree- 
ing to  the  change  of  government,  or  by  any  other  act, 
unless  expressly  authorized  by  the  people  of  Texas  to  do 
so  ;  neither  can  the  general  government  of  Mexico  legally 
deprive  Texas  of  them  without  the  consent  of  this  peo- 
ple."* Under  the  constitution  of  Coahuila  and  Texas, 
also,  the  latter  was  absolutely  "  free  and  independent  of 
the  other  united  Mexican  States. "f 

The  history  of  the  revolution  in  Texasmust  be  familiar 
to  every  American  reader,  and  it  is  therefore  unnecessary 

*  Speech  of  Colonel  Austin,  quoted  in  Foote's  Texas  and  the  Texans, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  62. 
t  Kennedy's  Texas,  vol.  ii.,p.  444. 


1844.]         REVOLUTION  IN  TEXAS.  12T 

to  present  here  the  details  of  that  memorable  struggle. 
In  1833,  the  people  of  Texas  adopted  a  state  constitu- 
tion, and  in  accordance  with  the  guarantee  of  1824,  ap 
plied  for  admission  into  the  Mexican  confederacy  as  a 
separate  state.  The  request  was  denied,  by  the  authori- 
ties of  the  general  government  of  Mexico,  and  that  under 
circumstances,  and  in  a  manner,  which  reflected  lasting 
disgrace  upun  them.  Two  years  later  the  confederacy 
Avas  dissolved,  a^d  a  consolidated  government  established 
in  its  stead,  in  October,  1835,  by  the  dictator  Santa 
Anna.  The  confederation  being  broken,  each  one  of  its 
members  was  from  that  moment  absolved  from  all  alle- 
giance to  the  central  authority.  Availing  herself  of  her 
indisputable  right  and  privilege,  Texas  promptly  refused 
to  acquiesce  in  the  new  order  of  things,  and  by  a  solemn 
decree  proclaimed  her  independence  of  the  central  gov- 
ernment of  Mexico.*  This  declaration  was  maintained 
by  force  of  arms;  and  on  the  21st  of  April,  1836,  the 
last  considerable  army  ever  sent  by  Mexico  to  subjugate 
Texas,  was  completely  vanquished  and  overthrown,  on 
the  banks  of  the  San  Jacinto. 

From  this  time  forth,  the  efforts  of  Mexico  to  reduce 
Texas  to  submission  to  her  power  and  authority,  were 
confined  to  border  forays  and  predatory  incursions,  in 
which  acts  of  wanton  cruelty  and  injustice,  unworthy  of 
a  civilized  nation,  were  committed  by  the  officers  of  her 
armies.  Yet  they  found  it  utterly  impossible  to  obtain 
undisturbed  possession  of  any  portion  of  the  territory 
north  of  the  Rio  Grande,  which  Texas  now  claimed  to  be 
her  southern  and  western  boundary,  and  below  the  moun- 

*  Kennedy's  Texas,  vol.  ii,  pp.  61,  89,  111. 


128  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

t  a  incus  barriers  at  El  Paso ;  and  each  year  that  rolled 
bj,  only  served  to  demonstrate  more  clearly,  the  inability 
of  Mex^o  to  subdue  the  people  of  Texas. 

The  independence  which  Texas  had  achieved,  was  ac- 
knowledged by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  in 
March,  1837,  and  shortly  afterward,  by  England, 
France,  Holland,  and  Belgium.  This  acknowledgment 
only  admitted  that  Texas  was  de  facto  independent,  and 
left  the  question,  whether  or  no  she  was  a  de  jure  gov- 
ernment, to  be  determined  by  subsequent  events.  But 
after  six  years  had  passed  without  any  serious  efforts 
laving  been  made  by  Mexico  to  conquer  Texas,  the 
American  Secretary  of  State  instructed  the  representa- 
ivc  of  his  government  in  the  former  country,  that  the 
United  States  regarded  Texas  as .  an  independent  state, 
equally  with  Mexico,  and  as  forming  "  no  part  of  the 
territory  of  Mexico."  ''  From  the  time,"  said  the  dis- 
patch, "  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  April,  1836,  to 
the  present  moment.  Texas  has  exhibited  the  same  exter- 
nal signs  of  national  independence  as  Mexico  herself,  and 
with  quite  as  much  stability  of  government.  Practically 
free  and  independent,  acknowledged  as  a  political  sov- 
ereignty b}^  the  principal  powers  of  the  world,  no  hostile 
foot  finding  rest  within  her  territory  for  six  or  seven 
years,  and  Mexico  herself  refraining  for  all  that  period 
from  any  further  attempt  to  reestablish  her  own  authority 
over  the  territory."* 

This  affirmation,  authoritatively  made  by  the  American 
government,  of  the  principle,  that  a  revolted  province, 
by  maintaining  a  successful  resistance  to  the  authority 

»  Dispatch  of  Mr.  Webster,  July  8,  1&42. 


;j^g44.J  RIGHTS    OF    MEXICO.  129 

of  tlie  mother  country— admitting  tliat  such  T\'as  the  re- 
lationship between  Mexico  and  Texas,  as  was  claimed  by 
the  former— for  a  period  of  six  or  seven  years,  acquired 
the  ri-ht  to  be  regarded,  for  all  and  every  purpose,  as  an 
independent  nation,  was  communicated  to  the  Mexican 
authorities.     A  feeble  and  puerile  effort  was  then  made 
"to  subjugate  Texas,  but  like  all  former  attempts,  it  ter- 
minated in  disaster  and  disgi'ace.     General  Woll  crossed 
the  Rio  Grande  at  three  different  times,   in  the  fall  of 
1842,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  a  Texan  court,  jury, 
lawyer,  witnesses,  and  a  few  spectators,  whom   he  found 
in  session  at  San  Antonio  de  Bexar  ;  but  when  the  alarm 
was  given  that  the  Texan  troops  were  approaching,  the 
marauding  parties  under  his   command  fled  across  the 
Rio  Grande,  as  if  some  avenging  demon  was  upon  their 

track. 

So  ended  the  attempt  of  Mexico  to  extend  her  supreme 
authority  over  the  soil  and  the  people  of  Texas  ;  and  in 
view  of  these  historical  facts,  how  can  it  be  contended  for 
a  moment,  that  she  had  the  least  right  to  complain  of  the 
United  States,  for  entering  into  negotiations  for  the  ac- 
quisition of  Texas,  without  reference  to,  or  consultation 
with  her  1  Whatever  claims  she  might  originally  have 
had,  her  utter  inability  to  maintain  them  was  so  palpable, 
that  when  she  again  announced  her  intention  to  enforce 
them,  it  excited  the  ridicule  of  all  Christendom.  Let  it 
be  conceded  even,  that  Texas  was  a  revolted  state,  and 
not  a  seceder  from  a  confederacy  which  had  been  violent- 
ly ruptured  by  an  usurper.  She  had  defied  the  power 
of  the  mother  country— she  had  achieved"  her  independ- 
ence ;  and  the  fact  that  she  was  so  independent,  had 
6* 


y 


130  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1'844. 

been  ddy  acknowledged  by  most  of  the  great  powers  of 
the  world.  Will  it  be  argued,  that  Mexico  should  her- 
self have  acknowledged  that  independence,  and  abandoned 
her  claims  ?  Centuries  might  have  elapsed, — this  might 
never  have  been  done, — and  yet  not  a  single  Mexican 
soldier  dared  to  set  his  foot  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande  for  purposes  of  conquest.  Was  the  author- 
ity of  Cromwell  during  the  Protectorate,  or  of  the  Em- 
pire under  Napoleon,  ever  questioned,  because  the  dy- 
nasties which  they  had  overthrown  had  not  acknowledged 
that  authority  1  William  III.  and  Louis  Philippe  were  at 
thfe  head  of  revolutionary  governments,  but  was  the  royal 
power  ever  gainsayed,  because  the  Stuarts  or  the  elder 
branch  of  the  Bourbon  family  had  not  surrendered  their 
claims  ?  Who  ever  contended,  that  the  treaties  concluded 
by  Holland  for  half  a  century  prior  to  the  recognition  of 
her  independence  by  Spain,  by  the  United  States  pre- 
vious to  1783,  or  by  the  South  American  States  before 
they  were  acknowledged  to  be  independent  by  the  mother 
countries,  were  void  and  of  no  effect  1  Did  Mexico,  in- 
deed, entertain  any  scruples  when  she  entered  into  a 
treaty  with  the  United  States,  regulating  the  boundaries 
of  her  territory,  in  the  year  1828,  and  long  before  Spain 
recognized  her  independence  1 

It  was  not  only  desirable  that  Texas  should  be  annexed, 
in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Polk,  but  he  thought  it  should  be 
done  immediately,  for  these  reasons  :  While  the  treaty 
of  1844  was  under  consideration  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  all  the  official  correspondence  between 
the  representatives  of  the  two  governments  was  most  un- 
advisedly made  pubUc  ;  and  from  this  it  appeared,  that 


1844.]  DESIGNS    OF    ENGLAND.  131 

the  protracted  war  in  which  Texas  had  been  engaged,  had 
completely  exhausted  her  resources.  It  was  to  be  appre- 
hended, therefore,  if  her  overtures  for  annexation  should 
be  rejected — as  had  previously  been  the  case,  on  several 
occasions,  when  she  applied  for  admission  into  the  Ameri- 
can Union — that  the  fear  lest  the  unwise  disclosure  of  her 
weakness  would  invite  fresh  hostilities  on  the  part  of  Mexi- 
co, which  she  was  not  in  a  condition  to  resist,  would  induce 
her  to  seek  a  permanent  alliance  with  some  foreign  power. 
England  had  for  years  cast  a  longing  eye  upon  Texas, 
and  she  had  refused  to  unite  with  France  and  the  United 
States,  in  a  joint  effort  to  procure  the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  the  young  republic  by  Mexico.  From 
the  extensive  forests  of  live  oak  that  dotted  the  surface 
of  Texas,  she  hoped  to  procure  an  abundance  of  ship 
timber  for  the  uses  of  her  navy,  and  from  its  rich  interval 
lands  and  wide-spreading  prairies,  an  inexhaustible  sup- 
ply of  cotton  for  her  manufactories.  For  the  latter  she 
had  long  been  dependent  on  the  United  States,  and  she 
desired  to  be  freed  from  that  condition  of  dependence.  She 
attempted  to  raise  cotton  in  Egypt,  in  Demerara,  and  in 
India,  but  her  schemes  entirely  failed ;  and  as  a  last  re- 
sort she  turned  her  attention  toward  Texas.  A  commer- 
cial treaty  was  formed  with  her,  soon  after  her  independ- 
ence was  acknowledged  by  the  United  States,  under 
the  operation  of  which  the  exports  of  the  latter  to  Texas 
fell  off  over  three-fourths  within  the  short  space 
of  three  years.  It  may  be  doubted,  whether  England 
desired  to  bring  Texas  under  her  sway  as  a  colony,  but 
that  she  designed  to  make  her  a  commercial  dependency 
is  apparent. 


132  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

Moreover,  the  British  government,  through  her  speak- 
ers on  the  floor  of  Parliament,*  and  the  dispatches  and 
official  correspondence  of  her  ministers,!  avowed  a  desire 
to  procure  the  abolition  of  domestic  slavery  in  Texas. 
The  object  which  she  had  in  view  was  obvions ;  and  the 
safety  and  tranquillity  of  the  Southern  States  of  the  Union 
demanded  that  her  emissaries  should  not  be  suffered  to 
carry  out  their  schemes,  and  that  her  authority  should 
not  be  felt  or  acknowledged,  in  a  territory  lying  close 
upon  their  borders. 

When  the  Texas  question  was  presented  in  this  man- 
ner to  the  American  people,  public  men,  and  the  parties 
to  which  they  belonged,  arrayed  themselves  upon  one 
side  or  the  other.  The  whig  party  at  the  north  oppos- 
ed the  annexation,  because,  as  they  alleged,  it  would  be 
an  act  of  bad  faith  toward  Mexico :  because  the  debt  of 
Texas,  said  to  amount  to  ten  or  twelve  millions  of  dollars, 
w^as  to  be  assumed  by  the  United  States  ;  and  because 
they  were  opposed  to  the  extension  or  increase  of  the 
slave  territory.  At  the  south,  the  whigs  were  divided  ; 
one  portion  of  them  advocating  the  annexation,  and  the 
other  portion  concurring  with  their  party  friends  at  the 
north  upon  the  first  two  grounds  of  objection.  The  dem- 
ocratic party  generally  favored  the  annexation  ;  but  a 
portion  of  the  party  at  the  north,  and  a  few  of  its  mem- 
bers residing  in  the  slave  states,  opposed  it — some  for 
all  the  reasons  put  forth  by  the  whigs,  but  the  greater 
number  on  account  of  the  position  of  Texas  with  refer- 

*  Conversation  between  Lord  Brougliam    and  Lord  Aberdeen,  in  tho 
House  of  Lords.— London  Morning  Chronicle,  August  19,  1843. 
t  Senate  Doc.  341,  1st  Session,  28th  Congress,  p.  27,  et  seq. 


1844.]  THE    BALTIMORE    CONVENTION.  133 

ence  to  Mexico.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Clay  agreed 
very  nearly  in  their  opinions.  Both  expressed  themselves 
in  favor  of  the  acquisition  of  Texas,  if  the  American 
people  desired  it,  provided,  however,  that  the  consent  of 
Mexico  should  be  obtained,  or,  at  least,  that  efforts  should 
be  made  to  procure  it ;  and  neither  of  them  objected  to 
the  annexation  on  account  of  the  slavery  question  collat- 
erally connected  with  it.* 

In  the  midst  of  the  commotion  prodliced  by  the  agita- 
tion of  the  Texas  question,  the  national  democratic  con- 
vention assembled  at  Baltimore,  on  the  2Tth  day  of  May, 
1844.  Until  the  publication  of  his  Texas  letter,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  had  been  by  far  the  most  prominent  candi- 
date ;  but  when  the  Convention  met,  Lewis  Cass,  of 
Michigan,  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  James 
Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Levi  Vv'oodbury,  of  New 
Hampshire,  all  of  whom  were  in  favor  of  the  immediate 
annexation  of  Texas,  were  supported  for  the  presidential 
nomination  by  their  respective  friends,  with  greater  or 
less  earnestness.  Immediate^  after  the  organization  of 
the  Convention,  a  rule  was  adopted,  in  accordance  with 
the  precedents  established  by  the  conventions  of  1832  and 
1835,  requiring  a  vote  of  two-thirds  to  secure  a  nomina- 
tion. Mr.  Van  Buren  received  a  majority  of  the  votes 
on  the  .first  ballot ;  seven  additional  ballotings  were  then 
had,  but  at  no  time  did  he  receive  a  vote  of  two-thirds  ; 
whereupon  his  name  was  withdrawn  by  the  New  York 
delegation.  The  delegates  opposed  to  his  nomination, 
after  the  first  ballot,  concentrated  their  strength  mainly 

*  Letter  of  [Mr.  Van  Buren  to  :Mr.  Hammett,  April  20th,  1844.— Letter 
of  Mr.  Clay  from  Raleigh  ;  to  3Ir.  Miller,  July  1st,  1&44  ;  to  Messrs.  Pe- 
ters anil  Jackson,  Jnlv  27,  1844. 


134  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

upoa,Mr-  Cass  ;  but  as  the  friends  of  ]\Ir.  Van  Buren 
numbered  more  than  one-third  of  the  Convention,  and 
were  irreconcilably  hostile  to  the  selection  of  any  of  the 
other  candidates  originally  proposed,  it  was  apparent  that 
no  nomination  could  be  made  without  their  consent. 
v/y  The  name  of  Mr.  Polk  had  been  freely  spoken  of  in 
connection  with  the  vice-presidency,  and  when  the  con- 
vention found  itself  in  this  dilemma,  a  number  of  his 
friends  among  the  delegates  voted  for  him  on  the  eighth 
ballot  as  the  presidential  candidate.  All  conceded  his 
unquestioned  ability  and  talents,  and  the  mention  of  his 
name  operated  like  magic.  Harmony  was  instantly  re- 
stored. On  the  ninth  "ballot  h-e  received  nearly  all  the 
votes  of  the  members  of  the  Convention,  and  the  vote 
was  subsequently  made  unanimous.  The  nomination  for 
the  vice-presidency  was  tendered  with  great  unanimity  to 
Silas  Wright,  of  New  York,  a  distinguished  friend  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  but  it  was  declined  ;  and  George  M. 
Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  then  put  in  nomination. 
The  closing  proceedings  of  the  Convention  were  marked 
by  great  good  feeling  and  enthusiasm,  and  when  the  mem- 
bers separated,  the  joy  and  satisfaction  that  filled  their 
hearts,  w^as  manifested  by  their  words,  and  depicted  on 
their  countenances. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  was  communicated, to  him 
by  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Convention.  Unex- 
pected as  was  the  honor  thus  conferred  upon  him-  he 
would  have  been  more  than  mortal  had  he  declined  it. 
In  reply  to  the  committee  he  returned  the  subjoined  let- 
ter of  acceptance,  in  which  he  avowed  his  firm  determi- 
nation, in  the  event  of  his  election,  not  to  bo  again  a  can- 
didat<a. 


1844.]  LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE.  135 

Columbia,  Tenn.,  June  12,  1844. 

Gentlemen  : — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter 
of  the  29th  ultimo,  informing  me  that  the  democratic  national 
convention,  then  assembled  at  Baltimore,  had  designated  me 
to  be  the  candidate  of  the  democi-atic  party  for  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  I  had  been  unanimously  nomi- 
nated for  that  office. 

It  has  been  well  observed,  that  the  office  of  President  of 
the -United  States  should  never  be  sought  nor  declined.  I 
have  never  sought  it,  nor  shall  I  feel  at  liberty  to  decline  it, 
if  conferred  upon  me  by  the  voluntary  suffrages  of  my  felloAv- 
citizens.  In  accepting  the  nomination,  I  am  deeply  impressed 
with  the  distinguished  honor  which  has  been  conferred  upon 
me  by  my  repubhcan  friends,  and  am  duly  sensible  of  the 
great  and  mighty  responsibilities  which  must  ever  devolve  on 
any  citizen  who  may  be  called  to  fill  the  high  station  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States, 

1  deem  the  present  to  be  a  proper  occasion  to  declare,  that 
if  the  nomination  made  by  the  convention  shall  be  confirmed 
by  the  people,  and  result  in  my  election,  I  shall  enter  upon 
the  discharge  of  the  high  and  solemn  duties  of  the  office  wdth 
the  settled  purpose  of  not  being  a  candidate  for  reelection. 
In  the  event  of  my  election,  it  shall  be  my  constant  aim,  by 
a  strict  adherence  to  the  old  republican  landmarks,  to  main- 
tain and  preserve  the  public  prosperity,  and  at  the  end  of 
four  years,  I  am  resolved  to  retire  to  private  hfe.  In  assum- 
ing this  position,  I  feel  that  I  not  only  impose  on  myself  a 
salutary  restraint,  but  that  I  take  the  most  effective  means  in 
my  power  of  enabling  the  democratic  party  to  make  a  free 
selection  of  a  successor  who  may  be  best  calculated  to  give 
effect  to  their  w^ill,  and  guard  all  the  interests  of  our  beloved 
country. 

With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Your  ob't  servant, 

James  K.  Polk. 
To  Messrs.  He.\ry  Hubbard,  Wm.  H.  Roane,  &c.,  &c. 


136  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

Prior  to  its  adjournment,    the  Baltimore  Convention 
adopted  a  series  of  resolutions,  setting  forth  the  princi- 
ples thaf  distinguished  them  as  a  party.    Bj  the  accept- 
ance of  their  nomination,  Mr.  Polk  signified  his  approba 
tion  of  those  resolutions,  and  they  are  therefore  inserted 


RESOLUTIONS    OF    THE    BALTIMORE    CONVENTION. 

Resolved,  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their  trust, 
not  in  factitious  symbols,  not  in  displays  and  appeals  insult- 
ing to  the  judgments  and  subversive  of  the  intellect  of  the 
people,  but  in  a  clear  reliance  upon  the  intelligence,  the  pat- 
riotism, and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the  American 
masses. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive  feature  oi 
our  political  creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain  before 
the  world  as  the  great  moral  element  in  a  form  of  govern- 
ment springing  from  and  uplield  by  the  popular  will ;  we 
contrast  it  with  the  creed  and  practice  of  Federalism,  under 
whatever  name  or  form,  which  seeks  to  palsy  the  will  of  the 
constituent,  and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too  monstrous 
for  the  popular  credulity. 

Resolved,  therefore,  That,  entertaining  these  vie.vs,  the 
Democratic  party  of  this  Union,  through  their  delegates  as- 
sembled in  a  general  convention  of  the  States,  Ci^ming  to- 
gether in  a  spirit  of  concord,  of  devotion  to  the  doccrines  and 
faith  of  a  free  representative  government,  and  appealing  to 
their  fellow-citizens  for  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  renew 
and  reassert  before  the  American  people,  the  declaration  of 
principles  avowed  by  them,  when  on  a  former  occasion,  in 
general  convention,  they  presented  their  candidates  for  the 
popular  suffrages : 

1.  That  the  Federal  Government  is  one  of  limited  powers, 
derived  solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power 
shown  therein,  ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  de- 


1844.]  RESOLUTIONS    OF   THE    CONVENTIOX.  137 

partments  and  agents  of  the  government,  and  that  it  is  inex- 
pedient and  dangerous  to  exercise  doubtful  constitutional 
powers. 

2.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  General 
Government  the  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  a  general 
system  of  internal  improvement. 

3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority  upon 
the  Federal  Government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the 
debts  of  the  several  States,  contracted  for  local  internal  im- 
provements, or  other  State  purposes ;  nor  would  such  as- 
sumption be  just  and  expedient. 

4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of 
smother,  or  to  cherish  the  interests  of  one  portion  to  .the  inju- 
ry of  another  portion  of  our  common  country — that  every 
■citizen,  and  every  section  of  the  country,  has  a  right  to  de- 
mand and  insist  upon  an  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and 
a  complete  and  ample .  protection  of  persons  and  property 
from  domestic  violence  or  foreign  aggression. 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  government 
to  enforce  and  practice  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting 
our  public  affairs,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be 
raised  than  is  required  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of 
the  government. 

6.  That  Congress  has  no  power  'to  charter  a  National 
Bank ;  that  we  believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly  hos- 
tility to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  dangerous  to  our 
Republican  institutions  and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and 
calculated  to  place  the  business  of  the  country  within  the 
control  of  a  concentrated  money  power,  and  above  the  laws 
and  the  will  of  the  people. 

7.  That  Congress"  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution,  to 
interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper 
judges  of  everything  appertaining  to  their  own  affairs,  not 
prohibited  by  the  Constitution ;  that  all  efforts  of  the  Abo- 


138  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844 

litionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with 
the  question  of  slaver}^  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation 
thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dan- 
gerous consequences,  and  that  all  such  eiOForts  have  an  inevi- 
table tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and 
endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and 
ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  to  our  political 
institutions. 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  Government 
from  banking  institutions,  is  indispensable  for  the  safety  of 
the  funds  of  the  Government,  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 

9.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Consti- 
tution, which  makes  ours  the  land  of  Liberty,  and  the  ub^'lum 
of  the  oppressed  of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal 
principles  in  the  democratic  faith;  and  every  attempt  to 
abridge  the  present  privilege  of  becoming  citizens  and  the 
owners  of  soil  among  us,  ought  to  be  resisted  with  the  same 
spirit  which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  from  our  stat- 
ute book. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to 
be  sacredly  applied  to  the  national  objects  specified  in  the 
Constitution ;  and  that  we  are  opposed  to  the  law  lately 
adopted,  and  to  any  law  for  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds 
among  the  States,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  repug- 
nant to  the  Constitution. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from 
the  President  the  qualified  Veto  power,  by  which  he  is 
enabled,  under  restrictions  and  responsibilities,  amply  sufi&- 
cient  to  guard  the  public  interest,  to  suspend  the  passage  of 
a.  bill,  whose  merits  cannot  secure  the  approval  of  two-thirds 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  until  the  judg- 
ment of  the  people  can  be  obtained  thereon,  and  which  has 
thrice  saved  the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and  tyran- 
nical domination  of  a  Bank  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  Tenitory  of 


1844.]  THE    ELECTION.  139 

Oregon  is  clear  and  unquestionable  ;  that  no  portion  of  the 
same  ought  to  be  ceded  to  England  or  any  other  power ;  that 
the  reoccupation  of  Oregon  and  the  reannexation  of  Texas  at 
the  earliest  practicable  period,  are  great  American  measures, 
-which  this  Convention  recommends  to  the  cordial  support  of 
the  Democrac}'  of  the  Union. 

The  candidates  selected  hy  the  whig  party,  in  opposi-  y 
tion  to  the  democratic  nominees,  were  Henry  Clay,  of 
Kentucky,  for  president,  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen, 
of  New  Jersey,  for  vice-president.  Mr.  Tyler,  the  then 
president,  was  also  put  in  nomination  for  the  presidenc}', 
by  a  convention  of  his  friends,  but  he  subsequently  with- 
drew his  name  and  gave  his  support  to  the  democratic 
ticket.  . 

The'  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  was  not  only  well  re- 
ceived ;  a  spirit  of  enthusiasm,  that  could  not  fail  to  tri- 
umph, was  instantly  aroused  in  his  favor.  As  General 
Jackson  had  received  the  appellation  of  "  Old  Hickory," 
so  that  of  ''  Young  Hickory  "  was  applied  to  Mr.  Polk,  ^ 
who  resembled  his  distinguished  friend  of  the  Hermitage 
in  his  firmness  and  independence  of  character.  The 
election  was  conducted  with  great  spirit  and  animation. 
Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Cass,  with  the  other  candi- 
dates before  the  national  convention,  and  their  friends, 
cordially  supported  the  ticket.  Mass  meetings  were  held 
in  every  county,  and  processions,  with  music  and  ban- 
ners, were  daily  seen  traversing  the  roads  and  by-ways 
of  the  interior,  or  threading  the  crowded  thoroughfares 
of  our  large  towns  and  cities. 

It  had  been  usual  to  subject  the  private  character  of 
candidates  to  a  scathing  ordeal.     This  is  one  of  the  evils, 


140  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

among  the  many  advantages,  of  our  system  of  elections. 
But  the  purity  of  Mr.  Polk's  life  disarmed  scandal  of  her 
weapons.  In  this  respect  he  was  unassailed  and  unas- 
sailable. 

y  This  political  contest,  however,  was  not  all  show  and 
display.  There  were  great  and  important  principles  at 
stake,  and  they  were  in  general  frankly  avowed,  and  fairly 
and  honorably  discussed.  On  the  one  side,  the  whigs  sup- 
ported as  their  candidate,  the  father  and  champion  of 
the  American  system  ;  they  were  committed  in  favor  of 
a  national  bank,  a  protective  tariff,  the  distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  and  an  extensive  system 
of  internal  impr-ovements  ;  and  they  opposed  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Polk  had  signal- 
ized the  commencement  of  his  public  career,  by  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  system  of  measures  advocated  by  Mr.  Clay  ; 
and  the  democratic  party  were  opposed  to  the  incorpora- 
tion of  a  national  bank,  to  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds 
of  the  public  lands,  and  to  the  prosecution  by  the  general 
government  of  an  extensive  system  of  internal  improx  e- 
ments  ;  they  were  in  favor  of  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
and  of  a  tariff  in  which  revenue  should  be  the  primary, 
and  protection  the  secondary  feature.  Individual  excep- 
tions there  were  to  this  general  statement  in  regard  to  the 
political  complexion  of  the  two  great  parties, — as  various 
shades  of  opinion  are  always  found  in  such  organizations, 
but  they  were  comparatively  few. 

In  Tennessee  the  election  was  exceedingly  close.  Mr. 
Polk  gained  largely  upon  the  democratic  vote  in  1840  ; 
his  majority  was  over  seven  hundred  in  Maury  county, 
being  three  hundred  more  than  at  the  gubernatorial  elec- 


1844.]  RECEPTION    AT    NASHVILLE.  141 

tion  of  the  previous  year  ;  but  the  Clay  electoral  ticket 
succeeded  in  the  state  by  the  diminutive  majority  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-four.  In  the  electoral  colleges,  Mr. 
Polk  received  one  hundred  and  seventy  votes,  and  Mr. 
Clay  one  hundred  and  five.*  The  majority  of  Mr.  Polk 
over  his  distinguished  competitor,  on  the  popular  vote, 
was  about  forty  thousand,  exclusive  of  the  vote  of  South 
Carolina,  whose  electors  are  chosen  by  the  state  legisla- 
ture. The  total  vote  was  a  little  less  than  two  million 
S€ven  hundred  thousand. 

On  the  28th  of  November — the  result  of  the  election 
being  then  known — Mr.  Polk  visited  Nashville,  and  was 
honored  with  a  public  reception  by  his  democratic  friends, 
together  with  a  number  of  their  opponents  in  the  late 
contest,  who  cheerfully  united  with  them  in  paying  due 
honors  to  the  President  elect  of  the  people's  choice.  A 
brilliant  civic  and  military  procession  escorted  him  to 
the  public  square  in  front  of  the  Court-house,  where  he 
was  addressed  by  the  Hon.  A.  0.  P.  Nicholson,  on  behalf 
of  the  large  assembly,  that  had  collected  to  welcome  him 
to  the  seat  of  government.  To  the  address  of  Mr.  Nich- 
olson, congratulating  him  on  his  success,  and  assuring 
him  of  the  high  respect  and  admiration  entertained  for 
his  intellectual  capacity  and  his  private  virtues  by  the 
people  of  Tennessee,  to  whom  he  had  been  so  long  en- 
deared, Mr.  Polk  returned  the  follow^ing  reply,  not  more 

*  Mr.  Polk  received  the  electoral  votes  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Xew 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illinois,  jNIissouri,  and  Arkansas; 
and  Mr.  Clay  those  of  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecti- 
cut, New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Ken- 
tucky, and  Ohio. 


142  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1844. 

honorable  to  his  talents  than  to  his  kindness  and  generos- 
ity of  heart : 

"I  return  to  you,  sir,  and  to  my  fello\^- citizens,  whose 
organ  you  are,  my  sincere  and  unfeigned  thanks  for  this  man- 
ifestation of  the  popular  regard  and  confidence,  and  for  the 
congratulations  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  express  to 
me,  upon  the  tennination  and  result  of  the  late  political  con- 
test. I  am  fully  sensible,  that  these  congratulations  are  not, 
and  cannot  be  personal  to  myself.  It  is  the  eminent  success 
of  our  common  principles  which  has  spread  such  general  joy 
over  the  land.  The  pohtical  struggle  through  whicli  the 
country  has  just  passed  has  been  deeply  exciting.  Extraor- 
dinary causes  have  existed  to  make  it  so.  It  has  terminated 
— it  is  now  over — and  I  sincerely  hope  and  believe,  has  been 
decided  by  the  sober  and  settled  judgment  of  the  American 
people. 

"  In  exchanging  mutual  congratulations  with  each  othet- 
upon  the  result  of  the  late  election,  the  Democratic  party 
should  remember,  in  calmly  reviewing  the  contest,  that- the 
portion  of  our  fellow- citizens  who  have  dififered  with  us  in 
opinion  have  equal  political  rights  with  ourselves  ;  that  mi- 
norities as  well  as  majorities  are  entitled  to  the  full  and  free 
exercise  of  all  their  opinions  and  judgments,  and  that  the 
rights  of  all,  whether  of  minorities  or  majorities,  as  such,  are 
entitled  to  equal  respect  and  regard. 

"  In  rejoicing,  therefore,  over  the  success  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  of  their  principles,  in  the  late  election,  it 
should  be  in  no  spirit  of  exultation  over  the  defeat  of  our  op- 
ponents ;  but  it  should  be  because,  as  we  honestly  believe, 
our  principles  and  policy  are  better  calculated  than  theirs  to 
promote  the  true  interests  of  the  whole  country. 

"  In  the  political  position  in  which  I  have  been  placed,  by 
the  voluntary  and  unsought  suffrages  of  my  fellow- citizens,  it 
will  become  my  duty,  as  it  will  be  my  pleasure,  faithfully  and 


1845. J  JOURNLY    TO    WASHINGTON.  143 

truly  to  represent,  in  the  Executive  department  of  the  gov- 
ernment, the  principles  and  policy  of  the  great  party  of  the 
country  who  have  elected  me  to  it ;  but  at  the  same  time,  it  . 
is  proper  to  declare,  that  I  shall  not  regard  myself  as  the 
representative  of  a  party  only,  but  of  the  whole  people  of 
the  United  States ;  and,  I  trust,  that  the  future  policy  of  the 
government  may  be  such,  as  to  secure  the  happiness  and 
prosperity  of  all,  without  distinction  of  party." 

In  the  evening  of  the  28th,  a  number  of  public  and  pri-  / 

vate  houses  were  illuminated.  Hilarity  and  glee  pre- 
vailed on  every  hand  ;  joy  sparkled  in  every  eye  and 
beamed  on  every  countenance ;  and  the  festivities  of  the 
day  were  protracted  till  a  late  hour. 

Mr.  Polk  left  his  home  in  Tennessee,  on  his  way  to 
Washington,  toward  the  latter  part  of  January,  1845. 
He  was  accompanied  on  his  journey  by  Mrs.  Polk,  and 
several  personal  friends.  On  the  31st  instant,  he  had  a 
long  private  interview  at  the  Hermitage,  with  his  vener- 
ble  friend,  Andrew  Jackson.  The  leave-taking  was  af- 
fectionate and  impressive,  for  each  felt  conscious,  that,  in 
all  probability,  it  was  a  farewell  forever.  It  was  the 
son,  in  the  pride  of  manhood,  going  forth  to  fulfil  his 
high  destiny,  from  the  threshold  of  his  political  godfa- 
ther, whose  trembling  lips,  palsied  with  the  touch  of  age, 
could  scarce  invoke  the  benediction  which  his  heart 
would  prompt.  Ere  another  harvest  moon  shed  its  holy 
light  upon  a  spot  hallowed  by  so  many  memories  and  as- 
sociations, the  "  hero  of  Nev/  Orleans  "  and  the  "  de- 
fender of  the  Constitution  "  slept  that  sleep  which  knows 
no  waking.  A  fev/  years  passed, — and  he  to  whom  that 
parting  blessing  had  been  given,  with  so  fair  and  bright 


144  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845. 

a  promise  of  a  long  life  before  him,  had  also  joined  the 
assembly  of  the  dead.  Truly,  the  realities  of  History 
arc  sometimes  stranger  far  than  the  "v\-ildcst  creations  of 
Fiction  ! 

On  the  1st  of  February,  Mr.  Polk  and  suite  left  Nash- 
ville, and  proceeded  as  rapidly  as  possible,  considering 
the  demonstrations  of  respect  with  which  he  was  every- 
where received  on  his  route,  to  the  seat  of  government  of 
the  nation.  -^  For  all  who  approached  him — whatever 
might  be  the' condition  in  life  or  occupation,  the  appear- 
ance or  dress,  of  the  individual — he  had  a  kind  word  and 
friendly  greeting.  When  the  steamboat,  on  which  he 
proceeded  up  the  Ohio  river,  stopped  at  Jeffersonville, 
Indiana,  "  a  plain-looking  man  came  on  board,"  said  a 
passenger  on  tii*^  steamer,  "  who,  from  the  soiled  and 
coarse  condition  of  his  dress,  seemed  just  to  have  left  the 
plough  handles,  or  spade,  in  the  field.  He  pressed  for- 
ward through  the  saloon  of  the  boat,  to  where  the  Presi- 
dent was  standing,  in  conversation  with  a  circle  of  gen- 
tlemen, through  which  he  thrust  himself,  making  directly 
for  the  President,  and  oifering  his  hand,  which  was  re- 
ceived with  cordial  good  will.  Says  the  farmer,  *  How 
do  you  do,  Colonel  ?  I  am  glad  to  see  you.  I  am  a 
strong  democrat,  and  did  all  I  could  for  you.  I  am  the 
father  of  twenty-six  children,  who  were  all  for  Polk^ 
Dallas^  and  Texas  I''  Colonel  Polk  responded  with  a 
smi:e,  saying,  he  was  '  happy  to  make  liis  acquaintance, 
feeling  assured  that  he  deserved  Aveli  of  his  country,  if 
for  no  other  reason  than  because  he  was  the  father  of  so 
large  a  republican  faniil^y."         "* 

The  President  elect  with  his  party  arrived  at  Wash- 


1845.J  HIS    INAUGURATION.  145 

mgton  on  the  13th  of  February,  and  was  immediately 
waited  upon  by  a  Committee  of  the  two  Houses  of  Con- 
irress,  who  informed  him  that  the  returns  from  the  electo- 
ral  colleges  had  been  opened,  and  the  ballots  counted,  on 
the  previous  day  ;  and  that  he  had  been  declared  duly 
elected  President  of  tha  United  States.  He  thereupon 
signified  his  acceptance  of  the  office  to  which  he  had  been 
chosen  by  the  people,  and  desired  the  Committee  to  con- 
vey to  Congress  his  assurances,  that  "  in  executing  the 
responsible  duties  which  would  devolve  upon  him,  it  would 
be  his  anxious  desire  to  maintain  the  honor  and  promote 
the  welfare  of  the  country." 

On  the  4th  day  of  March,  1815,  ]^>Ir.  Polk  was  inau- 
gurated President  of  the  United  States.  An  immense 
concourse  of  people  assembled  at  Washington — every 
quarter  of  the  Union  being  well  represented — to  witness 
the  imposing  ceremony.  The  morning  was  wet  and  low- 
ery  ;  but  the  spirits  of  the  spectators  were  proof  against 
the  unfavorable  influences  of  the  weather.  All  parties 
joined  in  the  appropriate  observance  of  the  day,  and  the 
national  standard  floated  proudly  from  the  flag-staffs  of 
both  democrats  and  whigs. 

About  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  the  procession 
moved  from  the  quarters  of  the  President  elect,  at  Cole- 
man's Hotel — Mr.  Polk  and  his  predecessor,  Mr.  Tyler, 
riding  together  in  an  open  carriage.  Arrived  aLt  the  cap- 
itol,  the  President  elect  and  the  ex-president  entered  the 
Senate  Chamber.  Here  a  procession  was  formed,  when 
they  proceeded  to  the  platform  on  the  east  front  of  the 
capitol,  from  which  Mr.  Polk  delivered  his  inaugural  ad- 
dress : 


146  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 


INAUGURAL     ADDRESS. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — Without  solicitation  on  my  part,  I  have 
been  chosen  by  the  free  and  voluntary  suffrages  of  my  coun- 
trymen to  the  most  honorable  and  most  responsible  office  on 
earth.  I  am  deeply  impressed  wi^i  gratitude  for  the  confi- 
dence reposed  in  me.  Honored  with  this  distinguished  con- 
sideration at  an  earlier  period  of  life  than  any  of  my  prede- 
cessors, I  cannot  disguise  the  diffidence  with  which  I  am 
about  to  enter  on  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties. 

If  the  more  aged  and  experienced  men  who  have  filled  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  even  in  the  infancy 
of  the  Republic,  distrusted  their  ability  to  discharge  the  du- 
ties of  that  exalted  station,  what  ought  not  to  be  the  appre- 
hensions of  one  so  much  younger  and  less  endowed,  now  that 
our  domain  extends  from  ocean  to  ocean,  that  our  people 
have  so  greatly  increased  in  numbers,  and  at  a  time  when  so 
great  diversity  of  opinion  prevails  in  regard  to  the  principles 
and  policy  which  should  characterize  the  administration  of 
our  Grovernment  ?  Well  may  the  boldest  fear,  and  the  wisest 
tremble,  when  incurring  responsibilities  on  which  may  depend 
our  countiy's  peace  and  prosperity,  and,  in  some  degree,  the 
hopes  and  happiness  of  the  whole  human  family. 

In  assummg  responsibilities  so  vast,  I  fervently  invoke  the 
aid  of  the  Almighty  Ruler  of*  the  Universe,  in  whose  hands 
are  the  destinies  of  nations  and  of  men,  to  guard  this  heaven- 
favored  land  against  the  mischiefs  which,  without  His  gui- 
dance, might  arise  from  an  unwise  public  policy.  With  a 
firm  reliance  upon  the  wisdom  of  Omnipotence  to  sustain  and 
direct  me  in  the  path  of  duty  which  I^m  appointed  to  pur- 
sue, I  stand  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  multitude  of 
my  countrymen,  to  take  upon  inj^self  the  solemn  obligation, 
"to  the  best  of  my  abifity,  to  preserve,  to  protect,  and  defend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 


1845. J  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  14T 

A  concise  enumeration  of  the  principles  which  will  guide 
me  in  the  administration  poUcy  of  the  government,  is  not  only 
in  accordance  with  the  examples  set  me  by  all  my  predeces- 
sors, but  is  emmently  befitting  tlie  occasion. 

The  Constitution  itself,  plainly  written  as  it  is,  the  safe- 
guard of  our  federative  compact,  the  offspring  of  conces- 
sion and  compromise,  binding  together  in  the  bonds  of  peace 
and  union  tHis  great  and  mcreasmg  family  of  free  and  inde- 
pendent States,  will  be  the  chart  by  which  I  shall  be  di- 
rected. 

It  will  be  my  first  care  to  administer  the  government  in 
the  true  spirit  of  that  instrument,  and  to  assume  no  powers 
not  expressly  granted  or  clearly  implied  in  its  terms.  The 
government  of  the  United  States  is  one  of  delegated  and 
limited  powers,  and  it  is  by  a  strict  adherence  to  the  clearly 
granted  powers,  and  by  abstaining  from  the  exercise  of  doubt- 
ful or  unauthorized  implied  powers,  that  we  have  the  only 
sure  guaranty  against  the  recurrence  of  those  unfortunate 
collisions  between  the  Federal  and  State  authorities,  which 
have-  occasionally  so  much  disturbed  the  harmony  of  our 
system,  and  even  threatened  the  perpetuity  of  our  glorious 
Union. 

"  To  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people,"  have  been 
reserved  "  the  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by 
the  constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States."  Each 
State  is  a  complete  sovereignty  within  the  sphere  of  its  re- 
serv^ed  powers.  The  government  of  the  Union,  acting  within 
the  sphere  of  its  delegated  authorit}^,  is  also  a  complete  sov- 
ereignty. While  the  general  government  should  abstain  from 
the  exercise  of  authority  not  clearly  delegated  to  it,  the  States 
should  be  equally  careful  that,  in  the  maintenance  of  their 
rights,  they  do  not  overstep  the  limits  of  powers  reserved  to 
'  them.  One  of  the  most  distinguished  of  my  predecessors  at- 
tached deserved  importance  to  "the  support  of  the  State 
governments  in  all  their  rights,  as  the  most  competent  ad- 


148  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845. 

• 

ministration  for  our  domestic  concerns,  and  the  surest  bulwark 
ao-ainst  anti-republican  tendencies  ;"  and  to  the  "  preservation 
of  the  general  government  in  its  whole  constitutional  vigor,  as 
the  sheet-acehor  of  oi;ir  peace  at  home,  and  safety  abroad." 

To  the  government  of  the  United  States  has  been  entrust- 
ed the  exclusive  management  of  our  foreign  affairs.  Beyond 
that,  it  wields  a  few  general  enumerated  powers.  •  It  does  not 
force  reform  on  the  States.  It  leaves  individuals  over  whom 
it  casts  its  protecting  influence,  entirely  free  to  improve  their 
own  condition  by  the  legitimate  exercise  of  all  their  mental 
and  physical  powers.  It  is  a  common  protector  of  each  and 
all  the  States  ;  of  every  man  who  lives  upon  our  soil,  whether 
of  native  or  foreign  birth  ;  of  every  religious  sect,  in  their 
worship  of  the  Almighty  according  to  the  dictates  of  their 
own  conscience  ;  of  every  shade  of  opinion,  and  the  most  free 
inquiry  ;  of  every  art^  trade,  and  occupation,  consistent  with 
the  laws  of  the  States.  And  we  rejoice  in  the" general  happi- 
ness, prosperity  and  advancement  of  our  country,  which  have 
been  the  offspring  of  freedom  and  not  of  power. 

The  most  admirable  and  wisest  system  of  well-regulated 
self-government  among  men,  ever  devised  by  human  minds, 
has  been  tested  by  its  successful  operation  for  more  than  half 
a  century  ;  and,  if  preserved  from  the  usurpations  of  the 
federal  government  on  the  one  hand  ;  and  the  exercise  by  the 
States  of  power  not  reserved  to  them  on  the  other,  will,  I 
fervently  hope  and  believe,  endure  for  ages  to  come,  and  dis- 
pense the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  distant 
generations.  To  effect  objects  so  dear  to  every  patriot,  I 
shall  devote  myself  with  anxious  sphcitude.  It  will  be  my 
desire  to  guard  against  that  most  fruitful  source  of  danger  to 
the  harmonious  action  of  our  system,  which  consists  in  sub- 
stituting the  mere  discretion  and  caprice  of  the  executive,  or 
of  majorities  in  the  legislative  department  of  the  government, 
for  powers  which  have  been  withheld  from  the  federal  gov- 
ernment by  the  constitution.     By  the  theory  of  our  govern- 


1845. J  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  149 

raent,  majorities  rule  ;  but  tliis  riglit  is  not  an  arbitrary  or  un- 
limited one.  It  is  a  right  to  be  exercised  in  subordination  to 
the  constitution,  and  in  conformity  to  it..  One  great  object  of 
the  constitution  was  to  restrain  majorities  from  oppressing 
minorities,  or  encroaching  upon  their  just  rights.  Minorities 
have  a  i-ight  to  appeal  to  the  constitution,  as  a  shield  against 
such  oppression. 

That  the  blessings  of  liberty  which  our  constitution  secures 
may  be  enjoyed  alike  by  minorities  and  majorities,  the  execu- 
tive has  been  wisely  invested  with  a  qualified  veto  upon  the 
acts  of  the  legislature.  It  is  a  negative  power,  and  is  conser- 
vative in  its  character.  It  arrests  for  the  time  hasty,  incon- 
siderate, or  unconstitutional  legislation  ;  invites  reconsidera- 
tion, and  transfers  questions  at  issue  between  the  legislative 
and  executive  departments  to  the  tribunal  of  the  people. 
Like  all  other  powers,  it  is  subject  to  be  abused.  When  ju- 
diciously and  properly  exercised,  the  constitution  itself  may 
be  saved  from  infraction,  and  the  rights  of  all  preserved  and 
protected. 

The  inestimable  value  of  our  federal  Union  is  felt  and  ac- 
knowledged by  all.  By  this  system  of  united  and  confedera- 
ted States,  our  people  are  permitted,  collectively  and  indi- 
vidually, to  seek  their  own  happiness  in  their  own  way ;  and 
the  consequences  have  been  most  auspicious.  Since  the  Union 
was  formed,  the  number  of  States  has  increased  from  thir- 
teen to  twenty-eight ;  two  of  these  have  taken  their  position 
as  members  of  the  confederacy  within  the  last  week.  Our 
population  has  increased  from  three  to  twenty  millions.  New 
communities  and  States  are  seeking  protection  under  its  aegis, 
and  multitudes  from  the  Old  World  are  flocking  to  our  shores 
to  participate  in  its  blessings.  Beneath  its  benign  sway,  peace 
and  prosperity  prevail.  Freed  from  the  burdens  and  miseries 
of  war,  our  trade  and  intercourse  have  extended  throughout 
the  world.  Mind,  no  longer  tasked  in  devising  means  to  ac- 
complish or  resist  schemes  of  ambition,  usurpation,  or  con- 


150  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

quest,  is  devoting  itself  to  man's  true  interests,  in  developing 
his  faculties  and  powers,  and  the  capacity  of  nature  to  minis- 
ter to  his  enjoyments.  Genius  is  free  to  announce  its  inven 
tions  and  discoveries  ;  and  the  hand  is  free  to  accomplish 
whatever  the  head  conceives,  not  incompatible  with  the  rights 
of  a  fellow-being.  All  distinctions  of  birth  or  of  rank  have 
been  abolished.  All  citizens,  whether  native  or  adopted,  are 
placed  upon  terms  of  precise  equality.  All  are  entitled  to 
equal  rights  and  equal  protection.  No  union  exists  between 
Church  and  State ;  and  perfect  freedom  of  opinion  is  guar- 
anteed to  all  sects  and  creeds. 

These  are  some  of  the  blessings  secured  to  our  happy  land 
by  our  federal  Union.  To  perpetuate  them,  it  is  our  sacred 
duty  to  preserve  it.  Who  shall  assign  limits  to  the  achieve- 
ments of  free  minds  and  free  hands,  under  the  protection  of 
this  glorious  Union  ?  No  treason  to  mankind,  since  the  or- 
ganization of  society,  would  be  equal  in  atrocity  to  that  of 
him  who  would  lift  his  hand  to  destroy  it.  He  would  over- 
throw the  noblest  structure  of  human  wisdom,  which  protects 
himself  and  his  fellow-man.  He  would  stop  the  progress  of 
free  government,  and  involve  his  country  either  in  anarchy 
or  despotism.  He  would  extinguish  the  fire  of  hberty  which 
warms  and  animates  the  hearts  of  happy  millions,  and  invijtes 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth  to  imitate  our  example.  If  he 
say  that  error  and  wrong  are  committed  in  the  administration 
of  the  government,  let  him  remember  that  nothing  human 
can  be  perfect ;  and  that  under  no  other  system  of  govern- 
ment revealed  by  Heaven,  or  devised  by  man,  has  reason 
been  allowed  so  free  and  broad  a  scope  to  combat  error. 

Has  the  sword  of  despots  proved  to  be  a  safer  or  surer  in- 
strument of  reform  in  government  than  enlightened  reason  ? 
Does  he  expect  to  find  among  the  ruins  of  this  Union  a  hap- 
pier abode  for  our  swarming  millions  than  they  now  have  un- 
der it  ?  Every  lover  of  his  country  must  shudder  at  the 
thought  of  the  possibihty  of  its  dissolution,  and  -will  be  ready 


1845. j  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  151 

to  adopt  the  patriotic  sentiment :  "  Our  federal  Union — it 
must  be  preserved."  To  preserve  it,  the  compromise  which 
alone  enabled  our  fathers  to  form  a  common  constitution  for 
the  government  and  protection  of  so  many  States,  and  dis- 
tinct communities,  of  such  diversified  habits,  interests  and  do- 
mestic institutions,  must  be  sacredly  and  religiously  observed. 
Any  attempt  to  disturb  or  destroy  these  compromises,  being 
terms  of  the  compact  of  Union,  can  lead  to  none  other  than 
the  most  ruinous  and  disastrous  consequences. 

It  is  a  source  of  deep  regret  that,  in  some  sections  of  our 
country,  misguided  persons  have  occasionally  indulged  in 
schemes  and  agitations,,  whose  object  is  the  destruction  of 
domestic  institutions  existing  in  other  sections — institutions 
which  existed  at  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  Avere 
recognized  and  protected  by  it.  All  must  see  that  if  it  were 
possible  for  them  to  be  successful  in  attaining  their  object, 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  a  consequent  destruction  of 
our  happy  form  of  government,  must  speedily  follow. 

I  am  happy  to  believe,  that  at  every  period  of  our  exist- 
ence as  a  nation,  there  lias  existed,  and  continues  to  exist, 
among  the  great  mass  of  our  p('opu\  n  devotion  to  the  Union 
of  the  States,  which  wiil  shield  and  protect  it  against  the 
moral  treason  of  any  wlio  Avould  seriously  contemphite  its 
destruction.  To  secure  a  continuance  of  tliat  devotion,  the 
compromises  of  the  constitution  must  not  only  be  preserved, 
but  sectional  jealousies  and  heartburnings  must  be  discoun- 
tenanced ;  and  all  should  remember  that  they  are  members 
of  the  same  political  family,  having  a  common  destiny.  To 
increase  the  attachment  of  our  poodle  to  tlie  Union,  our  laws 
should  be  just.  Any  policy  wl:ich  sIkiII  tend  to  favor  rao- 
nopohes,  or  the  peculiar  interests  of  sections  or  classes,  must 
operate  to  the  prejudice  of  the  interests  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens, and  should  be  avoided.  If  the  compromises  of  the  con- 
stitution be  preserved, — if  sectional  jealousies  and"  heartburn- 
ings be  discountenanced, — if  our  laws  be  just,  and  the  gov- 


152  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845* 

ernment  be  practically  administered  strictly  within  the  limits 
of  power  prescribed  to  it, — we  may  discard  all  apprehensions 
for  the  safety  of  the  Union. 

With  these  views  of  the  nature,  character  and  objects  of 
the  government,  and  the  value  of  the  Union,  I  shall  steadily 
oppose  the  creation  of  those  institutions  and  systems  which, 
in  their  nature,  tend  to  pervert  it  from  its  legitimate  purposes, 
and  make  it  the  instrument  of  sections,  classes,  and  individu- 
als. We  need  no  National  Bank,  or  other  extraneous  institu- 
tions, planted  around  the  government  to  control  or  strengthen 
it  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  its  authors.  Experience  has 
tauo-ht  us  how  unnecessary  they  are  as  auxiharies  of  the  pub- 
lic authorities,  how  impotent  for  good"  and  how  powerful  for 
mischief. 

Ours  was  intended  to  be  a  plain  and  frugal  government : 
and  I  shall  regard  it  to  be  my  duty  to  recommend  to  Con- 
gress, and  as  far  as  the  Executive  is  concerned,  to  enforce  by 
all  the  means  within  my  power,  the  strictest  economy  in  the 
'expenditure  of  the  public  money,  which  may  be  compatible 
with  the  public  interests. 

A  national  debt  has-  become  almost  an  institution  of  Euro- 
pean monarchies.  It  is  viewed  in  fc'.jme  of  them,  as  an  essen- 
tial prop  to  existing  governments.  Melancholy  is  the  condi- 
tion of  that  people  whose  government  can  be  sustained  only 
bv  a  system  which  periodically  transfers  large  amounts  from 
the  labor  of  the  many  to  the  coffers  of  the  few.  Such  a 
system  is  incompatible  with  the  ends  for  which  our  republican 
government  was  institute.!.  Under  a  Avise  policy,  the  debts 
contracted  in  our  revukiiion,  and  during  the  war  of  ISI'J, 
have  been  happily  extinguished.  By  a  judicious  application 
of  the  revenues,  not  required  for  other  necessary  purposes,  it 
is  not  doubted  that  the  debt  which  has  grown  out  of  the 
circumstances  of  the  last  few  years  may  be  speedily  paid  off. 

I  congratulate  my  fellow-citizens  on  the  entii'e  restoration 
of  the  credit  of  the  general  government  of  the  Union,  and 


1845.]  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  153 

that  of  many  of  the  States.  Happy  would  it  be  for  the  in- 
debted States  if  they  were  freed  from  their  habihties,  many 
of  which  were  incautiously  contracted.  Although  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Union  is  neither  in  a  legal  nor  a  moral  sense 
bound  for  the  debts  of  the  States,  and  it  would  be  a  violation 
of  our  compact  of  Union  to  assume  them,  yet  we  cannot  but 
feel  a  deep  interest  in  seeing  all  the  States  meet  their  public 
liabihties,  and  pay  off  their  just  debts,  iit  the  earliest  practi- 
cable period.  That  they  will  do  so,  as  soon  as  it  can  be  done 
without  imposing  too  heavy  burdens  on  their  citizens,  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt.  The  sound  moral  and  honorable  feel- 
ing of  the  people  of  the  indebted  States  cannot  be  question- 
ed ;  and  we  are  happy  to  perceive  a  settled  disposition  on 
their  part,  as  tlieir  ability  returns,  after  a  season  of  unexam- 
pled pecuniary  embarrassment,  to  pay  off  all  just  demands, 
and  to  acquiesce  in  any  reasonable  measure  to  accomplish 
that  object. 

One  of  the  diniculiies  which  we  have  had  to  encounter  in 
the  practical  administration  of  the  government,  consists  in 
the  adjustment  of  our  revenue  laws,  and  the  levy  of  taxes 
necessary  for  the  support  of  government.  In  the  general 
proposition,  that  no  more  money  shall  be  collected  than  the 
necessities  of  an  economical  administration  shall  require,  all 
parties  seem  to  acquiesce.  'Nor  does  there  seem  to  be  any 
material  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  absence  of  right  in 
the  government  to  tax  one  section  of  country,  or  one  class  of 
citizens,  or  one  occupation,  for  the  mere  profit  of  another. 
"  Justice  and  sound  pohcy  forbid  the  federal  government  to 
foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or 
to  cherish  the  interests  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  anoth- 
er portion  of  our  common  country." 

I  have  heretofore  declared  to  my  fellow-citizens  that,  in 

my  "  judgment,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  extend 

as  far  as  may  be  practicable  to  do  so,  by  its  revenue  laws^^ 

and  all  other  means  withui  its  power,  fair  and  just  protection 

7# 


154  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845^ 

to  all  the  great  interests  of  the  whole  Union,  embracing  agri- 
culture, manufactures,  the  mechanic  arts,  commerce  and  nav- 
igation." I  have  also  declared  my  opinion  to  be  in  "  favoi 
of  a  tariff  for  revenue,"  and  that  in  adjusting  the  details  of 
such  a  tarifl',  I  have  sanctioned  such  moderate  discriminating 
duties  as  would  produce  the  amount  of  revenue  needed,  and 
at  the  same  time,  afford  reasonable  incidental  protection  to 
our  home  industry,  and  that  I  was  "  opposed  to  a  tariff  for 
protection  merely,  and  not  for  revenue." 

The  power  "  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and 
excises,"  was  an  indispensable  one  to  be  conferred  on  the 
federal  government,  which,  without  it,  would  possess  no  means 
of  providing  for  its  own  support.  In  executing  this  })ower, 
by  levying  a  tariff  of  duties  for  the  support  of  government, 
the  raising  revenue  should  be  the  object,  and  protection  the 
incident.  To  reverse  this  principle,  and  make  protection  the 
object  and  revenue  the  incident,  would  be  to  inflict  manifest 
injustice  upon  all  other  than  the  protected  interests.  In  levy- 
ing duties  for  revenue,  it  is  doubtless  proper  to  make  such 
discrimmations  within  the  revenue  principle,  as  will  afford  in- 
cidental protection  to  oui'  home  interests.  Within  the  rev- 
enue limit,  there  is  a  discretion  to  discriminate ;  beyond  that 
limit,  the  rightful  exercise  of  the  power  is  not  conceded.  The 
incidental  protection  afforded  to  our  home  interests  by  dis- 
crimination within  the  revenue  range,  it  is  believed  will  be 
ample.  In  making  discriminations,  all  our  home  interests 
should,  as  far  as  practicable,  be  equally  protected. 

The  largest  portion  of  our  people  are  agriculturists.  Others 
are  employed  in  manufactures,  commerce,  navigation,  and  the 
mechanic  arts.  They  are  all  engaged  in  their  respective  pur- 
suits, and  their  joint  labors  constitute  the  national  or  home 
industiy.  To  tax  one  branch  of  this  home  industry  for  the 
benefit  of  another,  would  be  unjust.  No  one  of  these  inter- 
ests can  rightfully  claim  an  advantage  over  the  others,  or  tc 
be  enriched  by  impoverishing  the  others.      All  are  equally 


1845.]  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  155 

entitled  to  the  fostering  care  and  protection  of  the  govern- 
ment. In  exercising  a  sound  discretion  in  levying  discrimin- 
ating duties,  within  the  limit  prescribed,  care  should  be  taken 
that  it  be  done  in  a  manner  not  to  benefit  the  wealthy  few, 
at  the  expense  of  the  toiling  millions,  by  taxing  lowest  the 
luxuries  of  life,  or  articles  of  superior  quality  and  high  price, 
which  can  only  be  consumed  by  the  wealthy :  and  highest, 
the  necessaries  of  life,  or  articles  of  coarse  quality  and  low 
price,  which  the  poor  and  great  mass  of  the  people  must  con- 
sume. The  burdens  of  government  should,  as  far  as  practi- 
cable, be  distributed  justly  and  equally  among  all  classes  of 
our  population.  These  general  views,  long  entertained  on  the 
subject,  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  reiterate.  It  is  a  subject 
upon  which  conflicting  interests  of  sections  and  occupations 
are  suposed  to  exist,  and  a  spirit  of  mutual  concession  and 
compromise  in  adjusting  its  details  should  be  cherished  by 
every  part  of  our  wide-spread  country,  as  the  only  means  of 
preserving  harmony  and  a  cheerful  acquiescence  of  all  in  the 
operation  of  our  revenue  laws.  Our  patriotic  citizens  in  every 
part  of  the  Union  will  readily  submit  to  the  payment  of  such 
taxes  as  shall  be  needed  for  the  support  of  their  government, 
whether  in  peace  or  in  war,  if  they  are  so  levied  as  to  dis- 

/  tribute  the  burdens  as  equally  as  possible  among  them. 
>J  /    The  repubhc  of  Texas  has  made  known  her  desire  to  come 

/  into  our  Union,  to  form  a  part  of  our  confederacy,  and  to  en- 
joy with  us  the  blessmg  of  liberty  secured  and  guaranteed  by 
our  constitution.  Texas  was  once  a  part  of  our  coimtry — 
was  unwisely  ceded  away  to  a  foreign  power — is  now  inde- 
pendent, and  possesses  an  undoubted  right  to  dispose  of  a 
part  or  the  whole  of  her  territory,  and  to  merge  her  sovereign- 
ty as  a  separate  and  independent  State,  in  om-s.  I  congratu- 
late my  country  that,  by  an  act  of  the  last  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  the  assent  of  this  government  has  been  given 
to  the  reiinion ;  and  it  only  remains  for  the  two  countries  to 
agree  upon  the  terms,  to  consummate  an  object  so  important 
to  both. 


156  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

I  regard  the  question  of  annexation  as  belonging  exclusive- 
ly to  the  United  States  and  Texas.  They  are  independent 
powers,  competent  to  contract;  and  foreign  nations  have  no 
right  to  interfere  with  thera,  or  to  take  exceptions  to  their  re- 
union. Foreign  powers  do  not  seem  to  appreciate  the  true 
cliaracter  of  our  government.  Our  Union  is  a  confederation 
of  independent  States,  whose  policy  is  peace  with  each  other 
and  all  the  world.  To  enlarge  its  limits,  is  to  extend  the  do- 
minion of  peace  over  additional  territories  and  increasing  mil- 
lions. The  world  has  nothing  to  fear  from  military  ambition 
in  our  government.  While  the  chief  magistrate  and  the  popu- 
lar branch  of  Congress  are  elected  for  short  terms  by  the 
suffrages  of  those  millions  who  must,  in  their  own  persons, 
bear  all  the  burdens  and  miseries  of  war,  our  government 
cannot  be  otherwise  than  pacific.  Foreign  powers  should, 
therefore,  look  on  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States, 
not  as  the  conquest  of  a  nation  seeking  to  extend  her  domin- 
ions by  arms  and  violence,  but  as  the  peaceful  acquisition  of 
a  territory  once  her  own,  by  adding  another  member  to  our 
confederation,  with  the  consent  of  that  member — thereby  di- 
minishing the  chances  of  war,  and  opening  to  them  new  and 
ever-increasing  markets  for  their  products. 

To  Texas  the  reunion  is  important,  because  the  strong  pro- 
tecting arm  of  our  government  would  be  extended  over  her, 
and  the  vast  resources  of  her  fertile  soil  and  genial  climate 
would  be  speedily  developed ;  while  the  safety  of  New  Or- 
leans, and  of  our  southwestern  frontier,  aorainst  hostile  ag;- 
gression,  as  well  as  the  interest  of  the  whole  Union,  would  be 
promoted  by  it. 

In  the  earlier  stages  of  our  national  existence,  the  opinion 
prevailed  with  some,  that  our  system  of  confederated  states 
could  not  operate  successfully  over  an  extended  territory,  and 
serious  objections  have,  at  different  times,  been  made  to  the 
enlargement  of  our  boundaries.  These  objections  were  earn- 
estly urged  when  we  acquired  Louisiana.     Experience  has 


1845.]  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  157 

shown  that  they  Avere  not  well  founded.  The  title  of  nu- 
merous Indian  tribes  to  vast  tracts  of  country  has  been  extin- 
guished. New  States  have  been  admitted  into  the  Union ; 
new  Territories  have  been  created,  and  our  jurisdiction  and 
laws  extended  over  them.  As  our  population  has  expanded, 
the  Union  has  been  cemented  and  strengthened ;  as  our 
boundaries  have  been  enlarged,  and  our  agricultural  popula- 
tion has  been  spread  over  a  large  surface,  our  federative  sys- 
tem has  acquired  additional  strength  and  security.  It  may 
well  be  doubted  whether  it  would  not  be  in  greater  danger 
of  overthrow,  if  our  present  population  were  confined  to  the 
comparatively  narrow  limits  of  the  original  thirteen  States, 
than  it  is,  now  that  they  are  sparsely  settled  over  an  expand- 
ed territor3\  It  is  confidently  believed  that  our  system  may 
be  safely  extended  to  the  utmost  bounds  of  our  territorial 
limits ;  and  that,  as  it  shall  be  extended,  the  bonds  of  our 
Union,  so  far  from  beino-  weakened,  will  become  strono-er. 

None  can  fail  to  see  the  danger  to  our  safety  and  future  peace, 
if  Texas  remains  an  independent  State,  or  becomes  an  ally  or 
dependency  of  some  foreign  nation  more  powerful  than  her- 
self. Is  there  one  among  our  citizens  who  would  not  prefer 
perpetual  peace  with  Texas,  to  occasional  wars,  which  so 
often  occur  between  bordering  independent  nations?  Is 
there  one  who  would  not  prefer  free  intercourse  with  her,  to 
high  duties  on  all  our  products  and  manufactures  which  en- 
ter her  ports  or  cross  her  frontiers  ?  Is  there  one  who  would 
not  prefer  an  unrestricted  communication  with  her  citizens,  to 
the  frontier  obstructions  which  must  occur  if  she  remains  out 
of  the  Union  ?  Whatever  is  good  or  evil  in  the  local  institu- 
tions of  Texas,  will  remain  her  own,  whether  annexed  to  the 
United  States  or  not.  None  of  the  present  States  will  be 
responsible  for  them,  any  more  than  they  are  for  the  local  in- 
stitutions of  each  other.  They  have  confederated  together 
for  certain  specified  objects. 

Upon  the  same  principle  that  they  would  refuse  to  form  a 


158  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

perpetual  union  with  Texas,  because  of  her  local  mstitutions, 
our  forefathers  Avould  have  been  prevented  from  forming  our 
present  Union.  Perceivmg  no  valid  objection  to  the  measure, 
and  many  reasons  for  its  adoption,  vitally  affecting  the  peace, 
the  safety,  and  the  prosperity  of  both  countries,  I  shall,  on 
the  broad  principle  which  formed  the  basis,  and  produced 
tlie  adoption  of  our  constitution,  and  not  in  any  narrow  spirit 
of  sectional  policy,  endeavor,  by  all  constitutional,  honorable, 
and  appropriate  means,  to  consummate  the  express  will  of 
the  people  and  government  of  the  United  States,  by  the  re- 
annexation  of  Texas  to  our  Union,  at  the  earliest  practicable 
period. 

Nor  will  it  become  in  a  less  degree  my  duty  to  assert  and 
maintain,  bf  all  constitutional  means,  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  that  portion  of  our  territory  which  hes  beyond  the 
Kocky  Mountains.  Our  title  to  the  country  of  the  Oregon 
is  "  clear  and  unquestionable ;"  and  already  are  our  people 
preparing  to  perfect  that  title,  by  occupying  it  with  their 
wives  and  children.  But  eighty  years  ago,  our  population 
was  confined  on  the  west  bv  the  rido-e  of  the  Alleo-hanies. 
Within  that  period — Avithin  the  life-time,  I  might  say,  of  some 
of  my  hearers — our  people,  increasing  to  many  miUions,  have 
filled  the  eastern  valley  of  the  Mississippi; -adventurously 
ascended  the  Missouri  to  its  hea4  springs ;  and  are  already 
engaged  in  establishing  the  blessings  of  self-government  in 
valleys,  of  which  the  rivers  flow  to  the  Pacific.  The  world 
beholds  the  peaceful  triumphs  of  the  industry  of  our  emi- 
grants. To  us  belongs  the  duty  of  protecting  them  ade- 
quately, wherever  they  may  be  upon  our  soil.  The  jurisdic- 
tion of  our  laws,  and  the  benefits  of  our  republican  institu- 
tions, should  be  extended  over  them  in  the  distant  remons 
which  they  have  selected  for  their  homes.  The  increasing 
facilities  of  intercourse  will  easily  bring  the  States,'  of  which 
the  formation  in  that  part  of  our  territory  cannot  long  be 
delayed,  within  the  sphere  of  our  federative  Union.     In  the 


1845.]  INAUGURAL    ADDRESS.  159 

meantime,  every  obligation  imposed  by  treaty  or  conventional 
stipulations,  should  be  sacredly  respected. 

In  the  management  of  our  foreign  relations,  it  will  be  my 
aim  to  observe  a  careful  respect  for  the  rights  of  other  na- 
tions, while  our  own  will  be  the  subject  of  constant  watchful- 
ness. Equal  and  exact  justice  should  characterize  all  our  in- 
tercourse with  foreign  countries.  All  alliances  having  a  ten- 
dency to  jeopard  the  welfare  and  honor  of  our  country,  or 
sacrifice  any  one  of  the  national  interests,  will  be  studiously 
avoided ;  and  yet  no  opportunity  will  be  lost  to  cultivace  a 
favorable  understar.ain-  vith  foreign  governments,  by  which 
our  navigation  and  commerce  may  be  extended,  and  the  am- 
ple products  of  our  fertile  soil,,  as  well  as  the  manufactures  of 
our  skilful  artisans,  find  a  ready  market  and  remunerating 
prices  in  foreign  countries. 

In  taking  "  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,"  a 
strict  performance  of  duty  will  be  exacted  from  all  public 
officers.  From  those  officers,  especially,  who  are  charged 
with  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  the  public  revenue, 
will  prompt  and  rigid  accountability  be  required.  Any  cul- 
pable failure  or  delay  on  their  part  to  account  for  the  moneys 
entrusted  to  them,  at  the  times  and  in  the  manner  required 
'  by  law,  will,  in  every  instance,  terminate  the  official  connec- 
tion of  such  defaulting  offiicer  with  the  government. 

Although,  in  our  country,  the  chief  magistrate  must  al- 
most of  necessity  be  chosen  by  a  party,  and  stand  pledged  to 
its  principles  and  measures,  yet  in  his  official  action,  he  should 
not  be  the  president  of  a  part  only,  but  of  the  whole  people 
of  the  United  States.  While  he  executes  the  law  with  an  im- 
partial hand,  shrinks  from  no  proper  responsibility,  and  faith- 
fully carries  out  in  the  executive  department  of  the  govern- 
ment the  principles  and  pohcy  of  those  who  have  chosen  him, 
he  should  not  be  unmindful  that  our  fellow-citizens  who  have 
differed  with  him  in  opinion  are  entitled  to  the  full  and^  free 
exercise  of  their  opinions  and  judgments,  and  that  the  rights 
of  all  are  entitled  to  respect  and  regard. 


160  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

Confidently  relying  upon  the  aid  and  assistance  of  tlie 
coordinate  branches  of  the  government,  in  conducting  our 
public  affairs,  I  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the  high  duties 
which  have  been  assigned  me  by  the  people,  again  humbly 
supplicating  that  Divine  Being  who  has  watched  over  and 
protected  our  beloved  country  from  its  infancy  to  the  present 
hour,  to  continue  his  generous  benedictions  upon  us,  tJiat  we 
may  continue  to  be  a  prosperous  and  happy  people. 

Having  concluded  his  address,  the  oath  of  office  was 
administered  to  the  president  by  Chief  Justice  Taney, 
after  which  the  former  left  the  capitol  in  his  carriage, 
and  proceeded  rapidly,  by  an  indirect  route,  in  order  to 
avoid  further  fatigue,  to  the  president's  house,  where, 
during  the  after  part  of  the  day,  he  received  the  congrat- 
ulations of  his  fellow-citizens.  In  the  evening,  the  presi- 
dent and  his  lady  attended  the  two  inauguration  balls 
given  in  the  city.  Thus  ended  a  ceremony  which  had, 
doubtless,  caused  him  many  a  moment  of  uniost,  and  to 
which  thousands  had  looked  forward  with  beating  hearts 
and  with  deep  anxiety. 

In  such  a  manner  does  the  American  republic  change 
her  sovereigns — no  pomp  or  ostentatious  parade — no  mili- 
tary escort  for  protection — no  heralds  or  pursuivants  to 
make  proclamation — no  crowns  or  insignia  emblematic  of 
royalty — no  holy  ampulla  to  pour  upon  the  consecrated 
head — but  a  plain  and  simple  ceremony  in  unison  with 
her  free  institutions,  and  with  the  genius  and  character 
of  her  people ! 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

Position  of  the  President — His  Cabinet — Tlie  Washington  Globe  and  The 
Union — Meeting  of  Congress — First  Annual  Message — The  Oregon 
Boundary  Question — History  and  Progress  of  the  Negotiation — Ultima- 
tum of  the  American  Government — Proposition  of  Great  Britain — Con- 
clusion and  Ratification  of  a  Treaty. 

Mr.  Polk  entered  upon  his  administration  under 
somewhat  unfavorable  auspices.  He  belonged  to  a 
younger  race  of  statesmen  than  the  prominent  candidates 
whose  names  were  originally  presented  to  the  Baltimore 
Convention,  and  it  w^as  but  natural  that  he  should  be 
fearful  of  incurring  the  dislike,  or  encountering  the  preju- 
dices, of  some  one  or  more  of  them,  which  might  tend 
seriously  to  embarrass  his  administration.  But  his  po- 
sition personally,  was  all  that  could  be  desired.  He 
had  no  pledges  to  redeem — no  promises  to  fulfil ;  and 
he  was  not  a  candidate  for  reelection.  He  was  indiffer- 
ent, too,  as  to  which  of  the  leading  men  of  his  party  > 
should  be  his  successor.  It  was  his  desire,  therefore, 
to  harmonize  and  conciliate,  but,  at  the  same  time,  to 
surrender  no  principle,  to  maintain  his  character  for 
independence,  and  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  his  oflScial 
position. 

His  cabinet  was  selected  from  among  the  most  dis- 
tinguished members  of  the  democratic  party,  and  in  it 
each  section  of  the  confederacy  was  represented.    James    ^ 


162  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
State ;  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mississippi,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ;  William  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  Secre- 
tary of  War ;  George  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy ;  Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  Post- 
master-general, and  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  Attor- 
ney-general.* These  selections  appeared  to  give  entire 
satisfaction  ;  and  if  murmurs  were  heard  in  any  quarter, 
they  were  condemned  by  the  general  voice  of  the  repub- 
licans of  the  nation. 

For  several  years  a  strong  and  influential  portion  of 
the  democratic  party  in  the  southern  states  had  disap- 
proved of  the  arbitrary  and  dictatorial  tone,  as  they 
alleged,  of  the  Washington  Globe,  the  principal  republi- 
can journal  at  Washington.  Governed  by  the  purest 
motives  of  conciHation,  the  President  suggested  the  trans- 
fer of  the  newspaper  establishment  to  other  persons  than 
the  then  publishers,  Francis  P.  Blair  and  John  C.  Rives. 
The  latter,  acting  under  the  advice  and  with  the  appro- 
bation of  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  acceded 
to  this  proposition;  their  interest  in  the  Globe  was 
cheerfully  transferred,  and  a  new  paper,  called  "  The 
Union,"   established   in   its   stead,  under  the  editorial 

*•  The  oflBce  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  in  the  first  place  ten- 
dered by  Mr.  Polk  to  Silas  Wright,  of  New  York ;  but  as  the  latter  had 
been  chosen  governor  of  his  state,  at  the  election  of  1844,  and  was  undei 
an  implied  pledge  not  to  vacate  the  office  for  a  scat  in  the  national  cabinet. 
he  did  not  accept  it.  The  office  of  Secretary  of  War  was  then  tendered  to 
Benjamin  F.  Butler,  also  a  distinguished  citizen  of  New  York,  but  he  too 
declined ;  whereupon  ex-Governor  Marcy  was  selected  for  that  station,  in 
accordance  with  the  request  of  a  majority  of  the  democratic  delegation  in 
Congress  from  New  York,  and  of  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  legisla* 
tare  of  the  state  belonging  to  that  party. 


1845.J  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  163 

charge  of  Thomas  Ritchie,  who  had  long  been  honorably 
connected  with  the  Richmond  Enquirer  in  the  same  ca- 
pacity. 

The  treaty  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  concluded  by 
President  Tyler,  was  rejected  by  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  8th  day  of  June,  1844.  At  the 
ensuing  session  of  Congress,  the  subject  was  again 
brought  forward,  and  joint  resolutions,  providing  for  the 
annexation,  were  adopted  on  the  1st  day  of  March,  1845.  v 
The  people  of  Texas,  represented  in  convention,  signi- 
fied their  assent  to  the  terms  of  the  resolutions  on  the 
4th  of  July  following,  and  formed  a  state  constitution, 
which  was  forwarded  to  Washington  to  be  laid  before  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  by  the  President. 

The  first  session  of  the  twenty-ninth  Congress, — being 
also  the  first  held  during  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Polk, — commenced  on  the  1st  day  of  December,  1845.  v 
The  friends  of  the  administration  being  in  a  considerable 
majority,  John  W.  Davis  was  elected  speaker  of  the 
House,  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  votes  to  seventy-two 
given  for  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  of  Ohio,  the  whig  candidate. 
On  the  ensuing  day  the  President  communicated  his  first 
annual  message  to  the  two  houses  of  Congress  : 

FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 
Fellow-citizens  of  the  Senate,  and  House  of  Representatives : 

It  is  to  me  a  source  of  unaffected  satisfaction  to  meet  the 
representatives  of  the  States  and  the  people  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, as  it  will  be  to  receive  the  aid  of  their  combined 
wisdom  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  In  performing 
for  the  first  time  the  duty  imposed  on  me  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, of  giving  to  you  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union, 


164:  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845 ► 

and  recommending  to  your  consideration  such  measures  as 
in  my  judgment  are  necessary  and  expedient,  I  am  happy 
that  I  can  congratulate  you  on  the  continued  prosperity  of 
our  country.  Under  the  blessings  of  Divine  Providence  and 
the  benign  influence  of  our  free  institutions,  it  stands  before 
the  world  a  spectacle  of  national  happiness. 

With  our  unexampled  advancement  in  all  the  elements  of 
national  greatness,  the  affection  of  the  people  is  confirmed  for 
the  union  of  the  States,  and  for  the  doctrines  of  popular  lib- 
erty, which-  lie  at  the  foundation  of  our  government. 

It  becomes  us,  in  humility,  to  make  our  devout  acknowl- 
edgment to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  for  the  ines- 
timable civil  and  religious  blessings  with  which  we  are  fa- 
vored. 

In  callino^  the  attention  of  Confrress  to  our  relations  with 
foreign  powers,  I  am  gratified  to  be  able  to  state,  that  though 
with  some  of  them  there  have  existed  since  your  last  session 
serious  cause  of  irritation  and  misunderstanding,  yet  no  actual 
hostilities  have  taken  place.  Adopting  the  maxim  in  the  con- 
duct of  our  foreifjn  affairs  to  "  ask  nothino-  that  is  not  rio-ht, 
and  submit  to  nothing  that  is  wrong,"  it  has  been  my  anx- 
ious desire  to  preserve  peace  with  all  nations ;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  to  be  prepared  to  resist  aggression,  and  to  main- 
tain all  our  just  rights. 

In  pursuance  of  the  joint  resolution  of  Congress  "for  an- 
nexing Texas  to  the  United  States,"  my  predecessor,  on  the 
third  day  of  March,  1845,  elected  to  submit  the  first  and 
second  sections  of  that  resolution  to  the  republic  of  Texas,  as 
an  overture,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  for  her  admis- 
sion as  a  State  into  our  Union.  This  election  I  approved, 
and  accordingly  the  charge  d'affaires  of  the  United  States  in 
Texas,  under  instructions  of  the  tenth  of  March,  1845,  pre- 
sented these  sections  of  the  resolution  for  the  acceptance  of 
that  republic.  The  Executive  Government,  the  Congress, 
and  the  people  of  Texas  in  convention,  have  successively  com- 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  165 

plied  with  all  the  terras  and  conditions  of  the  joint  resolution. 
A  constitution  for  the  government  of  the  State  of  Texas, 
formed  by  a  convention  of  deputies,  is  herewith  laid  before 
Congress.  It  is  well  known,  also,  that  the  people  of  Texas 
at  the  polls  have  accepted  the  terms  of  annexation,  and  rati- 
fied the  constitution. 

I  communicate  to  Congress  the  correspondence  between 
the.  Secretary  of  State  and  our  Charge  d'iVffaires  in  Texas  ; 
and  also  the  correspondence  of  the  latter  with  the  authorities 
of  Texas;  together  with  the  official  documents  transmitted 
bv  him  to  his  own  2:overnment. 

The  terras  of  annexation  which  were  offered  by  the  United 
States  having  been  accepted  by  Texas,  the  public  faith  of 
both  parties  is  solemnly  pledged  to  the  compact  of  their 
union.  Nothing  remains  to  consummate  the  event,. but  the 
passage  of  an  act  by  Congress  to  admit  tlie  State  of  Texas 
into  the  Union  upon  an  equal  footing  witli  the  original  States. 
Strong  reasons  exist  wliy  this  should  be  done  at  an  early  pe- 
riod of  the  session.  It  will  be  observed,  that  by  the  Consti- 
tution of  Texas,  the  existing  government  is  only  continued 
temporarily  till  Congress  can  act,  and  that  the  third  Monday 
of  the  present  month  is  the  day  appointed  for  holding  the 
first  general  election.  On  tliat  day,  a  governor,  a  lieutenant- 
governor,  and  both  branches  of  the  legislature,  will  be  chosen 
by  the  people.  The  President  of  Texas  is  required,  immedi- 
ately after  the  receipt  of  official  information  that  the  new 
State  has  been  admitted  into  our  Union  by  Congress,  to  con- 
vene the  Legislature ;  and,  upon  its  meeting,  the  existing 
govei-nment  will  be  superseded,  and  the  State  Government 
organized.  Questions  deeply  interesting  to  Texas,  in  com- 
mon with  the  other  States,  the  extension  of  our  revenue  laws 
and  judicial  system  over  her  people  and  territor}^  as  well  as 
measures  of  a  local  character,  will  claim  the  early  attention 
of  Congress ;  and,  tlierefore,  upon  every  principle  of  repub- 
lican government,  she  ought  to  be  represented  in  that  body 


l66  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

without  unnecessary  delay.  I  cannot  too  earnestly  recom- 
mend prompt  action  on  this  important  subject. 

As  soon  as  the  act  to  admit  Texas  as  a  State  shall  be  pass- 
ed, the  union  of  the  two  repubhcs  will  be  consummated  by 
their  own  voluntary  consent. 

This  accession  to  our  territory  has  been  a  bloodless  achieve- 
ment. No  arm  of  force  has  been  raised  to  produce  the  re- 
sult. The  sword  has  had  no  part  in  the  victory.  We  have 
not  sought  to  extend  our  territorial  possessions  by  conquest, 
or  our  republican  institutions,  over  a  reluctant  people.  It  was 
the  deliberate  homage  of  each  people  to  the  great  principle 
of  our  federative  Union. 

If  we  consider  the  extent  of  territory  involved  in  the  an- 
nexation— its  prospective  influence  on  America — the  means 
by  which  it  has  been  accomplished,  springing  purely  from  the 
choice  of  the  people  themselves  to  share  the  blessings  of  our 
Union, — the  history  of  the  world  may  be  challenged  to  fur- 
nish a  parallel. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  Avhich  at  the  forma- 
tion of  the  federal  constitution  Avas  bounded  by  the  St.  Ma- 
ry's on  the  Atlantic,  has  passed  the  Capes  of  Florida,  and 
been  peacefully  extended  to  the  Del  Norte.  In  contemplat- 
ing the  grandeur  of  this  event,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that 
the  result  was  achieved  in  despite  of  the  diplomatic  interfer- 
ence of  European  monarchies.  Even  France — the  country 
which  had  been  our  ancient  ally — the  country  which,  has  a 
common  interest  with  us  in  maintaining  the  freedom  of  the 
seas — the  country  which,  by  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  first 
opened  to  us  access  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico — the  country  with 
which  we  have  been  every  year  drawing  more  and  more  close- 
ly the  bonds  of  successful  commerce — most  unexpectedly, 
and  to  our  unfeigned  regret,  took  part  in  an  eff'ort  to  prevent 
annexation,  and  to  impose  on  Texas,  as  a  condition  of  the  rec- 
ognition of  her  independence  by  Mexico,  that  she  would 
never  join  herself  to  the  United  States.     We  may  rejoice  that 


1845.]  FIRST    AN^JUAL    MESSAGE.  16T 

the  tranquil  and  pervading  influence  of  the  American  princi- 
ple of  self-government  was  sufficient  to  defeat  the  purposes  of 
British  and  French  interference,  and  that  the  almost  unani- 
mous voice  of  th€  people  of  Texas  has  given  to  that  interfer- 
ence a  peaceful  and  effective  rebuke.  From  this  example, 
European  governments  may  learn  how  vain  diplomatic  arts 
and  intrigues  must  ever  prove  upon  this  continent,  against 
that  system  of  self-government  which  seems  natural  to  our 
soil,  and  which  will  ever  resist  foreign  interference. 

Toward  Texas,  1  do  not  doubt  that  a  liberal  „nd  generous 
spirit  \n\\  actuate  Congress  in  all  that  concerns  her  interests 
and  prosperity,  and  that  she  will  never  have  cause  to  regret 
that  she  has  united  iier  "  lone  star"  to  our  glorious  constel- 
lation. 

I  regret  to  inform  you  that  our  relations  with  Mexico,  since 
your  last  session,  have  not  been  of  the  amicable  character 
which  it  is  our  desire  to  cultivate  with  all  foreign  nations. 
On  the  6th  day  of  March  last,  the  Mexican  envoy  extraor- 
dinary and  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States  made 
a  formal  protest,  in  the  name  of  his  government,  against  the 
joinj,  resolution  passed  by  Congress,  "  for  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States,"  which  he  chose  to  regard  as  a 
violation  of  the  rights  of  Mexico,  and,  in  consequence  of  it, 
he  demanded  his  passports.  He  was  informed  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  ^tat€S  did  not  consider  this  joint  res- 
olution as  a  violation  of  any  of  the  rights  of  Mexico,  or  that 
it  afforded  any  just  cause  of  offence  to  his  government ;  that  the 
Republic  of  Texas  was  an  independent  Power,  owing  no  alle- 
giance to  Mexico,  and  constituting  no  part  of  her  territory  or 
rightful  sovereignty  and  jurisdiction.  He  was  also  assured 
that  it  was  the  sincere  desire  of  this  government  to  maintain 
with  that  of  Mexico  relations  of  peace  and  good  understand- 
ing. That  functionary,  however,  notwithstanding  these  rep- 
resentations and  assurances,  abruptly  terminated  his  mission, 
and  shortly  afterwards  Mt  the  country.      Our  envoy  extra- 


168  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1845 

ordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Mexico  was  refused 
all  official  intercourse  with  that  government,  and,  after  re- 
maining several  months,  by  the  permission  of  his  own  gov- 
ernment he  returned  to  the  United  States.  Thus,  by  the  acts 
of  Mexico,  all  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the  two  coun- 
tries was  suspended. 

Since  that  time  Mexico  has,  until  recently,  occupied  an  at- 
titude of  hostility  toward  the  United  States — has  been  mar- 
shalling and  organizing  armies,  issuing  proclamations,  and 
avowino;  the  intention  to  make  war  on  the  United  States, 
either  by  an  open  declaration,  or  by  invading  Texas.  Both 
the  Congress  and  convention  of  the  people  of  Texas  invited 
this  Government  to  send  an  army  into  that  territory,  to  pro- 
tect and  defend  them  against  the  menaced  attack.  The  mo- 
ment the  terms  of  annexation,  offered  by  the  United  States, 
were  accepted  by  Texas,  the  latter  became  so  far  a  part  of  our 
own  country,  as  to  make  it  our  duty  to  afford  such  protection 
and  defence.  I  therefore  deemed  it  proper,  as  a  precautionary 
measure,  to  order  a  strong  squadron  to  the  coasts  of  Mexico, 
and  to  concentrate  an  efficient  military  force  on  the  western 
frontier  of  Texas.  Our  army  w^as  ordered  to  take  position  in 
the  country  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Del  Norte,  and 
to  repel  any  invasion  of  the  Texan  territory  which  might 
be  attempted  by  the  Mexican  forces.  Our  squadron  in  the 
gulf  Avas  ordered  to  cooperate  with  *iie  army.  But  though 
our  army  and  navy  were  placed  in  a  position  to  defend 
our  own  and  the  rights  of  Texas,  they  were  ordered 
to  commit  no  act  of  hostility  against  Mexico,  unless  she  de- 
clared war,  or  was  herself  the  aggressor,  by  striking  the  first 
blow.  The  result  has  been  that  Mexico  has  made  no  aggres- 
sive movement,  and  our  military  and  naval  commanders  have 
executed  their  orders  with  such  discretion,  that  the  peace  cf 
the  two  republics  has  not  been  disturbed. 

Texas  had  declared  her  independence,  and  maintained  it  by 
her  arms  for  more  than  nine  years.      She  has  had  an  organ- 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  169 

ized  government  in  successful  operation  during  that  period. 
Her  separate  existence,  as  an  independent  state,  had  been 
recognized  by  the  United  States  and  the  principal  powers  of 
Europe.  Treaties  *of  commerce  and  navigation  had  been 
concluded  with  her  by  different  nations,  and  it  had  become 
manifest  to  the  whole  world  that  any  further  attempt  on  the 
part  of  Mexico  to  conquer  her,  or  overthrow  her  government, 
would  be  vain.  Even  Mexico  herself  had  become  satisfied  of 
this  fact ;  and  whilst  the  question  of  annexation  was  pending 
before  the  people  of  Texas,  during  the  past  summer,  the  gov- 
ernment of  Mexico,  by  a  formal  act,  agreed  to  recognize  the 
independence  of  Texas  on  condition  that  she  would  not  an- 
nex herself  to  any  other  power.  The  agreement  to  acknowl- 
edge the  independence  of  Texas,  whether  with  or  without 
this  condition,  is  conclusive  against  Mexico.  The  independ- 
ence of  Texas  is  a  fact  conceaed  by  Mexico  herself,  and  she 
had  no  right  or  authority  to  prescribe  restrictions  as  to  the 
form  of  jTOvernment  which  Texas  mio-ht  afterwards  choose  to 
assume. 

But  though  Mexico  cannot  complain  of  the  United  States 
on  account  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  it  is  to  be  regretted 
that  serious  causes  of  misunderstanding  between  the  two 
eountries  continue  to  exist,  growing  out  of  unredressed  inju- 
ries inflicted  by  the  Mexican  .authorities  and  people  on  the 
persons  and  property  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  through 
a  long  series  of  years.  Mexico  has  admitted  these  injuries, 
but  has  neglected  and  refused  to  repair  them.  Such  was  the 
character  of  the  wrongs,  and  such  the  insults  repeatedly  of- 
fered to  American  citizens  and  the  American  flag  by  Mexico, 
in  palpable  violation  of  tlic  laws  of  nations  and  the  treaty 
between  the  two  countries  of  the  fifth  of  April,  1831,  that 
they  have  been  repeatedly  brought  to  the  notice  of  Congress 
by  my  predecessors.  As  early  as  the  8th  of  February,  1837, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  declared,  in  a  message  to 
Congress,  that  "  the  length  of  time  since  some  of  the  injuries 
8 


ITO  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  ]_1845. 

have  been  committed,  the  repeated  and  unavailing  applica- 
tions for  redress,  the  wanton  character  of  some  of  the  out- 
rages upon  the  persons  and  property  of  our  citizens,  upon  the 
officers  and  flag  of  the  United  States,  independent  of  recent 
insults  to  this  government  and  people  by  the  late  Extraordi- 
nary Mexican  Minister,  would  justify  in  the  eyes  of  all  na- 
tions immediate  war." 

He  did  not,  however,  recommend  an  immediate  resort  to 
this  extreme  measure,  which,  he  declared,  "  should  not  be 
used  by  just  and  generous  nations,  confiding  in  their  strength 
for  injuries  committed,  if  it  can  be  honorably  avoided ;"  but, 
in  a  spirit  of  forbearance,  proposed  that  another  demand  be 
made  on  Mexico  for  that  redress  which  had  been  so  long  and 
unjustly  withheld.  In  these  views,  committees  of  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress,  in  reports  made  to  their  respective  bodies, 
concuiTed.  Since  these  proceedings,  more  than  eight  years 
have  elapsed,  during  which,  in  addition  to  the  wrongs  then 
complained  of,  others  of  an  aggravated  character  have  been 
committed  on  the  persons  and  property  of  our  citizens.  A 
special  agent  was  sent  to  Mexico  in  the  summer  of  1838, 
with  full  authority  to  make  another  and  final  demand  for  re- 
dress. The  demand  was  made;  the  Mexican  government 
promised  to  repair  the  wrongs  of  which  we  complained ;  and 
after  much  ^elay,  a  treaty  of  indemnity  with  that  view  was 
concluded  between  the  two  Powers  on  the  11th  of  April, 
1839,  and  was  duly  ratified  by  both  governments.  By  this 
treaty  a  joint  commission  was  created  to  adjudicate  and  de- 
cide on  the  claims  of  American  citizens  on  the  government  of 
Mexico.  The  commission  was  organized  at  Washington  on 
the  25th  day  of  August,  1840.  •Their  time  was  limited  to 
eighteen  months ;  at  the  expiration  of  which,  they  had  adju- 
dicated and  decided  claims  amounting  to  two  millions  twenty- 
six  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  dollars  and  sixty- 
eight  cents  in  favor  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  against 
the  Mexican  government,  leaving  a  large  amount  of  claims 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  171 

\indecided.  Of  the  latter,  the  American  commissioners  had 
decided  in  favor  of  our  citizens,  claims  amoimtinsf  to  nine  hun- 
dred  and  twenty-eight  thousand  six  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
dollars  and  eighty-eight  cents,  which  were  left  unacted  on  by 
the  umpire  authorized  by  the  treaty.  Still  further  claims, 
amounting  to  between  three  and  four  millions  of  dollars,  were 
submitted  to  the  board  too  late  to  be  considered,  and  were 
left  undisposed  of. 

The  sum  of  two  millions  twenty-six  thousand  one  hundred 
and  thirty-nine  dollars  and  sixty-eight  cents,  decided  by  the 
board,  was  a  liquidated  and  ascertained  debt  due  by  Mexico 
to  the  claimants,  and  there  was  no  justifiable  reason  for  de- 
laying its  payment  according  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty.  It 
was  not,  however,  paid.  iMexico  applied  for  further  indul- 
gence ;  and,  in  that  spirit  of  liberality  and  forbearance  which 
has  ever  marked  the  policy  of  the  United  States  toward  that 
republic,  the  request  was  granted ;  and,  on  the  thirtieth  of 
January,  1843,  a  new  treaty  was  concluded.  By  this  treaty 
it  was  provided,  that  the  interest  due  on  the  awards  in  favor 
of  claimants  under  the  convention  of  the  eleventh  of  April, 
1839,  should  be  paid  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  1843  ;  and 
that  "  the  principal  of  the  said  awards,  and  the  interest  aris- 
ing thereon,  shall  be  paid  in  five  years,  in  equal  instalments 
every  three  months,  the  said  term  of  five  years  to  commence 
on  the  thirtieth  day  of  April,  1S43,  as  aforesaid."  The  inter- 
est due  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  April,  1843,  and  the  three 
first  of  the  twenty  instalments,  have  been  paid.  Seventeen 
of  these  instalments  remain  unpaid,  seven  of  which  are  now 
due. 

The  claims  which  were  left  undecided  by  the  joint  commis- 
sion, amounting  to  more  than  three  millions  of  dollars,  to- 
gether with  other  claims  for  spohations  on  the  property  of 
our  citizens,  were  subsequently  presented  to  the  Mexican 
government  for  payment,  and  were  so  far  recognized,  that  a 
treaty,  pi'oviding  for  their  examination  and  settlement  by  a 


172  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

joint  commission,  was  concluded  and  signed  at  Mexico  on  the 
twentieth  day  of  November,  1843.  Tliis  treaty  was  ratified 
by  the  United  States,  with  certain  amendments,  to  which  no 
just  exception  could  have  been  taken  ;  but  it  has  not  yet  re- 
ceived the  ratification  of  the  Mexican  government.  In  the 
meantime,  our  citizens  who  suffered  great  losses,  and  some  of 
whom  have  been  reduced  from  affluence  to  bankruptcy,  are 
without  remedy,  unless  their  rights  be  enforced  by  their  gov- 
ernment. Such  a  continued  and  unprovoked  series  of  wrongs 
could  never  have  been  tolerated  by  the  United  States,  had 
they  been  committed  by  one  of  the  principal  nations  of  Eu- 
rope. Mexico  was,  however,  a  neighboring  sister  republic, 
which,  following  our  example,  had  achieved  her  independ- 
ence, and  for  whose  success  and  prosperity  all  our  sympathies 
were  early  enlisted.  The  United  States  were  the  first  to  rec- 
ognize her  independence,  and  to  receive  her  into  the  family 
of  nations,  and  have  ever  been  desirous  of  cultivating  with 
her  a  good  understanding.  We  have,  therefore,  borne  the 
repeated  wrongs  she  has  committed,  with  great  patience,  in 
the  hope  that  a  returning  sense  of  justice  would  ultimately 
guide  her  councils,  and  that  we  might,  if  possible,  honorably 
avoid  any  hostile  collision  with  her. 

Without  the  previous  authority  of  Congress,  the  Executive 
possessed  no  power  to  adopt  or  enforce  adequate  remedies 
for  the  injuries  we  had  suffered,  or  to  do  more  than  be  pre- 
pared to  repel  the  threatened  aggression  on  the  part  of  Mex- 
ico. After  our  army  and  navy  had  remained  on  the  frontier 
and  coasts  of  Mexico  for  many  weeks,  without  any  hostile 
movement  on  her  part,  though  her  menaces  were  continued,  I 
deemed  it  important  to  put  an  end,  if  possible,  to  this  state  of 
things.  With  this  view,  I  caused  steps  to  be  taken,  in  the 
month  of  September  last,  to  ascertain  distinctly,  and  in  an 
authentic  form,  what  the  desij^ns  of  the  Mexican  ofovernment 
were ;  whether  it  was  their  intention  to  declare  war,  or  invade 
Texas,  or  whether  they  were  disposed  to  adjust  and  settle,  in 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  173 

an  amicable  manner,  the  pending  differences  between  the  two 
countries.  On  the  ninth  of  November  an  official  answer  was 
received,  that  the  Mexican  government  consented  to  renew, 
the  diplomatic  relations  which  had  been  suspended  in  March 
last,  and  for  that  purpose  were  willing  to  accredit  a  minister 
from  the  United  States.  With  a  sincere  desire  to  preserve 
peace,  and  restore  relations  of  good  understanding  between 
the  two  republics,  I  waived  all  ceremony  as  to  the  manner  of 
renewing  diplomatic  intercourse  between  them  ;  and,  assuming 
the  initiative,  on  the  tenth  of  November  a  distinguished  citi- 
zen of  Louisiana  was  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  and 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Mexico,  clothed  with  full  powers 
to  adjust,  and'  definitively  settle,  all  pending  differences  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  including  those  of  boundary  between 
Mexico  and  the  State  of  Texas.  The  minister  appointed  has 
set  out  on  his  mission,  and  is  probably  by  this  time  near  the 
Mexican  capital.  He  has  been  instructed  to  bring  the  nego- 
tiation with  which  he  is  charged  to  a  conclusion  at  the  earliest 
practicable  period ;  which,  it  is  expected,  will  be  in  time  to 
enable  me  to  communicate  the  result  to  Congress  during  the 
present  session.  Until  that  result  is  known,  I  forbear  to  rec- 
ommend to  Congress  such  ulterior  measures  of  redress  for 
the  wrongs  and  injuries  we  have  so  long  borne,  as  it  would 
have  been  proper  to  make  had  no  such  negotiation  been  insti- 
tuted. 

Congress  appropriated  at  the  last  session  the  sum  of  two 
hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  dollars  for  the  payment 
of  the  April  and  July  instalments  of  the  Mexican  indemnities 
for  the  year  1844  :  "  Provided  it  shall  be  ascertained  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  American  government  that  the  said  instal- 
ments have  been  paid  by  the  Mexican  government  to  the  agent 
appointed  by  the  United  States  to  receive  the  same  in  such 
manner  as  to  discharge  all  claim  on  the  Mexican  government, 
and  said  agent  to  be  delinquent  in  remitting  the  money  to 
the  United  States." 


174  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845. 

The  unsettled  state  of  our  relations  with  Mexico  has  in- 
volved this  subject  in  much  mystery.  The  first  information, 
in  an  authentic  form,  from  the  agent  of  the  United  States, 
appointed  under  the  administration  of  my  predecessor,  was 
received  at  the  State  Department  on  the  ninth  of  November 
last.  This  is  contained  m  a  letter  dated  the  17th  October, 
addressed  by  him  to  one  of  our  citizens  then  in  Mexico,  with 
the  view  of  having  it  communicated  to  that  department. 
From  this  it  appears  that  the  agent,  on  the  20th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1844,  gave  a  receipt  to  the  treasury  of  Mexico  for  the 
amount  of  the  April  and  July  instalments  of  the  indemnity. 
In  the  same  communication,  however,  he  asserts  that  he  had 
not  received  a  single  dollar  in  cash,  but  that  he  holds  such 
securities  as  warranted  him  at  the  time  in  giving  the  receipt, 
and  entertains  no  doubt  but  that  he  will  eventually  obtain  the 
money.  As  these  instalments  appear  never  to  have  been  ac- 
tually paid  by  the  government  of  Mexico  to  the  agent,  and 
as  that  government  has  not  therefore  been  released  so  as  to 
discharge  the  claim,  I  do  not  feel  myself  warranted  in  direct- 
ing payment  to  be  made  to  the  claimants  out  of  the  treasury, 
without  further  legislation.  Their  case  is,  undoubtedly,  one 
of  much  hardship  ;  and  it  remains  for  Congress  to  decide 
whether  any,  and  what,  relief  o^^ght  to  be  granted  to  them. 
Our  minister  to  Mexico  has  been  instructed  to  ascertain  the 
facts  of  the  case  from  the  Mexican  government,  in  an  authen- 
tic and  official  for-m,  and  report  the  result  with  as  little  delay 
as  possible. 

My  attention  was  early  directed  to  the  negotiation,  which, 
on  the  4th  of  March  last,  I  found  pending  at  Washington  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  on  the  subject  of 
the  Oregon  territory.  Three  several  attempts  had  been  pre- 
viously made  to  settle  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the 
two  countries,  by  negotiation,  upon  the  principle  of  compro- 
mise ;  but  each  had  proved  unsuccessful. 

These  negotiations  took  place  at  London,  in  the*  years  1818, 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  175 

1S24,  and  1826  ;  the  two  first  under  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  and  the  last  under  that  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  negotia- 
tion of  1818  having  failed  to  accomplish  its  object,  resulted  in 
the  convention  of  the  twentieth  of  October  of  that  year.  By  the 
third  article  of  that  convention,  it  was  ''  agreed,  that  any  coun- 
try that  may  be  claimed  by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coast 
of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  mountains,  shall,  together 
with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and  the  navigation  of  all 
rivers  within  the  same,  be  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten 
years  from  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  conven- 
tion, to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  Powers  ; 
it  being  well  imderstood  that  this  agreement  is  not  to  be  con- 
strued to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim  which  either  of  the  two 
high  contracting  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  said 
country,  nor  shall  it  be  taken  to  affect  the  claims  of  any  other 
Power  or  State  to  any  part  of  the  said  country  ;  the  only  ob- 
ject of  the  high  contracting  parties  in  that  respect  being,  to 
prevent  disputes  and  differences  among  themselves." 

The  negotiation  of  1824  was  productive  of  no  result,  and 
the  convention  of  1818  was  left  unchanged. 

The  negotiation  of  1826  having  also  failed  to  effect  an  ad- 
justment by  compromise,  resulted  in  the  convention  of  Au- 
gust the  sixth,  1827,  by  which  it  was  agreed  to  continue  in 
force,  for  an  indefinite  period,  the  provisions  of  the  third  ar- 
ticle of  the  convention  of  the  twentieth  of  October,  1818  ;  and 
it  was  further  provided,  "  that  it  shall  be  competent,  however, 
to  either  of  the  contracting  parties,  in  case  either  should  think 
fit,  at  any  time  after  the  twentieth  of  October,  1828,  on  giv- 
ing due  notice  of  twelve  months  to  the  other  contracting 
party,  to  annul  and  abrogate  this  convention ;  and  it  shall,  in 
such  case,  be  accordingly  entirely  annulled  and  abrogated 
after  the  expiration  of  the  said  term  of  service."  In  these 
attempts  to  adjust  the  controversy,  the  parallel  of  forty-ninth 
degree  of  north  latitude  had  been  offered  by  the  United 
States  to  Great  Britain,  and  in  those  of  1818  and  1826,  with 


176  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845- 

a  further  concession  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia 
River  south  of  that  latitude.  The  parallel  of  the  forty-ninth 
degree,  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  its  intersection  of  the 
northeasternmost  branch  of  the  Columbia,  and  thence  down 
the  channel  of  that  river  to  the  sea,  had  been  offered  by  Great 
Britain,  with  an  addition  of  a  small  detached  territory  north 
of  the  Columbia.  Each  of  these  propositions  had  been  re- 
jected by  the  parties  respectivel3^ 

In  October,  1843,  the  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  in  London,  was  author- 
ized to  make  a  similar  offer  to  those  made  in  1818  and  1820. 
Thus  stood  the  question,  when  the  negotiation  was  shortly 
afterwards  transferred  to  Washington ;  and,  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  August,  1S44,  was  formally  opened,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  my  immediate  predecessor.  Like  all  the  previous 
negotiations,  it  was  based  upon  the  principles  of  "  compro- 
mise ;"  and  the  avowed  purpose  of  tlie  parties  was,  "  to  treat 
of  the  respective  claims  of  the  two  countries  to  the  Oregon 
territory,  with  a  view  to  estabhsh  a  permanent  boundarj^  be- 
tween them  westward  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean."  Accordingly,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  .  844, 
the  British  Plenipotentiary  offered  to  divide  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory by  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  from  the  Rock)^ 
Mountains  to  the  point  of  its  intersection  with  the  northeast- 
ernmost branch  of  the  Columbia  River,  and  thence  down  that 
river  to  the  sea ;  leaving  the  free  navigation  of  the  river  to 
be  enjoyed  in  common  by  both  parties — the  country  south  of 
this  line  to  belong  to  the  United  States,  and  that  north  of 
it  to  Great  Britain.  At  the  same  time,  he  proposed,  in  addi- 
tion, to  yield  to  the  United  States  a  detached  territory,  north 
of  the  Columbia,  extending  along  the  Pacific  and  the  Straits 
of  Fuca,  from  Bulfinch's  Harbor  inclusive,  to  Hood's  Canal, 
and  to  make  free  to  the  United  States  any  port  or  ports  south 
of  latitude  49  degrees,  which  they  might  desire,  either  on  the 
main  land,  or  on  Quadra  and  Vancouver's  Island.     With  the 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  1T7 

exception  of  the  free  ports,  this  was  the  same  offer  which  had 
been  made  by  the  British  and  rejected  by  the  American  Gov- 
ernment, in  the  negotiation  of  1826.  This  proposition  was 
properly  rejected  by  the  American  Plenipotentiary  on  the  day 
it  Avas  submitted.  This  was  the  only  proposition  of  com- 
promise offered  by  the  British  Plenipotentiary.  The  propo- 
sition on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  having  been  rejected,  the 
British  Plenipotentiary  requested  that  a  proposal  should  be 
made  by  the  United  States  for  "  an  equitable  adjustment  of 
the  question." 

When  I  came  into  office,  I  found  this  to  be  the  state  of 
the  neo-otiation.  Thousrh  entertaininoj  the  settled  conviction 
that  the  British  pretensions  of  title  could  not  be  maintained 
to  any  portion  of  the  Oregon  territory  upon  any  principle  of 
public  law  recognized  by  nations,  yet,  in  deference  to  what 
had  been  done  by  my  predecessors,  and  especially  in  consid- 
eration that  propositions  of  compromise  had  been  thrice  made 
by  two  preceding  administrations,  to  adjust  the  question  on 
the  parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees,  and  in  two  cf  them  yield- 
ing- to  Great  Britain  the  free  navis^ation  of  the  Columbia,  and 
that  the  pending  negotiation  had  been  commenced  on  the 
basis  of  compromise,  I  deemed  it  to  be  my  duty  not  abruptly 
to  break  it  off.  In  consideration,  too,  that  imder  the  con- 
ventions of  1818  and  1827,  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  the 
two  powers  held  a  joint  occupancy  of  the  country,  I  was  in- 
duced to  make  another  effort  to  settle  this  long  pending  con- 
troversy in  the  spirit  of  moderation  which  had  given  birth  to 
the  renewed  discussion.  A  proposition  was  accordingly  made, 
which  was  rejected  by  the  British  Plenipotentiary,  Avho,  with- 
out submitting  any  other  proposition,  suffered  the  negotiation 
on  his  part  to  drop,  expressing  his  trust  that  the  United  States 
would  offer  what  he  saw  fit  to  call  "  some  further  proposal 
for  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  question,  more  consistent 
with  fairness  and  equity  and  with  the  reasonable  expectations 
of  the  British  government,"  The  proposition  thus  offered 
8* 


«    % 


178  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

A 

and  rejected,  repeated  the  offer  of  the  parallel  of  forty-nine 
degrees  of  north  latitude,  which  had  been  made  by  two  pre- 
ceding administrations,  but  without  proposing  to  surrender 
to  Great  Britain,  as  they  had  done,  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Columbia  River.  The  right  of  any  foreign  power  to  the  free 
navigation  of  any  of  our  rivers,  through  the  heart  of  our 
country,  was  one  which  I  was  unwilling  to  concede.  It  also 
embraced  a  provision  to  make  free  to  Great  Britain  any  port 
or  ports  on  the  cap  of  Quadra  and  Vancouver's  Island,  south 
of  this  parallel.  Had  this  been  a  new  question,  coming  un- 
der discussion  for  the  first  time,  this  proposition  would  not 
have  been  made.  The  extraordinary  and  Avholly  inadmissible 
demands  of  the  British  government,  and  the  rejection  of  the 
proposition  made  in  deference  alone  to  what  had  been  done 
by  my  predecessors,  and  the  implied  obligation  which  their 
acts  seemed  to  impose,  afford  satisfactory  evidence  that  no 
compromise  which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept,  can  be 
effected.  With  this  conviction,  the  proposition  of  compro- 
mise which  had  been  made  and  rejected,  was,  by  my  direction, 
subsequently  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole  Oregon 
territory  asserted,  and,  as  is  believed,  maintained  by  irrefraga- 
ble facts  and  arguments. 

The  ci\ilized  world  will  see  in  these  proceedings  a  spirit  of 
liberal  concession  on  the  part  of  the  United  States ;  and  this 
government  will  be  relieved  from  all  responsibility  which  may 
follow  the  failure  to  settle  the  controversy. 

All  attempts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it  becomes  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  consider  what  measures  it  may  be  proper 
to  adopt  for  the  security  and  protection  of  our  citizens  now 
inhabiting,  or  who  may  hereafter  mhabit,  Oregon,  and  for 
the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory.  In  adopt- 
ing measures  for  this  purpose,  care  should  be  taken  that 
nothing  be  done  to  violate  the  stipulations  of  the  convention 
of  1827,  which  is  still  in  force.  The  faith  of  treaties  in  their 
letter  and  spirit,  has  ever  been,  and,  I  trust,  will  ever  be, 


1S45.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  l'{ik 

scrupulously  observed  by  the  United  States.  Under  that 
convention,  a  year's  notice  is  required  to  be  given  by  either 
party  to  the  other,  before  the  joint  occupancy  shall  terminate, 
and  before  either  can  rightfully  assert  or  exercise  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  any  portion  of  the  territory.  This  notice  it 
would,  in  my  judgment,  be  proper  to  give  ;  and  I  recommend 
that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  giving  it  accordingly,  and 
terminating,  in  this  manner,  the  convention  of  the  sixth  of 
August,  1827. 

It  will  become  proper  for  Congress  to  determine  what  leg- 
islation they  can,  in  the  mean  time,  adopt,  without  violating 
this  convention.  Beyond  all  question,  the  protection  of  our 
laws  and  our  jurisdiction,  civil  and  criminal,  ought  to  be  im- 
mediately extended  over  our  citizens  in  Oregon.  They  have 
had  just  cause  to  complain  of  our  long  neglect  in  this  partic- 
ular, and  have  in  consequence  been  compelled,  for  their  Own 
security  and  protection,  to  establish  a  provisional  government 
for  themselves.  Strong  in  their  allegiance  and  ardent  in  their 
attachments  to  the  United  States,  they  have  been  thus  cast 
upon  their  own  resom-ces.  They  are  anxious  that  our  laws 
should  be  extended  over  them,  and  I  recommend  that  this 
be  done  by  Congress  with  as  little  delay  as  possible,  in  the 
full  extent  to  which  the  British  Parfiament  have  proceeded  in 
regard  to  British  subjects  in  that  territory,  by  then*  act  of 
July  the  second,  1821,  "  for  regulating  the  fur-trade,  and  es-  ' 
tablishing  a  criminal  and  civil  jurisdiction  Avithin  certain  parts 
of  N'orth  America."  By  this  act  Great  Britain  extended  her 
laws  and  jurisdiction,  civil  and  criminal,  over  her  subjects, 
engaged  in  the  fur-trade  in  that  territory.  By  it,  the  courts 
of  the  province  of  Upper  Canada  were  empowered  to  take 
cognizance  of  causes  civil  and  criminal.  Justices  of  the  peace 
and  other  judicial  officers  were  authorized  to  be  appointed  in 
Oregon,  with  power  to  execute  all  process  issuing  from  the 
courts  of  that  province,  and  to  "  sit  and  hold  coui'ts  of  record 
Tor  the  trial  of  criminal  offences   and   misdemeanors,"  not 


180  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845* 

made  the  subject  of  capital  punishment,  and  also  of  civil  cases^ 
where  the  cause  of  action  shall  not  "  exceed  in  value  the 
amount  or  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds." 

Subsequent  to  the  date  of  this  act  of  Parliament,  a  grant- 
was  made  from  the  "  British  crown,"  to  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  of  the  exclusive  trade  with  the  Indian  tribes  in  the 
Oregon  territory,  subject  to  a  reservation  that  it  shall  not  op- 
erate to  the  exclusion  "  of  the  subjects  of  any  foreign  States 
who,  under  or  by  force  of  any  convention  for  the  time  being, 
between  us  and  such  foreign  States  respectively,  may  be  en- 
titled to,  and  shall  be  eno-ag-ed  in,  the  said  trade," 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  that,  while  under  this  act  Brit- 
ish subjects  have  enjoyed  the  protection  of  British-  laws  and 
British  judicial  tribunals  throughout  the  whole  of  Oregon, 
American  citizens,  in  the  same  territory,  have  enjoyed  no 
such  protection  from  their  government.  At  the  same  time, 
the  result  illustrates  the  character  of  our  people  and  their  in- 
stitutions. In  spite  of  this  neglect,  they  have  multiplied,  and 
their  number  is  rapidly  increasing  in  that  territory.  They 
have  made  no  appeal  to  ayms,  but  have  peacefully  fortified 
themselves  in  their  new  hom.es,  by  the  adoption  of  republican 
institutions  for  themselves  ;  furnisliing  another  example  of 
the  truth  that  self  government  is  inherent  in  the  American 
breast,  and  must  prevaiL  It  is  due  to  tlrem  tliat  they  should 
be  embraced  and  protected  by  our  laws. 

It  is  deemed  unportant  that  our  laws  regulating  trade  and 
intercourse  with  the  Indian  tribes  east  of  the  Rocky  Mount- 
ains, should  be  extended  to  such  tribes  as  dwell  beyond 
tl>em. 

The  increasing  emigration  to  Oregon,  and  the  care  and  pro- 
tection which  is  due  from  the  government  to  its  citizens  in 
that  distant  region,  make  it  our  duty,  as  it  is  our  interest,  to- 
cultivate  amicable  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes  of  that  ter- 
ritory. For  this  purpose,  I  recommend  that  provision  be 
made  for  estabhsliing  an  Indian  agency,  and  such  su.b-agen» 


1845. J  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  181 

cies  as  may  be  deemed  necessary,  beyond  the  Rocky  Moimt- 
ahis. 

For  the  protection  of  emigrants  whilst  on  their  way  to  Or- 
egon, against  the  attacks  of  the  Indian  tribes  occupying  the 
country  tin-ough  which  they  pass,  I  recommend  tliat  a  suitable 
number  of  stockades  and  block-house  forts  be  erected  alono- 
the  usui.l  route  between  our  frontier  settlements  on  the  Mis- 
souri and  the  Rocky  Mountains  ;  and  that  an  adequate  force 
of  mounted  riflemen  be  raised  to  guard  and  protect  them  on 
their  journey.  The  immediate  adoption  of  these  recommend- 
ations by  Congress  will  not  violate  the  provisions  of  the  exist- 
ing treaty.  It  will  be  doing  nothing  more  for  American 
citizens  than  British  laws  have  long  since  done  for  British  sub- 
jects in  the  same  territory. 

It  requires  several  months  to  perform  the  voyage  by  sea 
from  the  Atlantic  States  to  Oregon  ;  and  although^we  have 
a  large  number  of  whale  ships  in  the  Pacific,  but  few  of  them 
afford  an  opportunity  of  interchanging  intelligence,  without 
great  delay,  between  our  settlements  in  that  distant  region 
and  the  United  States.  An  overland  mail  is  believed  to  be 
entirely  practicable  ;  and  the  importance  of  establishing  such 
a  mail,  at  least  once  a  month,  is  submitted  to  the  favorable 
consideration  of  Congress. 

It  is  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  determine 
whether,  at  their  present  session,  and  until  after  the  expira- 
tion of  the  year's  notice,  any  other  measures  may  be  adopted, 
consistently  with  the  convention  of  1827,  for  the  security  of 
our  rights,  and  the  government  and  protection  of  our  citizens 
in  Oregon.  That  it  will  ultimately  be  wise  and  proper  to 
make  liberal  grants  of  land  to  the  patriotic  pioneers,  who, 
amidst  privations  and  dangers,  lead  the  way  through  savao-e 
tribes  inhabiting  the  v^ist  wilderness  intervening  between  our 
frontier  settlements  and  Oregon,  and  who  cultivate  and  are 
ready  to  defend  the  soil,  I  am  fully  satisfied.  To  doubt 
whether  they  will  obtain  such  grants  as  soon  as  the  conven- 


182  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1845 

.ton  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  shall  have 
ceased  to  exist,  would  be  to  doubt  the  justice  of  Congress  ; 
but,  pending  the  year's  notice,  it  is  worthy  of  consideration 
whether  a  stipulation  to  this  effect  may  be  made,  consistently 
with  the  spirit  of  that  convention. 

The  recommendations  which  1  have  made,  as  to  the  best 
manner  of  securing  our  rights  in  Oregon,  are  submitted  to 
Congress  with  great  deference.  Should  they,  in  their  wis- 
dom, de\ise  any  other  mode  better  calculated  to  accomplish 
the  same  object,  it  shall  meet  with  my  hearty  concurrence. 

At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Congress  think  it 
proper  to  make  provision  for  giving  that  notice,  we  shall  have 
reached  a  period  when  the  national  rights  in  Oregon  must 
either  be  abandoned  or  firmly  maintained.  That  they  cannot 
be  abandoned  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and 
est,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  doubt. 

Oregon  is  a  part  of  the  North  American  continent,  to  which 
it  is  confidently  affirmed,  the  title  of  the  United  States  is  the 
best  now  in  existence.  For  the  grounds  on  which  that  title 
rests,  I  refer  you  to  the  correspondence  of  the  late  and  pres- 
ent Secretary  of  State  with  the  British  plenipotentiary  during 
the  negotiation.  The  British  proposition  of  compromise, 
which  would  make  the  Columbia  the  line  south  of  forty-nine 
degrees,  with  a  trifling  addition  of  detached  territory  to  the 
United  States,  north  of  that  river,  and  would  leave  on  the 
British  side  two-thirds  of  the  whole  Oregon  territory,  includ- 
infj  the  free  navio-ation  of  the  Columbia  and  all  the  valuable 
harbors  on  the  Pacific,  can  never,  for  a  moment,  be  enter- 
tained by  the  United  States,  without  an  abandonment  of  their 
just  and  clear  territorial  rights,  their  own  self-respect,  and 
the  national  honor.  For  the  information  of  Congress,  I  com- 
municate herewith  the  correspondence  which  took  place  be- 
tween the  two  governments  during  the  late  negotiation.  . 

The  rapid  extension  of  our  settlements  over  our  terrilories 
heretofore  unoccupied;  the  addition  of  new  States  to  our 


.1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  183 

confederacy ;  the  expansion  of  free  principles,  and  our  rising 
greatness  as  a  nation,  are  attracting  the  attention  of  the  pow- 
ers of  Europe ;  and  lately  the  doctrine  has  been  broached  in 
some  of  them,  of  a  "  balance  of  power"  on  this  continent,  to 
check  our  advancement.  The  United  States,  sincerely  de- 
sirous of  preserving  relations  of  good  understanding  with  all 
nations,  cannot  in  silence  permit  any  European  interference 
on  the  North  American  continent ;  and  should  any  such  in- 
terference be  attempted,  will  be  ready  to  resist  it  at  any  and 
all  hazards. 

It  is  well  known  to  the  American  people  and  to  all  nations, 
that  this  government  has  never  interfered  with  the  relations 
subsisting  between  other  governments.  We  have  never  made 
ourselves  parties  to  their  wars  or  their  alliances  ;  we  have  not 
sought  their  territories  by  conquest ;  we  have  not  mingled 
with  parties  in  their  domestic  struggles ;  and  believing  our 
own  form  of  government  to  be  the  best,  we  have  never  at- 
tempted to 'propagate  it  by  intrigues,  by  diplomacy,  or  by 
force.  We  may  claim  on  this  continent  a  like  exemption  from 
European  interference.  The  nations  of  America  are  equally 
sovereign  and  independent  wkh  those  of  Europe.  They  pos- 
sess the  same  rights,  independent  of  all  foreign  interposition, 
to  make  war,  to  conclude  peace,  and  to  regulate  their  inter- 
nal affairs.  Tlie  people  of  the  United  States  cannot,  there- 
fore, view  with  indifference  attempts  of  European  powers  to 
interfere  with  the  independent  action  of  the  nations  on  this 
continent.  The  American  system  of  government  is  entirely 
different  from  that  of  Europe.  Jealous}':  among  the  different 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  lest  any  one  of  them  might  become  too 
powerful  for  the  rest,  has  caused  them  anxiously  to  desire  the 
establishment  of  what  they  term  the  "balance  of  power." 
It  cannot  be  permitted  to  have  any  application  on  the  North 
American  continent,  and  especially  to  the  United  States.  We 
must  ever  maintain  the  principle,  that  the  people  of  this  con- 
tinent alone  have  the  right  to  decide  their  own  destiny.  Should 


184  •         JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  .  [1845. 

any  portion  of  them,  constituting  an  independent  State,  pro- 
pose to  unite  themselves  with  our  confederacy,  this  "will  be  a 
question  for  them  and  us  to  determine,  without  any  foreign 
interposition.  We  can  never  consent  that  European  Powers 
shall  interfere  to  prevent  such  a  union,  because  it  might  dis- 
turb the  "  balance  of  power"  which  they  may  desire  to  main- 
tain upon  this  continent.  Near  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago, 
the  principle  was  distinctly  announced  to  the  world  in  the 
annual  message  of  one  of  ray  predecessors,  that  "  the  Amer- 
ican continents,  by  th6  free  and  independent  condition  which 
they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be 
considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European 
Power."  This  principle  will  apply  Avith  greatly  increased 
force,  should  any  European  power  attempt  to  establish  any 
new  colony  in  North  America.  In  the  existing  circumstances 
of  the  world,  the  present  is  deemed  a  proper  occasion  to  re- 
iterate and  reaffirm  the  principle  avowed  by  Mr.  Monroe,  and 
to  state  my  cordial  concurrence  in  iis  wisdom  and  sound  poli- 
cy. 'I he  reassertion  of  this  princi,;ie,  especially  in  reference 
to  North  America,  is  at  this  day  1  iit  the  promulgation  of  a 
policy  which  no  European  powc^-  sliould  cherish  the  disposi- 
tion to  resist.  Existing  rights  of  eve/y  European  nation  should 
be  respected  ;  but  it  is  due  alike  tb  our  safety  and  our  inter- 
ests, that  the  efficient  protection  of  our  laws  should  be  ex- 
tended over  our  whole  territorial  limits,  and  that  it  should  be 
distinctly  announced  to  the  world  as  our  settled  policy,  that 
no  future  European  colony  or  dominion  shall,  with  our  con- 
sent, be  planted  or  estr.'olished  on  any  part  of  the  North 
American  continent. 

A  question  has  recently  arisen  under  the  tenth  article  of 
the  subsisting  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Prussia. 
By  this  article,  the  consuls  of  the  two  countries  have  the 
right  to  sit  as  judges  and  arbitrators  "  in  such  differences  as 
may  arise  between  the  captains  and  crews  of  vessels  belong- 
ing to  the  nations  whose  interests  are  committed  to  their 

o 


1845«]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  185 

charge,  without  the  interference  of  tlie  locd  authorities,  un- 
less the  conduct  of  the  crews  or  of  the  captains  should  dis- 
turb the  order  or  tranquillity  of  the  country ;  or  the  said  con- 
suls should  require  their  assistance  to  cause  their  decisions  to 
be  carried  into  effect  or  supported." 

The  Prussian  consul  at  New  Bedfbrd,  in  June,  1844,  ap- 
phed  to  Mr.  justice  Story  to  carry  into  effect  n  decision  made 
by  him  between  the  captain  and  the  crew  of  the  Prussian 
ship  Borussia  ;  but  the  request  was  refused  on  the  ground 
that,  without  previous  legislation  by  Congress,  the  judiciary 
did  not  possess  the  power  to  give  effect  to  this  article  of  the 
treaty.  iTie  Prussian  government,  through  their  minister 
here,  have  complained  of  this  violation  of  the  treaty,  and 
have  asked  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  adopt  th& 
necessary  measures  to  prevent  similar  violations  hereafter. 
Good  faith  to  Prussia,  as  well  as  "to  other  nations  with  whom 
we  have  similar  treaty  stipulations,  requires  that  these  should 
be  faithfully  observed.  I  have  deemed  it  proper,  therefore, 
to  lay  the  subject  before  Congress,  and  to  recommend  such 
legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  give  effect  to  these  treaty 
oblisrations. 

By  virtue  of  an  arrangement  made  between  the   Spanish 
government  and   that  of  the  United  States,  in  December, 
1^3^,  American  vessels,   since  the  29th  of  April,  183 2,  have 
been  admitted  to  entry  in  the  ports  of  Spain,  including  those 
of  the  Balearic  and  Canary  islands,  on  payment  of  the  same 
tonnage  duty  of  five  cents  per  ton,  as  though  they  had  been 
Spanish  vessels  ;  and  this,  whether  our  vessels  arrive  in  Spain 
directly    from  the   United   States,   or    indirectly  from    any 
other  country.     When  Congress,   by  the  act  of  the  13th  of 
July,  1832,  gave  effect  to  this  arrangement  between  the  two 
governments,  they  confined  the  reduction  of  tonnage  duty 
merely  to   Spanish  vessels  "  coming  from  a  port  in  Spain,"  • 
leanng  the  former  discriminating  duty  to  remain  against  such 
vessels  coming  from  a  port  in  any  other  coimtry.     It  is  man- 


186  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1845- 

ifestly  unjust  that,  whilst  American  vessels,  aniving  in  the 
ports  of  Spam  from  other  countries,  pay  no  more  duty  than 
Spanish  vessels,  Spanish  vessels  arriving  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States  from  other  countries  should  be  subjected  to 
heavy  discriminating  tonnage  duties.  This  is  neither  equality 
nor  reciprocity,  and  is  in  violation  of  the  arrangement  con- 
cluded in  December,  1831,  between  the  two  countries.  The 
Spanish  government  have  inade  repeated  and  earnest  remon- 
strances against  this  inequality,  and  the  favorable  attention 
of  Congress  has  been  several  times  invoked  to  the  subject  by 
my  predecessors.  I  recommend,  as  an  act  of  justice  to  Spain, 
that  this  inequality  be  removed  by  Congress,  and  that  the 
'.discriminating  duties  which  have  been  levied  under  the  act 
of  the  13th  of  July,  1832,  on  Spanish  vessels  coming  to  the 
United  States  from  any  other  foreign  country,,  be  refunded. 
This  recommendation  does  not  embrace  Spanish  vessels  ar- 
riving in  the  United  States  from  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  which 
will  still  remain  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  June 
30th,  1834,  concerning  tonnage  duty  on  such  vessels. 

By  the  act  of  the  14th  of  July,  1832,  coffee  was  exempt- 
ed from  duty  altogether.  This  exemption  was  universal, 
without  reference  to  the  country  where  it  was  produced,  or 
the  national  character  of  the  vessel  in  which  it  was  imported. 
By  the  tariff  act  of  the  30th  August,  1842,  this  exemption 
from  duty  was  restricted  to  coffee  imported  in  American 
vessels  from  the  place  of  its  production  ;  whilst  coffee  im- 
ported under  all  other  circumstances  was  subjected  to  a  duty 
of  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Under  this  act,  and  our  exist- 
ing treaty  with  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  Java  coffee  im- 
ported from  the  European  ports  of  that  kingdom  into  the 
United  States,  whether  in  Dutch  or  American  vessels,  now 
.  pays  this  rate  of  duty.  The  government  of  the  Netherlands 
complains  that  such  a  discriminating  duty  should  have  been 
imposed  on  coffee,  the  production  of  one  of  its  colonies,  and 
which  is  chiefly  brought  from  Java  to  the  ports  of  that  king- 


1846.]  FIRST    ANNUAL' MESSAGE.  187 

dom,  and  exported  from  thence  to  foreign  countries.  Our 
trade  with  the  Netherlands  is  highly  beneficial  to  both  coun- 
tries, and  oui'  relations  with  them  have  ever  been  of  the  most 
friendly  character.  Under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
I  recommend  that  this  discrimination  should  be  abolished,  and 
tJiat  the  coftee  of  Java  imported  from  the  Netherlands  be 
placed  upon  the  same  footing  with  that  imported  directly 
from  Brazil  and  other  countries  where  it  is  produced. 

Under  the  eighth  section  of  the  tariff  act  of  the  thirtieth  of 
August,  1842,  a  duty  of  fifteen  ce.nis  per  gallon  was  imposed 
on  Port  wine  in  casks ;  while,  on*  the  red  wines  of  several 
other  countries;  when  imported  in  casks,  a  duty  of  only  six 
cents  per  gallon  was  imposed.  This  discrimination,  so  far  as 
regarded  the  Port  wine  of  Portugal,  was  deemed  a  violation 
of  our  treaty  with  that  power,  which  provides,  that  "No 
higher  or  other  duties  shall  be  imposed  on  the  importation 
into  the  United  States  of  America  of  any  article  the  gro^rth, 
produce,  or  manufacture  of  the  kingdom  and  possessions  of 
Portugal,  than  such  as  are  or  shall'  be  payable  on  the  like  ar- 
ticle being  the  growth,  produce,  or  manufacture  of  any  other 
foreign  country."  Accordingly,  to  give  effect  to  the  treaty, 
as  well  as  to  the  intention  of  Congress,  expressed  in  a  proviso 
to  the  tariff  act  itself,  that  nothing  therein  contained  should 
be  so  construed  as  to  interfere  with  subsisting  treaties  with 
foreign  nations ;  a  treasury  circular  was  issued  on  the  six- 
teenth of  July,  1844,  which,  among  othei'  things,  declared 
the  duty  on  the  Port  wine  of  Portugal,  in  casks,  under  the 
existing  laws  and  treaty,  to  be  six  cents  per  gallon,  and  di- 
rected that  the  excess  of  duties  which  had  been  collected  on 
such  wine,  should  be  refunded.  By  virtue  of  another  \ilause, 
in  the  same  section  of  the  act,  it  is  provided  that  all  imitations 
of  Port,  or  any  other  wines,  "  shall  be  subject  to  the  duty 
provided  for  the  genuine  article."  Imitations  of  Port  wine, 
the  production  of  France,  are  imported  to  some  extent  into 
the  United  States ;  and  the  government  of  that  country  now 


188  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845. 

claims  that,  under  a  correct  construction  of  the  act,  these  im- 
i;  itations  ought  not  to  pay  a  higher  duty  than  that  imposed 
upon  the  original  Port  wine  of  Portugal.  It  appears  to  me 
to  be  unequal  and  unjust,  that  French  imitations  of  Port  wine 
should  be  subjected  to  a  duty  of  fifteen  cents,  while  the  more 
valuable  article  from  Portugal  should  pay  a  duty  of  six  cents 
only  per  gallon.  I  therefore  recommend  to  Congress  such 
legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  correct  the  inequality. 

The  late  President,  in  his  annual  message  of  December 
last,  recommended  an  appropriation  to  satisfy  the  claims  of 
the  Texan  government  against  the  United  States,  which  had 
been  previously  adjusted,  so  far  as  the  powers  of  the  Exec- 
utive extend.  These  claims  arose  out  of  the  act  of  disarming 
a  body  of  Texan  troops  under  the  command  of  Major  Snively, 
by  an  officer  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  acting  under 
the  orders  of  our  government ;  aiifl  the  forcible  entry  into  the 
custom-house  at  Bryarly's  landing,  on  Red  River,  by  certain 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  taking  away  therefrom  the 
goods  seized  by  the  collector  of  the  customs  as  forfeited  under 
the  laws  of  Texas.  This  was  a  liquidated  debt,  ascertained 
to  be  due  to  Texas  when  an  independent  State.  Her  accept- 
ance of  the  terms  of  annexation  proposed  by  the  United  States 
does  not  dischargre  or  invahdate  the  claim.  I  recommend 
that  provision  be  made  for  its  payment. 

TKe  commissioner  appointed  to  China  during  the  special 
session  of  the  Senate  in  March  last,  shortly  afterwards  set  out 
on  his  mission  in  the  United  States  ship  Columbus.  On  ar- 
riving at  Rio  de  Janeiro  on  his  passage,  the  state  of  his  health 
had  become  so  critical,  that,  by  the  advice  of  his  medical  at- 
tendants, he  returned  to  the  United  States  early  in  the  month 
of  October  last.  Commodore  Biddle,  commanding  the  East 
India  squadron,  proceeded  on  his  voyage  in  the  Columbus, 
and  was  charged  by  the  commissioner  with  the  duty  of  ex- 
changing with  the  proper  authorities  the  ratifications  of  the 
treaty  lately  concluded  with  the  Emperor  of  China.     Since 


1845. J  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  189 

the  return  of  the  commissioner  to  the  United  States,  his  health 
has  been  much  improved,  and  he  entertains  the  confident  be- 
hef  that  he  will  soon  be  able  to  proceed  on  his  mission. 

Unfortunately,  differences  continue  to  exist  among  some  of 
the  nations  of  South  America,  which,  following  our  example, 
have  established  their  independence,  while  in  others  internal 
dissensions  prevail.  It  is  natural  that  our  sympathies  should 
be  warmly  enlisted  for  their  welfare ;  that  we  should  desire 
that  all  controversies  between  them  should  be  amicably  ad- 
justed, and  their  governments  administered  in  a  manner  to 
protect  the  rights,  and  promote  the  prosperity  of  their  people. 
It  is  contrary,  however,  to  our  settled  policy,  to  interfere  in 
their  controyersies,  whether  external  or  internal. 

I  have  thus  adverted  to  all  the  subjects  connected  with  our 
foreign  relations,  to  which  I  deem  it  necessary  to  call  your 
attention.  Our  policy  is  not  only  peace  with  all,  but  good 
will  towards  all  the  Powers  of  the  earth.  Wliile  we  are  just 
to  all,  we  require  that  all  shall  be  just  to  us.  Excepting  the 
differences  with  Mexico  and  Great  Britain,  our  relations  with 
all  civilized  nations  are  of  the  most  satisfactory  character.  It 
is  hoped  that  in  this  enlightened  age,  these  differences  may 
be  amicably  adjusted. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  annual  report  to  Con- 
gress, will  communicate  a  full  statement  of  the  condition  of 
our  finances.  The  imports  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  on  the 
30th  of  June  last,  Avere  of  the  value  of  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enteen millions  two  hundred  and  fifty-four  thousand  five  hun- 
dred and  sixty-four  dollars,  of  which  the  amount  exported 
was  fifteen  millions  three  hundred  and  forty-six  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  thirty  dollars— leaving  a  balance  of  one 
hundred  and  one  millions  nine  hundred  and  seven  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars  for  domestic  consump- 
tion. The  exports  for  the  same  year  were  of  the  value  of 
one  hundred  and  fourteen  millions  six  hundred  and  forty-six 
thousand  six  hundred  and  six  dollars ;  of  which,  the  amount 


190  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845.. 

of  domestic  articles  was  ninety-nine  millions  two  hundred  ana. 
ninety-nine  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-six  dollars. 
The  receipts  into  the  treasury  during  the  same  year  were 
twenty-nine  millions  seven  hundred  and  sixty-nine  thousand 
one  hundred  and  thirty-three  dollars  and  fifty-six  cents ;  of 
which,  there  were  derived  from  customs,  twenty-seven  millions 
five  hundred  and  twenty-eight  thousand  one  hundred  and 
twelve  dollars  and  seventy  cents ;  from  sales  of  pubhc  lands, 
two  milhons  seventy-seven  thousand  and  twenty-two  dollars 
and  thirty  cents;  and  from  incidental  and  miscellaneous^ 
sources,  one  hundred  and  sixty-three  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  ninety-eight  dolhii's  and  fifty-six  cents.  The  expenditures 
for  the  same  pei-iod  were  twenty-nine  millions  nine  hundred 
and  sixty-eight  thousand  two  hundred  and  six  dollars  and 
ninety-eight  cents ;  of  which  eight  millions  five  hundred  and 
eighty-eight  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven  dollars  and 
sixty-two  cents  were  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  pubhc 
debt.  The  balance  in  the  treasury  on  the  first  of  July  last, 
was  seven  milhons  six  hundred  and  fifty-eight  thousand  three 
hundred  and  six  dollars  and  twenty-two  cents. 

The  amount  of  public  debt  remaining  upaid  on  the  first  of 
October  last,  was  seventeen  millions  seventy-five  thousand 
four  hundred  and  forty-five  dollars  and  fifty-two  cents.  Fur- 
ther payments  of  the  public  debt  would  have  been  made  in 
anticipation  of  the  period  of  its  reimbursement  under  the  au- 
thority conferred  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by  the 
acts  of  July  twenty-first,  1841,  and  of  April  fifteenth,  1842, 
and  March  third,  1843,  had  not  the  unsettled  state  of  our  re- 
lations with  Mexico  menaced  hostile  colhsion  with  that  power. 
In  view  of  such  a  contingency,'  it  was  deemed  pinident  to  re- 
tain in  the  treasury  an  amount  unusually  large  for  ordinary 
purposes. 

A  few  years  ago,  our  whole  national  debt  growing  out  of 
the  Revolution  and  the  war  of  1812  with  Great  Britain,  was 
extinguished,  'and  we  presented  to   the  world  the  rare   and 


1845. J  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  191 

noble  spectacle  of  a  great  and  growing  people  who  had  fully- 
discharged  every  obligation.  Since  that  time,  the  existing 
debt  has  been  contracted ;  and  small  as  it  is,  in  comparison 
with  the  similar  biu'dens  of  most  other  nations,  it  should  be 
extinguished  at  the  earliest  practicable  period.  Should  the 
state  of  the  country  permit,  and,  especially,  if  our  foreign 
relations  interpose  no  obstacle,  it  is  contemplated  to  apply  all 
the  moneys  in  the  treasury  as  they  accrue,  beyond  what  is 
required  for  the  appropriations  by  Congress,  to  its  liquidation. 
I  cherish  the  hope  of  soon  being  able  to  congratulate  the 
country  on  its  recuverin.:  once  more  the  lofty  position  which 
it  so  recently  occupied.  Our  country,  which  exhibits  to  the 
world  the  benefits  of  self-government,  in  developing  all  the 
sources  of  national  prosperity,  owes  to  mankind  the  perma- 
nent example  of  a  nation  free  from  the  blighting  influence  of 
a  public  debt. 

The  attention  of  Congress  is  invited  to  the  importance  of 
making  suitable  modifications  and  reductions  of  the  rates  of 
duty  imposed  by  our  present  tariff  laws.  The  object  of  im- 
posing duties  on  imports  should  be  to  raise  revenue  to  pay 
the  necessary  expenses  of  government.  Congress  may,  un- 
doubtedly, in  the  exercise  of  a  sound  discretion,  discriminate 
in  arranging  the  rates  of  duty  on  different  articles ;  but  the 
discriminations  should  be  within  the  revenue  standard,  and  be 
made  with  a  view  to  raise  money  for  the  support  of  govern- 
ment. 

It  becomes  important  to  understand  distinctly  what  is  meant 
by  a  revenue  standard,  the  maximum  of  which  should  not  be 
exceeded  in  the  rates  of  duty  imposed.  It  is  conceded,  and 
experience  proves,  that  duties  may  be  laid  so  high  as  to  di- 
minish, or  prohibit  altogether,  the  importation  of  any  given 
article,  and  thereby  lessen  or  destroy  the  revenue  which,  at 
lower  rates,  would  be  derived  from  its  importation.  Such 
duties  exceed  the  revenue  rates,  and  are  not  imposed  to  raise 
money  foi*  the  support  of  government.     If  Congress  levy  a 


f^ 


19% 


JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 


duty,  for  revenue,  of  one  per  cent,  on  a  given  article,  it  will 
produce  a  given  amount  of  money  to  the  treasury,  and  will 
incidentally  and  necessarily  afford  protection,  or  advantage, 
to  the  amount  of  one  per  cent,  to  the  home  manufacturer  of 
a  similar  or  like  article,  over  the  importer.  If  the  duty  be 
raised  to  ten  per  cent.,  it  will  produce  a  greater  amount  of 
money,  and  afford  greater  protection.  If  it  be  still  raised  to 
twenty,  twenty-five  or  thirty  per  cent.,  and  if,  as  it  is  raised, 
the  revenue  derived  from  it  is  found  to  be  increased,  the  pro- 
tection or  advantage  will  also  be  increased ;  but  if  it  be 
raised  to  thirty-one  per  cent.,  and  it  is  found  that  the  reve- 
nue produced  at  that  rate  is  less  than  thirty  per  cent.,  it 
ceases  to  be  a  revenue  duty.  The  precise  point  in  the  as- 
cending scale  of  duties  at  which  it  is  ascertained  from  experi- 
ence that  the  revenue  is  greatest,  is  the  maximum  rate  of 
dftty  which  can  be  laid  for  the  bona  fide  purpose  of  collecting 
money  for  the  support  of  government.  To  raise  the  duties 
higher  than' that  point,  and  thereby  diminish  the  amount  col- 
lected, is  to  levy  them  for  protection  merely,  and  not  for 
revenue.  As  long,  then,  as  Congress  may  gradually  increase 
the  rate  of  duty  on  a  given  article,  and  the  revenue  is  in- 
creased by  such  increase  of  duty,  they  are  within  the  revenue 
standard.  When  they  go  beyond  that  point,  and,  as  they 
increase  the  duties  the  revenue  is  diminished  or  destroyed, 
the  act  ceases  to  have  for  its  objeet  the  raising  of  money  to 
support  government,  but  is  for  protection  merely. 

It  does  not  follow  that  Congress  should  levy  the  highest 
duty  on  all  articles  of  import  which  they  will  bear  within  the 
revenue  standard ;  for  such  rates  would  probably  produce  a 
much  larger  amount  than  the  economical  administration  of 
the  government  would  require.  Nor  does  it  follow  that  the 
duties  on  all  articles  should  be  at  the  same  or  a  horizontal 
rate.  Some  articles  will  bear  a  much  higher  revenue  duty  than 
others.  Below  the  maximum  of  the  revenue  standard  Con- 
gress may  and  ought  to  discriminate  in  the  rates  imposed,  tak« 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  193 

ing  care  so  to  adjust  them  on  different  articles  as  to  produce 
in  the  aggregate,  the  amount  Avhich,  when  ad(Jfed  to  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  sales  of  pubhc  lands,  may  be  needed  to  pay  the 
economical  expenses  of  government. 

In  levvinor  a  tariff  of  duties,  Cono-ress  exercises  the  taxino- 
power,  and  for  purposes  of  revenue  may  select  the  objects  of 
taxation.  They  may  exempt  certain  articles  altogether,  and 
permit  their  importation  free  of  duty.  On  others  they  may 
impose  low  duties.  In  these  classes  may  be  embraced  such 
articles  of  necessity  as  are  in  general  use,  and  especially  such 
as  are  consumed  by  the  laborer  and  the  poor  as  well  as  by 
the  wealthy  citizen.  Care  should  be  taken  that  all  the  great 
interests  of  the  country,  including  manufactures,  agriculture, 
commerce,  navigation  and  the  mechanic  arts,  should,  as  far 
as  may  be  practicable,  derive  equal  advantages  from  the  inci- 
dental protection  which  a  just  system  of  revenue  duties  may 
afford.  Taxation,  direct  or  indirect,  is  a  burden,  and  it  should 
be  so  imposed  as  to  operate  as  equally  as  may  be,  on  all 
classes,  in  the  proportion  of  their  ability  to  bear  it.  To  make 
the  taxing  power  an  actual  benefit  to  one  class,  necessarily 
increases  the  burden  of  the  others  beyond  their  proportion, 
and  would  be  manifestly  unjust. 

The  terms  "  protection  to  domestic  industry,"  are  of  pop- 
ular import ;  but  they  should  apply  under  a  just  system  to 
all  the  various  branches  of  industry  in  our  country.  The 
farmer  or  planter  who  toils  yearly  in  his  fields,  is  engaged  in 
"  domestic  industry,"  and  is  as  much  entitled  to  have  his  labor 
"  protected,"  as  the  manufacturer,  the  man  of  commerce,  the 
navigator,  or  the  mechanic,  who  are  engaged  also  in  "  domes- 
tic, industry  "  in  their  different  pursuits.  The  joint  labors  of 
air  these  classes  constitute  the  aggregate  of  the  "  domestic 
industry  "  of  the  nation,  and  they  are  equally  entitled  to  the 
nation's  "  protection."  Is'o  one  of  them  can  justly  claim  to 
be  the  exclusive  recipients  of  "  protection,"  which  can  only 
be  afforded  by  increasing  burdens  on  the  "  domestic  indas- 
tiy  "  of  the  others. 


194  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.    •  [1845. 

If  these  views  be  correct,  it  remains  to  inquire  how  far  the 
tariff  act  of  18^42  is  consistent  with  them.  That  many  of  the 
prdvisions  of  that  act  are  in  violation  of  the  cardinal  principles 
here  laid  down,  all  must  concede.  The  rates  of  auty  imposed 
by  it  oa  some  articles  are  prohibitory,  and  on  others  so  high 
as  greatly  to  diminish  importations,  and  to  produce  a  less 
amount  of  revenue  than  would  be  derived  from  lower  rates. 
They  operate  as  "  protection  merely,"  to  one  branch  of  "  do- 
mestic industry,"  by  taxing  other  branches. 

By  the  introduction  of  minimums,  or  assumed  and  false 
values,  and  by  the  imposition  of  specific  duties,  the  injustice 
and  inequality  of  the  act  of  1842,  in  its  practical  operations 
on  different  classes  and  pursuits,  are  seen  and  felt.  Many 
of  the  oppressive  duties  imposed  by  it  under  the  operation  of 
these  principles,  range  from  one  per  cent.,  to  more  than  two 
hundred  per  cent. 

They  are  prohibitory  on  some  articles,  and  partially  so  on 
others,  and  bear  most  heavily  on  articles  of  common  neces- 
sity, and  but  lightly  on  articles  of  luxur}^  It  is  so  framed 
that  much  the  greatest  burden  which  it  imposes  is  thrown 
on  labor  and  the  poorer  classes  who  are  least  able  to  bear  it, 
while  it  protects  capital,  and  exempts  the  rich  from  paying 
their  just  proportion  of  the  taxation  required  for  the  support 
of  government.  While  it  protects  the  capital  of  the  wealtliy 
manufacturer,  and  increases  his  profits,  it  does  not  benefit  the 
operatives  or  laborers  in  his  employment,  whose  wages  have 
not  been  increased  by  it.  Articles  of  prime  necessity  or  of 
coarse  quality  and  low  price,  used  by  the  masses  of  the  peo- 
ple, are  in  many  instances  subjected  by  it  to  heavy  taxes, 
while  articles  of  finer  quality  and  higher  price,  or  of  luxury, 
which  can  be  used  only  by  the  opulent,  are  lightly  taxed.  It 
^  imposes  heavy  and  unjust  burdens  on  the  farmer,  the  planter, 
the  commercial  man,  and  those  of  all  other  pursuits  except 
the  capitalist  Avfeo  has  made  his  investments  in  manufactures. 
All  the  great  interests  of  the  country  are  not,  as  nearly  as 
may  be  practicable,  equally  protected  by  it. 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  195 

The  government,  in  theory,  knows  no  distinction  of  per- 
sons or  classes,  and  should  not  bestow  upon  some  favors  and 
privileges  which  all  others  may  not  enjoy.     It  was  the  pur- 
pose of  its  illustrious  founders  to  base  the  institutions  which 
they  reared  upon  the  great  and  unchanging  principles  of  jus- 
tice and  equity,  conscious  that  if  administered  in  the  spirit  in 
which  they  were  conceived,  they  would  be  felt  only  by  the 
benefits  which  they  diffused,  and  would  secure  for  themselves 
a  defence  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  more  powerful  than 
^  standing  armies,  and  all  the  means  and  appliances  invented 
•  to  sustain  governments  founded  in  justice  and  oppression. 
The  well-known  fact,  that  the  tariff  act  of  1842  Avas  passed 
hy  a  majority  of  one  vote  in  the  Senate,  and  two  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  that  some  of  those  who  felt  them- 
selves constrained,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  existing 
■at  the  time,  to  vote  in  its  favor,  proclaimed  its  defects,  and  ex^ 
pressed  their  determination  to  aid  in  its  modificaton  on  the 
Srst  opportunity,  affords  strong  and  conclusive  evidence  that 
it  was  not  intended  to  be  permanent,  and  of  the  expediency 
and  necessity  of  its  thorough  revision. 

In  recommending  to  Congress  a  reduction  of  the  present 
rates  of  duty,  and  a  revision  and  modification  of  the  act  of 
1 842,  I  am  far  from  entertaining  opinions  unfriendly  to  the 
manufacturers.  On  the  contrary,  I  desire  to  see  them  pros- 
perous, as  far  as  they  can  be  so,  without  imposing  unequal 
burdens  on  other  interests.  The  advantage  unde°  any  sys- 
tem of  indirect  taxation,  even  within  the  revenue  standard, 
must  be  in  favor  of  the  manufacturing  interest ;  and  of  this 
no  other  interest  will  complain. 

I  recommend  to  Congress  the  abohtion  of  the  minimum 
principle,  or  assumed,  arbitrary,  and  false  values,  and  of  spe- 
cific duties,  and  the  substitution  in  their  place  of  ad  valorem  • 
duties,  as  the  fairest  and  most  equitable  mdh-ect  tax  which 
can  be  imposed.  By  the  ad  valorem  principle,  all  articles  are 
taxed  according  to  their  cost  or  value,  and  those  which  are 


196  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845- 

of  inferior  quality,  or  of  small  cost,  bear  only  the  just  pro- 
portion of  the  tax  -with  those  which  are  of  superior  quality  or 
greater  cost.  The  articles  consumed  by  all  are  taxed  at  the 
same  rate.  A  system  of  ad  valorem  revenue  duties,  with 
proper  discriminations  and  proper  guards  against  frauds  in 
collecting  them,  it  is  not  doubted,  will  afford  ample  incidental 
advantages  to  the  manufacturers,  and  enable  them  to  derive 
as  great  profits  as  can  be  derived  from  any  other  regular  busi- 
ness. It  is  believed  that  such  a  system,  strictly  within  the 
revenue  standard,  wnil  place  the  manufacturing  interests  on  a 
stable  footing,  and  enure  to  their  permanent  advantage  ; 
while  it  will,  as  nearly  as  may  be  practicable,  extend  to  all  the 
great  interests  of  the  country  the  incidental  protection  Avhich 
can  be  afforded  by  our  revenue  laws.  Such  a  system,  when 
once  firmly  established,  would  be  permanent,  and  not  be  sub; 
ject  to  the  constant  complaints,  agitations  and  changes  which 
must  ever  occur,  w^hen  duties  are  not  laid  for  revenue,  but 
for  the  "  protection  merely"  of  a  favored  interest. 

In  the  deliberations  of  Congress  on  this  subject,  it  is  hoped 
that  a  spirit  of  mutual  concession  and  compromise  between 
conflicting  interests  may  prevail,  and  that  the  result  of  their 
labors  may  be  crowned  with  the  happiest  consequences. 

By  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  it  is  provided,  that 
*' no  money  shall  be  draAvn  from  the  treasury  but  in  conse- 
quence of  appropriations  made  by  law."  A  public  treasury 
was  undoubtedly  contemplated  and  intended  to  be  created, 
in  Avhich  the  public  money  should  be  kept  from  the  period  of 
collection  until  needed  for  public  uses.  In  the  collection 
and  disbursement  of  the  public  money,  no  agencies  have 
ever  been  employed  by  law,  except  such  as  w^ere  appointed 
by  the  government,  directly  responsible  to  it,  and  under  its 
control.  The  safe  keeping  of  the  public  money  should  be 
confided  to  a  public  treasury  created  by  law,  and  under  like 
respon-^ibility  and  control.  It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  could  have  intended  that  a  treas- 


1845. J  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  197 

uiy  should  be  created  as  a  place  of  deposit  and  safe-keepino- 
of  the  public  money  which  was  irresponsible  to  the  govern- 
ment. The  first  Congress  under  the  constitution,  by  the  act 
of  the  second  vSeptember,  1789,  "  to  establish  the  Treasury 
Department,"  provid(3d  for  the  appointment  of  a  treasurer, 
and  made  it  his  duty  "  to  receive  and  keep  the  monej^s  of  the 
United  States,"  and  "  at  all  times  to  submit  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  and  the  Comptroller,  or  either  of  them,  the 
inspection  of  the  moneys  in  his  hands." 

That  banks,  national  or  State,  could  not  have  been  intended 
to  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  the  treasury  spoken  of  in  the 
constitution,  as  keepers  of  the  pubhc  money,  is  manifest  from 
the  fact,  that  at  that  time  there  was  no  national  bank,  and 
but  three  or  four  State  banks  of  limited  capital  existed  in  the 
country.     Their  employment  as  depositories  was  at  first  re- 
sorted to,  to  a  limited  extent,  but  witli  no  avowed  intention 
of  continuing  them  permanentlv,  in  place  of  the  treasury  of 
the  constitution.     When  they  were  afterwards  from  time  to 
time  employed,  it  was  from  motives  of  supposed  convenience. 
Our  experience  has  shown,  that  when  banking  corporations 
have  been  the  keepei-s  of  the  public  money,  and  been  thereby 
made  in  effect  the  treasury,  the  government  can  have  no  o-uar- 
■iinty  that  it  can  command  the  use  of  its  own  money  for  pub- 
lic purposes.     The  late  Bank  of  tlie  United  States  proved 
to  be  faithless.     The  State  banks,  which  Avere  afterwards  em- 
ployed, were  faithless.     But  a  few  years  ago,  Avith  millions  of 
public  money  in  their  keeping,  the  government  was  brought 
almost  to  bankruptcy,  and  the  public   credit  seriously  im- 
paired, because  of  tlieir  inability  or  indisposition  to  pay,  on 
•demand,  to  the  public  creditors,  in  the  only  currency  recog- 
nized by  the  constitution,     ''.heir  f^iilure  occurred  in  a  period 
of  peace,  and  great  inconvenience  and  loss  were  suffered  by 
the  public  fi-om  it.     Had  the  country  been  involved  in  a  for- 
eign war,  that  inconvenience  and  loss  would  have  been  much 
greater,  and  might  have  resulted  in  extreme  pubhc  calamity. 


198  JAMES   K^OX   POLK.  [1845. 

The  public  money  should  not  be  mingled  with  the  private 
funds  of  banks  or  individuals,  or  be  used  for  private  pur- 
poses. When  it  is  placed  in  banks  for  safe  keeping,  it  is  in 
effect  loaned  to  them  without  interest,  and  is  loaned  by  thern 
upon  interest  to  the  borrowers  from  them.  The  public  money 
is  converted  into  banking  capital,  and  is  used  and  loaned  out 
for  the  private  profit  of  bank  stockholders ;  and  when  called 
for  (as  was  the  case  in  1837),  it  may  be  in  the  pockets  of  the 
borrowers  from  the  banks,  instead  of  being  in  the  public 
treasury  contemplated  by  the  constitution.  The  framers  of 
the  constitution  could  never  have  intended  that  the  money 
paid  into  the  treasury  should  be  thus  converted  to  private 
use,  and  placed  beyond  the  control  of  the  government. 

Banks  which  hold  the  public  money  are  often  tempted,  by 
a  desire  to  gain,  to  extend  their  loans,  increase  their  circula- 
tion, and  thus  stimulate,  if  not  produce  a  spirit  of  speculation 
and  extravagance,  which  sooner  or*  later  must  result  in  ruin 
to  thousands.  If  the  public  money  be  not  permitted  to  be 
thus  used,  but  be  kept  in  the  treasuiy  and  paid  out  to  the 
public  creditors  in  gold  and  silver,  the  temptation  afforded  by 
its  deposite  with  banks  to  an  undue  expansion  of  their  busi- 
ness, would  be  checked,  while  the  amount  of  the  constitu- 
tional currency  left  in  circulation  would  be  enlarged,  by  its 
employment  in  the  public  collections  and  disbursements,  and 
the  banks  themselves  would,  in  consequence,  be  found  in  a 
safer  and  sounder  condition. 

At  present,  State  banks  are  employed  as  depositories,  bu*^^ 
without  adequate  regulation  of  law,  w^hereby  the  public  mon 
ey  can  be  secured  against  the  casualties  and  excesses,  rfevul 
sions,  suspensions,  and  defalcations,  to  which,  from  over-issues 
over-trading,  an  inordinate  desire  for  gain,  or  other  causes 
they  are  constantly  exposed.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
has  in  all  cases,  when  it  was  practicable,  taken  collateral  se- 
curity for  the  amount  which  they  hold,  by  the  pledge  of 
stocks  of  the  United  States,  or  such  of  the  States  as  were  in 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  199 

good  credit.     Some  of  the  deposite  banks  have  given  this 
description  of  security,  and  others  have  dechned  to  do  so. 

Entertaining  the  opinion  that  "  the  separation  of  the  moneys 
of  the  government  from  banking  institutions  is  indispensable 
for  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the  government  and  the  riglits 
of  the  people,"  I  recommend  to  Congress  that  provision  be 
made  by  law  for  such  separation,  and  that  a  constitutional 
treasury  be  created  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  public  money. 
The  constitutional  treasury  recommended  is  designed  as  a  se- 
cure depository  for  the  public  money,  without  any  power  to 
make  loans  or  discounts,  or  to  issue  any  paper  whatever  as  a 
currency  or  circulation.  1  cannot  doubt  that  such  a  treasury 
as  was  contemplated  by  the  constitution,  should  be  independ- 
ent of  all  banking  corporations.  The  money  of  the  people 
should  be  kept  in  the  treasury  of  the  people  created  by  law, 
and  be  in  the  custody  of  agents  of  the  people  chosen  by 
themselves,  aecordino^  to  the  form  of  the  constitution  :  aofents 
who  are  directly  responsible  to  the  government,  who  are  un- 
der adequate  bonds  and  oaths,  and  who  are  subject  to  severe 
punishments  for  any  embezzlement,  private  use,  or  misappli- 
cation of  the  public  funds,  and  for  any  failure  in  other  respects 
to  perform  their  duties.  To  say  that  the  people  of  their  gov- 
ernment are  incompetent,  or  not  to  be  trusted  with  the  cus- 
tody of  their  own  money,  in  their  own  treasury,  provided  by 
themselves,  but  must  rely  on  the  presidents,  cashiers,  and 
stockholders  of  banking  corporations,  not  appointed  by  them, 
nor  responsible  to  them,  would  be  to  concede  that  they  are 
incompetent  for  self-government. 

In  recommending  the  establishment  of  a  constitutional 
treasury,  in  which  the  public  money  shall  be  kept,  I  desire 
that  adequate  provision  be  made  by  law  for  its  safety,  and 
that  all  executive  discretion  or  control  over  it  shall  be  remov- 
ed, except  such  as  may  be  necessary  in  directing  its  dis- 
bursements in  pursuance  of  appropriations  made  by  law. 

Under  our  present  land  system,  limiting  the  mmimum  price 


200  JAMES  KNOX   POLK.  [1845 

at  which  the  pubhc  lands  can  be  entered  to  one  dollar  and 
twenty-five  cents  per  acre,  large  quantities  of  lands  of  inferior 
quality  remain  unsold,  because  they  will  not  command  that 
price.  From  the  records  of  the  General  Land  Office  it  ap- 
pears, that,  of  the  public  lands  remaining  unsold  in  the  seve- 
ral states  and  territories  in  Avhich  they  are  situated,  thirty-nine 
millions  one  hundred  and  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-seven acres  have  been  in  the  market,  subject  to  entry, 
more  than  twenty  years  ;  forty-nine  millions  six  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  thousand  six  hundred  and  forty-four  acres  for 
more  than  fifteen  years  ;  seventy-three  millions  seventy-four 
thousand  and  six  hundred  acres  for  more  than  ten  years  ;  and 
one  hundred  and  six  millions  one  hundred  and  seventy-six 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty-one  acres  for  more  than  five 
years.  Much  the  largest  portion  of  these  lands  will  continue 
to  be  unsaleable  at  the  minimum  price  at  which  they  are  per- 
mitted to  be  sold,  so  lonor  as  laro-e  territories  of  lands  from 
which  the  more  valuable  portions  have  not  been  selected  are 
annually  brought  into  market  by  the  government.  With  the 
view  to  the  sale  and  settlement  of  these  inferior  lands,  I  rec- 
ommend that  the  price  be  graduated  and  reduced  below  tlie 
present  minimum  rate,  confining  the  sales  at  the  reduced  pri- 
ces to  settlers  and  cultivators  in  limited  quantities.  If  grad- 
uated and  reduced  in  price  for  a  limited  term  to  one  dollar  per 
acre,  and  after  the  expiration  of  that  period,  for  a  second  and 
third  tenii  to  lower  rates ,  a  large  portion  of  these  lands  would 
be  purchased,  and  many  worthy  citizens,  who  are  unable  to  pay 
higher  rates,  could  purchase  homes  for  themselves  and  their 
families.  By  adopting  the  policy  of  graduation  and  reduction 
of  price,  these  inferior  lands  will  be  sold  for  their  real  value, 
while  the  states  in  which  they  lie  will  be  freed  from  the  in- 
convenience, if  not  injustice  to  which  they  are  subjected,  in 
consequence  of  the  United  States  continuing  to  own  large 
quantities  of  public  lands  within  their  borders,  not  liable  to 
taxation  for  the  support  of  their  local  governments. 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  201 

I  recommend  the  continuance  of  the  policy  of  granting  pre- 
emptions, in  its  most  hberal  extent,  to  all  those  who  have 
settled,  or  may  hereafter  settle,  on  the  public  lands,  whether 
surveyed  or  unsurveyed,  to  which  the  Indian  title  may  have 
been  extinguished  at  the  time  of  settlement.  It  has  been 
found  by  experience,  that  in  consequence  of  combinations  of 
purchasers  and  other  causes,  a  very  small  quantity  of  the 
public  lands,  when  sold  at  pubhc  auction,  commands  a  higher 
price  than  the  minimum  rate  established  by  law.  The  settlers 
on  the  public  lands  are,  however,  but  rarely  able  to  secure 
their  homes  and  improvements  ajt  the  public  sales  at  that  rate  ; 
because  these  combinations,  by  means  of  the  capital  they 
command,  and  their  superior  ab.iity  to  purchase,  render  it  im- 
possible for  the  settler  to  comp-te  with  them  in  the  market. 
By  putting  down  all  competition,  these  combinations  of  capi- 
talists and  speculators  are  usually  enabled  to  purchase  the 
lands,  including  the  improvements  of  the  settlers,  at  the  mini- 
mum price  of  the  goveinment,  and  either  turn  them  out  of 
their  homes,  or  extort  from  them,  according  to  tJieir  ability  to 
pay,  double  or  quadruple  the  amount  paid  for  them  to  the 
government.  It  is  to  the  enterprise  and  perseverance  of  the 
hardy  pioneers  of  the  west,  who  penetrate  the  wilderness  with 
tlieir  families,  suffer  the  dangers,  the  privations  and  hardships 
attending  the  settlement  of  a  new  country,  and  prepare  the 
way  for  the  body  of  emigrants  who,  in  the  coui-se  of  a  few 
years,  usually  follow  them,  that  we  are,  in  a  great  degree,  in- 
indebted  for  the  rapid  extension  and  aggrandizement  of  our 
country. 

Experience  has  proved  that  no  portion  of  our  population 
are  more  patriotic  than  the  hardy  and  brave  men  of  the  fron- 
tier, or  more  ready  to  obey  the  call  of  their  country,  and  to 
defend  her  rights  and  her  honor,  whenever  and  by  whatever 
enemy  assailed.  They  should  be  protected  from  the  grasp- 
ing speculator,  and  secured,  at  the  minimum  price  of  tne 
public  lands,  in  the  humble  homes  which  they  have  improved 
9* 


202  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845. 

by  their  labor.  With  this  end  in  view,  all  vexatious  or  un- 
necessary restrictions  imposed  upon  them  by  tlie  existing  pre- 
emption laws,  should  be  repealed  or  modified.  It  is  the  true 
pohcy  of  the  government  to  afford  facilities  to  its  citizens  to 
become  the  owners  of  small  portions  of  our  vast  public  domain 
at  low  and  moderate  rates. 

The  present  system  of  managing  the  mineral  lands  of  the 
United  States  is  beheved  to  be  radically  defective.     More 
than  a  million  of  acres  of  the  public  lands,  supposed  to  contain 
lead  and  other  minerals,  have  been  reserved  from  sale,  and 
numerous  leases  upon  them  have  been  granted  to  individuals 
upon  a  stipulated  rent.     The  system  of  granting  leases  has 
proved  to  be  not  only  unprofitable  to  the  government,  but 
unsatisfactory  to  the  citizens  who  have  gone  upon  the  lands, 
and  must,  if  continued,  lay  the  foundation  of  much  future 
difficulty  between  the  government  and  the  lessees.     Accord- 
ing to  the  official  records,  the  amount  of  rents  received  by 
the  government  for  the  years  1841, -1842,  1843,  and   1844, 
was  $6,354.74,  while  the  expenses  of  the  system  dming  the 
same  period,  including  salaries  of  superintendents,  agents, 
clerks,  and  incidental  expenses,  were  twenty-six  thousand  one 
hundred  and  eleven  dollars  and  eleven  cents  —  the  income 
being  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  expenses.     To  this  pecuni- 
ary loss  may  be  added  the  injury  sustained  by  the  pubHc  in 
consequence  of  the  destruction  of  timber,  and  the  careless 
and  wasteful  manner  of  working  the  mines.     The  system  has 
given  rise  to  much  litigation  between  the  United  States  and 
individual  citizens,  producing  irritation  and  excitement  in  the 
mineral  region,  and  involving  the  government  in  heavy  addi- 
tional expenditures.     It  is  believed  that  similar  losses  and 
embarrassments  will  continue  to   occur,  while   the   present 
system  of  leasing  these  lands  remains  unchanged.      These 
lands  are  now  under  the  superintendence  and  care  of  the 
War  Department,  with  the  ordinary  duties  of  which  they 
have  no  proper  or  natural  connexion.     I  recommend  the  re- 


M 


1845.]        \  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  203 

peal  of  the  toresent  system,  and  that  these  lands  be  placed 
under  the  superintendence  and  management  of  the  General 
Land  Office,  |is  other  public  lands,  and  be  brought  into  mar- 
ket and  sold^  upon  such  terms  as  Congress  in  their  wisdom 
may  prescribd,  reserving  to  the  government  an  equitable  pei- 
centage  of  the  gross  amount  of  mineral  product,  and  that  the 
preemption  principle  be  extended  to  resident  miners  and  set- 
tlers upon  them,  at  the  minimum  price  which  may  be  estab- 
lished by  Congress. 

I  refer  you  to  the  accompanying  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  for  information  respecting  the  present  situation  of 
the  army,  and  its  operations  during  the  past  year ;  the  state 
of  our  defences  ;  the  condition  of  the  public  works  ;  and  our 
relations  with  the  various  Indian  tribes  within  our  limits  or 
upon  our  borders.  I  invite  your  attention  to  the  suggestions 
contained  in  that  report,  in  relation  to  these  prominent  objects 
of  national  interest. 

When  orders  were  given  during  the^past  summer  for  concen- 
trating a  military  force  on  the  westera  frontier  of  Texas,  our 
troops  weje  widely  dispersed,  and  in  small  detachments,  occu-- 
pying  posts  remote  from  each  otlier;  The  prompt  and  expedi- 
tious manner  in  which  an  army,  embracing  more  than  half  our 
peace  establishment,  was  drawn  together  on  an  emergency  so 
sudden,  reflects  great  credit  on  the  officers  who  were  entrusted 
w^th  the  execution  of  these  orders,  as  well  as  upon  the  disci- 
pline of  the  army  itself. 

To  be  in  strength  to  protect  and  defend  the  people  and 
territory  of  Texas,  in  the  event  Mexico  should  commence 
hostilities,  or  invade  her  territories  with  a  large  array,  which  she 
threatened,  I  authorized  the  general  assigned  to  the  command 
of  the  army  of  occupation  to  make  requisitions  for  additional 
forces  from  several  of  the  States  nearest  the  Texan  territory, 
and  which  could  most  expeditiously  furnish  them,  if,  in  his 
opinion,  a  larger  force  than  that  under  his  command,  and  the 
auxiliary  aid  which,  under  like  circumstances,  he  was  author- 


204  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845. 

ized  to  receive  from  Texas,  should  be  required.  The  con- 
tingency upon  which  the  exercise  of  this  authority  depended, 
has  not  occurred.  The  circumstances  under  which  two  com- 
panies of  State  artillery  from  the  city  of  New  Orleans  were 
sent  into  Texas,  and  mustered  into  the  ser\dce  of  the  United 
States,  are  fully  stated  in  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
I  recommend  to  Congress  that  provision  be  mad«  for  the 
payment  of  these  troops,  as  well  as  the  small  number  of  Tex- 
an volunteers,  whom  the  commanding  general  thought  it 
necessary  to  receive  or  muster  into  our  service. 

Durivg  the  last  summer,  the  first  regiment  of  dragoons 
made  extensive  excursions  through  the  Indian  country  on  our 
borders,  a  part  of  them  advancing  nearly  to  the  possessions 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  the  north,  and  a  part  as  far 
as  the  South  Pass  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  the  head 
waters  of  the  tributary  streams  of  the  Colorado  of  the  West. 
The  exhibition  of  this  military  force  among  the  Indian  tribes 
in  those  distant  regions,  and  the  councils  held  with  them  by 
the  commanders  of  the  expeditions,  it  is  believed,  will  have  a  ' 
'  salutary  influence  in  restraining  them  from  hostilities  among 
themselves,  and  maintaining  friendly  relations  between  them 
and  the  United  States.  An  interesting  account  of  one  of 
these  excursions  accompanies  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of 
War.  Under  the  directions  of  the  War  Department,  Brevet 
Captain  Fremont,  of  the  corps  of  topographical  engineers, 
has  been  employed  since  1842  in  exploring  the  country  west 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Two 
expeditions  have  already  been  brought  to  a  close,  and  the  re- 
ports of  that  scientific  and  enterprising  officer  have  furnished 
much  interesting  and  valuable  information.  He  is  now  en- 
gaged in  a  third  expedition  ;  but  it  is  not  expected  that  this 
arduous  service  will  be  completed  in  season  to  enable  me  to 
communicate  the  result  to  Congress  at  the  present  session. 

Our  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes  are  of  a  favorable  char- 
acter.     The  policy  of  removing  them  to  a  country  designed 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  205 

for  their  peramnent  residence  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
without  the  hmits  of  the  organized  States  and  territories,  is 
better  appreciated  by  them  than  it  was  a  few  years  ago ; 
while  education  is  now  attended  to,  and  the  habits  of  civil- 
ized life  are  o-ainino-  o-round  amono-  them. 

Serious  difficulties  of  long  standing  continue  to  distract  the 
several  parties  into  which  the  Cherokees  are  unhappily  di- 
vfded.  The  efforts  of  the  government  to  adjust  the  difficul- 
ties between  them  have  heretofore  proved  unsuccessful ;  and 
there  remains  no  probability  that  this  desirable  object  can  be 
accomplished  without  the  aid  of  further  legislation  by  Con- 
gress. I  will,  at  an  earl}^  period  of  your  session,  present  the 
subject  for  your  consideration,  accompanied  with  an  exposi- 
tion of  the  complaints  and  claims  of  the  several  parties  into 
which  the  nation  is  divided,  with  a  view  to  the  adoption  of 
such  measures  by  Congress  as  may  enable  the  Executive  to 
do  justice  to  them  respectively,  and  to  put  an  end,  if  possible, 
to  the  dissensions  which  have  long  prevailed,  and  still  prevail, 
among  them. 

I  refer  you  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  for 
the  present  condition  of  that  branch  ofj  the  national  defence, 
and  for  grave  suggestions,  having  for  their  object  the  increase 
of  its  efficiency,  and  a  greater  economy  in  its  management. 
During  the  past  year,  the  officers  and  men  have  performed 
their  duty  in  a  satisfactory  manner.  The  orders  which  have 
been  given,  have  been  executed  witli  promptness  and  fidelity. 
A  larger  force  than  has  often  formed  one  squadron  under  our 
flag,  was  readily  concentrated  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
apparently  without  unusual  effort.  It  is  especially  to  be  ob- 
served, that  notwithstanding  the  union  of  so  considerable  a 
force,  no  act  was  committed  that  even  the  jealousy  of  an  irri- 
tated power  could  construe  as  an  act  of  aggression  ;  and  that 
the  commander  of  the  squadron,  and  his  officers,  in  strict 
conformity  to  their  instructions,  holding  themselves  ever  ready 
for  the  most  active  duty,  have  achieved  the  still  purer  glory 


206  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

of  contributing  to  the  preservation  of  peace.  It  is  believed 
that  at  all  our  foreign  stations  the  honor  of  our  flag  has  been 
maintained,  and  that,  generally,  our  ships  of  war  have  been 
distinguished  for  their  good  discipline  and  order.  I  am  happy 
to  add,  that  the  display  of  maritime  force  which  was  required 
by  the  events  of  the  summer,  has  been  made  wholly  witlnn 
the  usual  appropriations  for  the  service  of  the  year  ;  so  that 
no  additional  appropriations ^are  required. 

The  commerce  of  the  United  States,  and  with  it  the  navi- 
gating interest,  have  steadily  and  rapidly  increased  since  the 
organization  of  our  government,  until,  it  is  believed,  we  are 
now  second  to  but  one  power  in  the  world,  and  at  no  distant 
day  Ave  shall  probably  be  inferior  to  none.  Exposed  as  they 
must  be,  it  has  been  a  wise  policy  to  afford  to  these  import- 
ant interests  protection  with  our  ships  of  war,  distributed  in 
the  great  highways  of  trade  throughout  the  world.  For  more 
than  thirty  years  appropriations  have  been  made,  and  annu- 
ally expended,  for  the  gradual  increase  of  our  naval  forces. 
In  peace,  our  navy  performs  the  important  duty  of  protecting 
our  commerce ;  and,  in  the  event  of  war,  will  be,  as  it  has 
been,  a  most  efficient  paeans  of  defence. 

The  successful  use  of  steam  navigation  on  the  ocean  has 
been  followed  by  the  introduction  of  war-steamers  in  great 
and  increasing  numbers  into  the  navies  of  the  principal  mari- 
time powers  of  the  world.  A  due  regard  to  our  own  safety 
and  to  an  efficient  protection  to  our  large  and  increasing  com- 
merce demands  a  corresponding  increase  on  our  part.  No 
country  has  greater  facihties  for  the  construction  of  vessels  of 
tliis  description  than  ours,  or  can  promise  itself  greater  advan- 
tages from  their  employment.  They  are  admirably  adapted 
to  the  protection  of  our  commerce,  to  the  rapid  transmission 
of  intelligence,  and  to  the  coast  defence.  In  pursuance  of 
the  wise  policy  of  a  gradual  increase  of  our  navy,  large  sup- 
plies of  live-oak  timber,  and  other  materials  for  ship  building, 
have  been  collected,  and  are  now  under  shelter  and  in  a  state 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  20T 

of  good  preservation,  while  iron  steamers  can  be  built  with 
great  facility  in  various  parts  of  the  Union. 

The  use  of  iron  as  a  material,  especially  in  the  construction 
of  steamers,  which  can  enter  with  safety  many  of  the  harbors 
along  our  coast  now  inaccessible  to  vessels  of  greater  draught, 
and  the  practicability  of  constructing  them  in  the  interior, 
strongly  recommends  that  liberal  appropriations  should  be 
made  for  this  important  object.  Whatever  may  have  been 
our  policy  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  government,  when  the 
nation  was  in  its  infancy,  our  shipping  interests  and  commerce 
comparatively  small,  our  resources  limited,  our  population 
sparse,  and  scarcely  extending  beyond  the  limits  of  the  orig- 
inal thirteen  states,  that  policy  must  be  essentially  different 
now  that  we  have  grown  from  three  to  more  than  twenty 
millions  of  people, — that  our  commerce,  carried  in  our  own 
ships,  is  found  in  every  sea,  and  that  our  territorial  bounda- 
ries and  settlements  have  been  so  greatly  expanded.  Neither 
our  commerce,  nor  our  long  line  of  coast  on  the  ocean  and  on 
the  lakes,  can  be  successfully  defended  against  foreign  ag- 
gression by  means  of  fortifications  alone.  These  are  essential 
at  important  commercial  and  military  points,  but  our  chief 
reliance  for  this  object  must  be  on  a  well  organized,  efficient 
navy.  The  benefits  resulting  from  such  a  navy  are  not  con- 
fined to  the  Atlantic  states.  The  productions  of  the  interior 
which  seek  a  market  abroad,  are  directly  dependent  on  the 
safety  and  freedom  of  our  commerce.  The  occupation  of  the 
Balize  below  New  Orleans  by  a  hostile  force  would  embar- 
rass, if  not  stagnate,  tlie  whole  export  trade  of  the  Mississip- 
pi, and  affect  the  valley  of  the  agricultural  products  of  the 
entire  valley  of  that  miglity  river  and  its  tributaries. 

It  has  never  been  our  policy  to  maintain  large  standing 
armies  in  time  of  peace.  They  are  contrary  to  the  genius  of 
our  free  institutions,  would  impose  heavy  burdens  on  the 
people,  and  be  dangei-ous  to  pubhc  liberty.  Our  reliance  for 
protection  and  defence  on  the  land  must  be  mainly  on  our 


208  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

citizen  soldiers,  who  will  be  ever  ready,  as  they  ever  have 
been  ready  in  times  past,  to  rush  with  alacrity,  at  the  call  of 
their  country,  to  her  defence.  This  description  of  force,  how- 
ever, cannot  defend  our  coasts,  harbors,  and  inland  seas,  nor 
protect  our  commerce  on  the  ocean  or  the  lakes.  These 
must  be  protected  by  our  navy. 

Considering  an  increased  naval  force,  and  especially  of 
steam  vessels,  corresponding  with  our  growth  and  impor- 
tance as  a  nation,  and  proportioned  to  the  increasing  naval 
force  of  other  nations,  of  vast  importance  as  re^j-ards  our 
safety,  and  the  great  and  growing  interests  to  be  protected 
by  it,  I  recommend  the  subject  to  the  favorable  consideration 
of  Congress. 

The  report  of  the  Post  Master  General  herewith  commu- 
nicated, contains  a  detailed  statement  of  the  operations  of  his 
department  during  the  past  year.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
income  from  postages  will  fall  short  of  tlie  expenditures  for 
the  year  between  one  and  two  millions  of  dollars.  This  de- 
ficiency has  been  caused  by  the  reduction  of  the  rates  of 
postage,  which  was  made  by  the  act  of  the  od  of  March  last. 
No  principle  has  been  more  generally  acquiesced  in  by  the 
people  than  that  this  department  should  sustain  itself  by  lim- 
iting its  expenditures  to  its  income.  Congress  has  never 
sought  to  make  it  a  source  of  revenue  for  general  purposes, 
except  for  a  short  period  during  the  last  war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, nor  should  it  ever  become  a  charge  on  the  general  treas- 
uiy.  If  Congress  shall  adhere  to  this  principle,  as  I  think 
they  ought,  it  will  be  necessary  eitl.ei-  to  curtail  the  present 
mail  service,  so  as  to  reduce  the  expenditures,  or  so  to  mod- 
ify the  act  of  the  tliird  of  March  last  as  to  impiove  its  reve- 
nues. The  extension  of  the  mail  service,  and  tlie  additional 
facilities  which  will  be  demanded  by  tlie  rapid  extension  and 
increase  of  population  on  our  western  frontier,  will  not  admit 
of  such  curtailment  as  will  materially  reduce  tlie  present  ex- 
penditures.    In  the  adjustment  of  the  taiiff  of  postages,  the 


1845-]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  209 

interest  of  tlie  people  demand  that  the  lowest  rates  be  adopted 
which  will  produce  the  necessar}^  revenue  to  meet  the  expend- 
itures of  the  department.  I  invite  the  attention  of  Congress 
to  the  suggestions  of  the  Post  Master  General  on  this  subject, 
under  the  belief  that  such  a  modification  of  the  late  law  may- 
be made  as  Avill  yield  sufficient  revenue  without  further  calls 
on  the  treasury,  and  with  very  little  change  in  the  present 
rates  of  postage. 

Proper  measures  have  been  taken,  in  pursuance  of  the  act 
of  the  third  of  March  last,  for  the  establishment  of  lines  of 
mail  steamers  between  this  and  foreign  countries.  The  im- 
portance of  this  service  commends  itself  strongly  to  favorable 
consideration. 

With  the  growth  of  our  country,  the  public  business  which 
devolves  on  the  heads  of  the  several  Executive  Departments 
has  greatly  increased.  In  some  respects,  the  distribution  of 
duties  among  them  seems  to  be  incongruous,  and  •  many  of 
these  mio^ht  be  trans^n-red  from  one  to  another  with  advan- 
tage  to  t  JO  puMic  interests.  A  more  auspicious  time  for  the 
considerat;o:i  of  this  subject  by  Congress,  with  a  view  to  sys- 
tem in  the  organization  of  the  several  departments,  and  a 
more  appropriate  division  of  the  public  business,  will  not 
probably  occur. 

The  most  important  duties  of  the  State  Department  relate 
to  our  foreign  affairs.  By  the  great  enlargement  of  the  fami- 
ly of  nations,  the  increase  of  our  commerce,  and  the  corres- 
ponding extension  of  our  consular  system,  the  business  of  this 
department  has  been  greatly  increased.  In  its  present  or- 
ganization, many  duties  of  a  domestic  nature,  and  consisting 
of  details,  are  devolved  on*  the  Secretary  of  State,  which  do 
not  appropriately  belong  to  the  foreign  department  of  the 
government,  and  may  properly  be  transferred  to  some  othei 
department.  One  of  these  grows  out  of  the  present  state  ol 
the  law  concerning  the  Patent  Office,  which,  a  few  years  since, 
was  a  subordinate  clerkship,  but  has  become  a  distinct  bureau 


4^  210  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

of  great  importance.  With  an  excellent  internal  organization, 
it  is  still  connected  with  the  State  Department.  In  the  trans- 
action of  its  business,  questions  of  much  importance  to  in- 
ventors, and  to  the  community,  frequently  arise,  which,  by 
existing  laws,  are  referred  for  decision  to  a  board,  of  Avhich 
the  Secretary  of  State  is  a  member.  These  questions  are 
legal,  and  the  connexion  which  now  exists  between  the  State 
Department  and  the  Patent  Office,  may,  Avith  great  propriety 
and  advantage,  be  transferred  to  the  Attorney- General. 

In  his  last  annual  message  to  Congress,  Mr.  Madison  in- 
vited attention  to  a  proper  provision  for  the  Attorney- Gen- 
eral, "  as  an  important  improvement  in  the  executive  estab- 
lishment." This  recommendation  was  repeated  by  some  of 
his  successors.  The  official  duties  of  the  Attorney-General 
have  been  much  increased  within  a  few  years,  and  his  office 
has  become  one  of  great  importance.  His  duties  may  be 
still  further  increased  with  advantage  to  the  public  interests. 
As  an  executive  officer,  his  residence  and  constant  attention 
at  the  seat  of  government  are  required.  Legal  questions  in- 
volving important  principles,  and  larire  amounts  of  public 
money,  are  constantly  referred  to  him  by  the  President  and 
executive  departments  for  his  examination  and  decision.  The 
jDublic  business  under  his  official  management  before  the  judi- 
ciary has  been  so  augmented  by  the  extension  of  our  territo- 
ry, and  the  acts  of  Congress  authorizing  suits  against  the 
United  States  for  large  bodies  of  valuable  public  lands,  as- 
greatly  to  increase  his  labors  and  responsibilities.  I  therefore 
recommend  that  the  Attorney- General  be  placed  on  the  same 
footing  with  the  heads  of  the  other  executive  departments, 
witli  such  subordinate  officers,  provided  by  law  for  his  de- 
partment, as  may  be  required  to  discharg«3  the  additional  du- 
ties which  have  been  or  may  be  devolved  upon  him. 

Congress  possess  the  power  of  exclusive  legislation  over  the 
District  of  Columbia ;  and  I  commend  the  interests  of  its  in- 
habitants to  your  favorable  consideration.    The  people  of  this 


1845.]  FIRST    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  ^^^illj^ 

District  have  no  legislative  body  of  their  own,  and  must  con- 
fide their  local  as  well  as  their  general  interests  to  represent- 
atives in  whose  election  they  have  no  voice,  and  over  whose 
official  conduct  they  have  no  control.  Each  member  of  the 
National  Leo-islature  should  consider  himself  as  their  imme- 
diate  representative,  and  should  be  the  more  ready  to  give 
attention  to  their  interests  and  wants,  because  he  is  not  res- 
ponsible to  them.  I  recommend  that  a  liberal  and  generous 
spirit  may  characterize  your  measures  in  relation  to  them.  I 
shall  ever  be  disposed  to  show  a  proper  regard  for  their 
wishes;  and,  within  constitutional  limits,  shall  at  all  times 
cheerfully  cooperate  with  you  for  the  advancement  of  their 
,  welfare. 
\  I  trust  it  may  not  be  deemed  inappropriate  to  the  occasion 
for  me  to  dAvell  for  a  moment  on  the  memory  of  the  most 
eminent  citizen  of  our  country,  who,  during  the  summer  that 
is  gone  by,  has  descended  to  the  tomb.  The  enjoyment  of 
contemplating,  at  the  advanced  age  of  near  fourscore  years, 
the  happy  condition  of  his  country,  cheered  the  last  hours  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  w^ho  departed  this  life  in  the  tranquil  hope 
of  a  blessed  immortality.  His  de^th  was  happy,  as  his  life 
had  been  eminently  useful.  He  had  an  unfaltering  confidence 
in  the  virtue  and  capacity  of  the  people,  and  in  the  perma- 
nence of  that  free  government  which  he  had  largely  contrib- 
uted to  estabhsh  and  defend.  His  great  deeds  had  secured  to 
liim  the  affections  of  his  fellow- citizens,  and  it  was  his  happi- 
ness to  witness  the  growth  and  glory  of  his  country,  which  he 
loved  so  well.  He  departed  amidst  the  benedictions  of  mill- 
ions of  freemen.  The  nation  paid  its  tribute  to  his  memory 
at  his  tomb.  Coming  generations  will  learn  from  his  example 
the  love  of  country  and  the  rights  of  man.  In  his  language 
on  a  similar  occasion  to  the  present,  "  I  now  commend  you, 
fellow-citizens,  to  the  guidance  of  Almighty  God,  with  a  full 
reliance  on  His  merciful  providence  for  the  maintenance  of 
our  free  institutions ;  and  with  an  earnest  supplication,  that, 


212  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1845o 

whntever  errors^it  may  be  my  lot  to  commit  in  discharging 
the  arduous  duties  which  have  devolved  on  me,  will  find  a 
remedy  in  the  haraiony  and  wisdom  of  your  counsels.'* 

J^roiii  the  inaugural  address,  and  the  first  annual  mes- 
sage of  President  Polk,  the  reader  will  be  able  to  form  a 
pretty  correct  idea  of  the  condition  of  the  country  with 
reference  both  to  its  domestic  and  its  foreign  relations, 
and  of  the  views  and  principles  which  he  laid  down,  at 
the  outset,  for  his  guidance  in  administering  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  I  have  thought  proper  to  insert  these  papers 
here,  in  order  that  his  position  might  be  defined  in  his 
ovf'n  language, — thus  showing  more  clearly  his  apprecia- 
tion and  understanding  of  that  position. 

It  is  not  within  the  scope  or  compass  of  this  work,  to 
present  a  detailed  history  of  his  administration.  I  pro- 
pose, in'  the  first  place,  to  consider  the  more  prominent 
and  important  events  connected  with  the  foreign  relations 
of  the  American  government  at  this  period, — as  the  Ore- 
gon question,  and  the  war  with  Mexico, — and  then  to 
present  a  succinct  account  or  review  of  his  administra- 
tion. First  in  the  order  of  time  is  the  Oregon  question. 
>  Prior  to  the  year  1819,  there  were  three  claimants  to 
Oregon, — Great  Britain,  Spain,  and  the  United  States. 
The  first  at  no  time  claimed  the  exclusive  st)vereignty 
over  the  territory  to  which  there  were  so  many  conflict- 
ing titles ;  but  Spain  and  the  United  States  had  each 
maintained  an  exclusive  right,  though  the  former,  prob- 
ably on  account  of  the  protracted  war  in  Europe  and  her 
subsequent  contests  with  her  revolted  colonies  in  South 
America,  had  not  supported  her  pretensions  by  making 


1845-6. J  THE    OREGON    QUESTION.  213 

.^settlements,  or  by  permanently  occupying  the  country. 
Yet  Spain  always  claimed  the  sovereignty  over  the  whole 
nortlnvest  coast  of  America,  up  to  the  year  1819,  by  con- 
tiguity, which  is  the  right  of  one  nation  to  prevent  others 
from  occupying  contiguous  territory,  when  the  command 
of  it  is  essential  to  her  security  or  convenience.  Aside 
from  this,  the  Spanish  title  was  founded  upon  original 
discoveries,  and  it  must  be  conceded  to  have  been  better 
fortified  in  this  respect,  than  either  of  the  other  titles. 
The  first  navigator  who  ever  ascended  as  high  as  the 
43°  N.  latitude,  on  the  northvrestern  coast  of  America, 
was  Ferrelo,  a  pilot  in  the  service  of  Spain,  who  reached 
that  parallel  in  1543  ;  and  in  the  year  1592,  Juan  de 
Fuca,  a  Greek,  also  in  the  Spanish  service,  discovered 
and  sailed  throufrh  the  strait  now  bearing;  his  name.  For 
many  years  the  voyage  of  Fuca  was  considered  fabulous, 
because  repeated  efforts  were  made,  without  success,  to 
find  the  straits  which  he  described  ;  but  it  was  afterwards 
ascertained  that  his  account  corresponded -with  the  geo- 
graphical features  of  the  adjacent  country,  as  settled  by 
the  exploratio-ns  and  examinations  of  subsequent  navi- 
gators. 

For  nearly  two  centuries  the  northwest  coast  of  Amer- 
ica remained  unvisited.  In  17T4,  Bucareli,  the  viceroy 
of  Mexico,  commissioned  Juan  Perez  to  proceed,  in  a 
Spanish  corvette  called  the  Santiago,  to  the  sixtieth  de- 
gree of  north  latitude,  and  from  that  point  to  make  a 
careful  examination  of  the  coast  down  to  Mexico.  Perez 
landed  for  the  first  time,  on  the  northwest  coast  of  Queen 
Charlotte's  Island,  near  latitude  54°  N. ;'  he  then  coasted 
along  the  shore  of  that  island,  and  the  great  island  of 


214  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-6. 

Quadra  and  Vancouver,  and  thence  along  the  main  land 
to  Monterey,  in  California.  He  went  on  shore  several 
times,  and  at  diflferent  places,  and  held  intercourse  with 
the  natives.  He  was  the  first  European  navigator  that 
visited  Nootka  Sound,  in  49°  30'  N.  latitude  ;  he  anchored 
here  on  the  9th  of  August,  1774,  and  called  it  the  port 
of  San  Lorenzo.* 

In  the  following  year,  Bucareli  again  fitted  out  the 
Santiago,  and  placed  it  under  the  command  of  Bruno  He- 
ceta,  with  Perez  as  his  ensign  ;  and  also  a  schooner  called 
the  Sonora,  which  was  commanded  by  Juan  de  la  Bodega 
y  Quadra.  These  officers  were  commissioned  to  examine 
the  northwestern  coast  of  America,  as  high  as  6b°  N.  lat- 
itude. They  landed  at  various  places  on  the  coast,  be- 
tween the  41st  and  57th  parallels,  and  on  every  occasion 
took  possession  in  the  name  of  their  sovereign,  according 
to  a  prescribed  regulation ;  they  observed  all  the  usual 
formalities,  celebrated  mass,  read  declarations  asserting 
the  right  of  Spain,  and  erected  crosses,  with  suitable  in- 
scriptions, some  of  which  were  afterwards  found  by  the 
English  navigators.  Heceta  undoubtedly  saw  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  in  1775,  which  he  called  the  Entrada  de 
Heceta.  From  the  currents  and  eddies,  he  supposed  he 
had  discovered  the  mouth  of  a  large  stream,  and  after  his 
return  to  Mexico,  it  was  named  the  Rio  de  San  Roque  ; 
but  he  was  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  it  was  the  opening 
of  the  Straits  of  Fuca.  Quadra,  in  his  expedition,  ob- 
tained the  bearings  of  the  whole  coast  from  the  27°  to  the 
58°  of  north  latitude.! 

*  Humboldt's  New  Spain,  (Black's  Translation)  vol.  ii.,  p.  316,  et  seq. 
t  Humboldt,  ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


1845-6.]  ENGLISH    NAVIGATORS.  215 

By  virtue  of  these  discoveries,  Spain  laid  exclusive  claim 
to  the  northwestern  coast  of  America,  which  she  never  sur- 
rendered, either  directly  or  indirectly,  until  the  Conven- 
tion of  the  Escurial,  commonly  called  the  Nootka  Sound 
Convention,  which  was  concluded  in  1790,  through  the 
mediation  of  France.  Pending  the  negotiations  which 
preceded  this  Convention,  the  Spanish  embassador  at 
Paris,  Count  Fernan  de  Nunez,  in  n  communication  ad- 
dressed to  M.  de  Montmorin,  the  Secretary  of  the  Foreign 
department  of  France,on  the  16th  of  June,  1790,  insisted 
that  "by  the  treaties,  demarkations,  takings  of  posses- 
sion, and  the  most  decided  acts  of  sovereignty  exercised 
by  the  Spaniards  in  those  stations,  from  the  reign  of 
Charles  II.,  and  authorized  by  that  monarch  in  1692," 
all  the  coast  of  Northwestern  America,  "  on  the  side  of 
the  South  Sea  [Pacific],  as  far  as  beyond  what  is  called 
Prince  William's  Sound,  which  is  in  the  61st  degree," 
belonged  exclusively  to  Spain. 

In  1579-80,  Sir  Fra;icis  Drake,  in  cruising  along  the 
western  coast  of  America,  for  the  sole  purpose,  as  avowed 
by  his  biographers,  of  plundering  the  Spaniards,  ascended 
as  high  as  the  43d  or  48th  parallel.  Fleurieu,  in  his 
introduction  to  Marchand,  asserts  that  Drake  sailed  as 
far  north  as  48°,  ".yet  Hakluyt,  who  wrote  almost  at 
the  time  that  Drake  flourished,  informs  us,  that  he  got 
no  higher  than  43,  having  put  back  at  that  point,  from 
the  '  extreme  cold.'  "*  England  made  no  use  of  Drake's 
discovery,  though  her  ministers  were  at  one  time  inclined 
to  go  back  to  it  to  support  their  title ;   and  in  1845,  her 

*  Rush's  Residence  at  tbe  Court  of  London,  p.  606. 


216  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845. 

embassador  at  Washington,  Mr.  Pakenham,  deliberately 
abandoned  all  the  discoveries  of  England  north  of  the 
42d  degree,  prior  to  those  of  Captain  Cook,  "  as  not  suf- 
ficiently authenticated."* 

Captain  Cook  sailed  from  England  in  1TT6,  to  dis- 
cover, if  possible,  the  northwest  passage  supposed  to 
connect  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans.  The  Spanish 
discoveries  on  the  northwestern  coast  of  America  had 
already  been  made  public,  and  he  admits  in  his  journal 
that  he  had  heard  of  them.  In  1TT8,  he  saw  Cape  Flat- 
tery, but  he  did  not  know  it  w^as  the  southern  extremity 
of  the  Straits  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  and  he  never  landed  any- 
where on  the  continent  south  of  Nootka  Sound.  After 
leaving  Nootka,  he  did  not  touch  the  coast  again  till  he 
reached  57°  N.  latitude.  Such,  and  so  unimportant, 
were  the  discoveries  of  Cook.  Yet  they  constituted  the 
corner-stone  of  the  English  title',  and  we  cannot  wonder 
that  a  most  frail  superstructure  v/as  reared,  on  a  founda- 
tion so  unsubstantial. 

Another  link,  still  more  defective,  in  the  English  title, 
was  the  discovery  of  the  Straits  of  Fuca  by  Captain 
Berkeley,  a  British  subject,  in  1787.  But  Juan  de  Fuca 
had  seen  them,  and  sailed  through  them,  nearly  two  hun- 
dred years  before ;  and  besides.  Captain  Berkeley  was  in 
the  employment  of  Aii.-tiia,  and  sailed  under  her  colors. 

After  the  death  of  Captain  Cook,  his  vessels  sailed  for 
Canton,  where  the  furs  which  they  had  procured  on  the 
northwest  coast  of  America,  were  disposed  of  to  great  ad- 
vantage.    Attracted  by  the  hope   of  gain,  Lieutenant 

*  Communication  of  Mr.  Pakenham  to  Mr.  Huchanan,  July  29,  1845. 


1845-6. J      NOOTKA  SOUND  CONVENTION.         217 

Meares,  a  British  officer,  sailed  from  Macao,  with  a  few 
companions,  in  1788,  on  a  stricth^  mercantile  expedition, 
and  under  the  Portuguese  flag.  He  attempted  to  find 
the  Rio  de  San  Roque,  or  Columbia  River,  as  it  was  in 
a  few  years  called  ;  but  after  considerable  examination, 
he  denied  the  existence  of  the  stream,  and  named  the 
northern  cape  of  the  bav  at  its  mouth,  Cape  Disappoint- 
ment. He  esta-blished  himself  and  his  companions  at 
Nootka  Sound,  and  commenced  trading  with  the  Indians 
for  furs.  When  the  Viceroy  of  ]\Iexico  heard  of  his  pro- 
ceedings, he  dispatched  Martinez,  a  Spanish  officer,  with 
three  armed  vessels,  with  orders  to  drive  off  the  intrud- 
ers. This  was  done  in  May,  1789.  Martinez  seized 
Meares'  vessels  and  took  his  men  prisoners  ;  and  he  also 
erected  a  fort  at  Nootka. 

Spain  then  demanded   satisfaction  for  this  intrusion 
upon  her  possessions,  and  England  met  the  demand  by  a 
claim  for  redress  for  the  injury  to  Meares  and  his  prop- 
erty.    After    some    display   of    warlike    preparations, 
through  the  mediation  of  France,  the  two  governments 
united  in  the  Convention  of  the  Escurial,  or  the  Nootka 
Sound  Convention,  which  was  concluded  on  the  28th  of 
October,   1790.     By  this  convention  it  Was  stipulated, 
that  the  buildings  and  tracts  of  land  of  which  Meares  had 
been  dispossessed,  should  be  restored ;  that  the  respect- 
ive subjects  of  England  and  Spain  should  not  be  disturbed 
in  navigating  or  fishing  in  the  Pacific  or  in  the  South 
Seas,  or  in  landing  on  the  coast  of  those  seas  in  places 
not  already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of  commerce  with 
the  natives,  or  of  making  settlement  there  ;  and  that  in 
all  places  on  the  coast  north  of  38°,  wherever  the  subjects 
10 


218  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-6. 

of  either  nation  should  thereafter  make  settlements,  the 
subjects  of  the  other  were  to  have  free  access.* 

Viewed  in  connection  with  the  origin  of  the  difficulty 
between  England  and  Spain,  which  was  settled  by  the 
Nootka  Convention,  the  object  of  that  agreement  was  ob- 
vious. England  desired  to  protect  her  subjects  engaged 
in  the  fur  trade,  and  the  settlements  referred  to  were  cer- 
tainly nothing  more  than  trading  posts  or  establishments. 
She  made  no  claim  of  sovereignty  over  the  territory,  nor 
did  Spain  on  the  other  hand  yield  any  rights  which  she 
had  acquired  by  her  prior  discoveries. 

Immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Nootka  Con- 
vention, Captain  Vancouver  was  dispatched  by  the  British 
government,  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  buildings  and 
tracts  of  land  of  which  Meares  and  his  companions  had 
been  dispossessed.  A  hut  was  oiTorcd  to  him  which  he- 
refused  to  take,  and  he  then  left  Nootka  Sound  in  the 
possession  of  the  Spaniards,  who  remained  there  till 
1795,  when  they  voluntarily  abandoned  the  place.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  any  lands  were  ever  restored  to 
Meares  ;  Vancouver  makes  no  mention  of  it  in  his  jour- 
nal ;  and  the  presumption  is  strong,  therefore,  against 
it.  One  thing  is  certain,  however, — that  the  British 
never  again  reoccupied  Nootka  Sound,  until  the  Oregon 
question  was  finally  settled.  ^ 

Additional  instructions  were  given  to  Captain  Van- 
couver, to  survey  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  under 
which  he  subsequently  performed  the  ridiculous  farce  of 
taking  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  his  government. 
He  sailed  round  Vancouver's  Island,  to  which,  by  an 

*  Articles  1,  3,  5. 


1845-6.1  CAPTAIN    VANCOUVER.  219 


understanding  with  the  Spanish  navigator,  the  joint  name 
of  "  Quadra  and  Vancouver"  Avas  given.  He  took  pos- 
session, in  the  first  place,  of  the  coast  from  latitude  39° 
20'  N.  to  the  straits  of  Fuca,  and  afterward,  from  the 
straits  to  the  59th  parallel.  This  assumption  of  sover- 
eignty was  totally  inconsistent  with  the  Nootka  Sound 
Convention ;  and  its  absurdity  was  so  manifest,  that 
when  Mexico  extended  her  settlements  into  the  territory 
on  the  south,  and  Russia  on  the  north,  England  uttered 
not  a  word  of  complaint. 

While  Vancouver  was  upon  the  coast,  he  encountered 
Captain  Robert  Gray,  an  American  trader,  on  the  29th 
of  April,  1792,  who  informed  him  that  ha*  (Gray)  had 
discovered  the  mouth  of  a  large  river,  to  Avhich  he  had 
given  the  name  of  his  vessel,  the  Columbia,  but  was 
unable  to  enter  it.  Vancouver  disbelieved  the  account 
he  heard,  but  Gray  returned  to  the  river  and  succeeded 
in  entering  it.  Subsequent  to  this,  Vancouver  obtained 
copies  of  Gray's  charts,  at  Noot.ka  Sound,  by  the  aid  of 
which  he  found  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  and  sent 
Lieutenant  Broughton  to  explore  it,  who  went  up  to  the 
rapids,  about  one  hundred  miles,  in  his  cutter.    ' 

There  is  one  important  fact  connected  with  the  dis- 
coveries on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  which  shows 
the  weakness  of  the  claims  of  Great  Britain,  and  the 
efforts  of  her  navigators  to  eke  out  their  title  by  infer- 
ence and  presumption.  Wherever  they  found  that  a 
Spanish  name  had  been  given  to  a  place,  they  were  ex- 
tremely careful  to  substitute  an  English  one,  in  accord- 
ance  with  the  custom,  says  M.  de  Mofras,  "  of  British 
navigators,  who  never  fail  to  substitute  English  names  for 


220  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1845. 

those  previously  given  by  discoverers  belonging  to  other 
nations."*  Thus  the  name  of  New  Albion  was  given 
to  California ;  and  thus  Cook  changed  Cape  Blanco  to 
Cape  Gregory,  and  the  port  of  San  Lorenzo  to  King 
George's  Sound, — and  Vancouver,  Cape  Diligencias  to 
Cape  Oxford,  and  the  Canal  of  Rosario  to  the  Gulf  of 
Georgia. 

But  whatever  rights  England  might  have  acquired  in 
Orecjon,  under  the  Nootka  Sound  Convention,  the  war 
between  her  and  Spain,  in  1796,  terminated  that  con- 
vention, and  it  was  never  again  revived,  as  it  could  not 
have  been  without  an  express  agreement  entered  into  be- 
tween the  original  parties.  By  the  additional  articles  to 
the  treaty  of  Madrid,  concluded  in  August,  1814,  it  was 
indeed  provided,  that,  pending  the  negotiation  of  a  new 
treaty  of  commerce,  Great  Britain  should  be  admitted  to 
trade  with  Spain  upon  the  same  conditions  as  those  which 
existed  previously  to  1796, — all  preexisting  treaties  of 
commerce  being  ratified  and  confirmed.  The  Nootka 
Convention,  however,  was  not  a  commercial  one  ;  it  was 
simply  a  reciprocal  agreement  not  to  interfere  in  trading 
with  the  Indians  for  furs  ;  and  it  was  not  therefore  re- 
vived. Furthermore,  the  stipulation  in  the  additional 
articles  had  reference  only  to  the  direct  trade  with 
Spain  ;  for  that  government  never  conceded  the  privilege 
of  trading  with  her  colonies,  except  in  a  single  instance, 
which  was  soon  abrogated ;  and  this  position  is  conclu- 
sively established  by  the  fact,  that  in  this  very  treaty  of 
1814,  Great  Britam  procured  the  insertion  of  a  provision, 

*  Exploration  du  Territoire  de  I'Oregon,  des  Californies,  etc.,  torn,  ii.,  p- 
138 


1845-6.]  THE    ENGLISH    CLAKM.  221 

tliait  if  the  colonial  possessions  of  Spain  were  opened  to 
foreign  nations,  she  should  be  placed  on  a  footing  with 
the  most  favored  countries. 

So  weak  was  the  title  based  upon  the  Nootka  Conven- 
tion, that  the  British  Commissioners  in  1818  never  even 
referred  to  it,  or  claimed  any  rights  whatsoever  under 
it ;  yet,  in  1826,  the  negotiators,  Messrs.  Huskisson  and 
Addington,  rested  the  English  claim  mainly  upon  this 
Convention,  which  had  been  terminated  by  the  war  of 
1796,  and  never  revived. 

In  addition  to  the  discoveries  alleged  to  have  been 
made  by  sea,  England  based  her  title  partly  on  those 
made  overland.  In  1793,  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie, 
being  then  in  the  employ  of  the  North-west  Company, 
discovered  Frazer's  river,  and  descended  it  for  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  ;  he  then  struck  ofi"  to  the  west,  and 
reached  the  Pacific  ocean  in  latitude  52^  20'.  But  it 
must  be  remembered,  that  the  Nootka  Sound  Convention 
was  at  this  time  in  full  force,  and  that  Mackenzie  was  in 
the  service  of  a  fur  company,  and  looking  for  favorable 
points  at  which  to  open  a  trade  with  the  Indians,  as 
English  subjects  were  authorized  to  do  by  that  Conven- 
tion. In  1806,  Frazer,  a  partner  of  the  North-west 
Company,  established  a  trading  post  on  a  small  lake, 
called  Frazer's  lake,  near  the  54th  parallel ;  but  he 
never  approached  the  branches  of  the  Columbia  river, 
and  never  saw  it  till  after  Astoria  was  establisheti. 
Frazer's  post  was  the  first  permanent  establishment  ever 
made  by  the  Nor tli- west  Company,  or  by  British  sub- 
jects, west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.*     In  1811,  a  per- 

*  Harmon's  Journal  of  Voyages  and  Travels. 


222  ^  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  fl845-6« 

son  by  the  name  of  Thompson,  the  astronomer  of  the 
North-west  Company,  in  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  an- 
ticipate Mr.  Astor  in  establishing  a  post  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia,  discovered  the  main  northern  branch  of  that 
stream,  and  erected  some  huts  on  its  banks.  Mr.  Astor 
subsequently  transferred  his  establishment  to  the  North- 
west Company ;  and  the  latter  was  afterward  united 
with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  Ttiis  last  company 
had  two  establishments  in  Oregon — one  at  Vancouver, 
on  the  Columbia  river,  and  the  other  at  Fort  Nisqually, 
on  Puget's  Sound — when  the  boundary  question  was  de- 
termined. 

These  discoveries,  treaties,  and  settlements,  constitu- 
ted-the  basis  and  support  of  the  English  claim  to  Oregon. 
-Contrasted  with  the  Spanish  discoveries,  those  made  by 
the  navigators  of  Great  Britain  appear  paltry  and  incon- 
siderable in  the  extreme  ;  and  in  regard  to  the  priority  of 
the  former,  there  cannot  be  a  doubt.  But  one  treaty 
ever  existed,  under  which  England  could  have  derived 
any  title  ;  this  was  the  Nootka  Sound  Convention,  which, 
after  the  war  of  1796,  had  no  force  or  eifect.  The  only 
establishments  or  settlements  made  by  British  subjects, 
were  so  made,  either  under  the  Nootka  Sound  Convention, 
or  by  the  North-west  and  Hudson's  Bay  Companies.  The 
settlements  made  by  those  companies  were  never  consid- 
ered as  national  possessions.  On  the  contrary,  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  which  succeeded  to  the  rights  of 
both,  was  not  authorized  by  the  act  of  parliament  under 
which  its  charter  was  granted,*  nor  by  the  charter  itself, 
to  make  permanent  settlements  of  a  national  character 

*  1  and  2  George  IV.,  cap.  68. 


1845-6. J  THE    AMERICAN    TITLE.  223 

to  grant  lands  or  to  hold  them  ;  but  only  to  enjoy  the 
right  of  trading  with  the  Indians,  to  the  exclusion  of  other 
British  subjects.*  If,  therefore,  Spain  failed  to  support 
her  rights  acquired  by  prior  discovery,  by  occupancy 
"within  a  reasonable  time,  England,  on  the  other  hand,  did 
not  secure  "  the  real  possession'-  soon  after  discovery,  ne- 
cessary to  have  her  sovereignty  acknowledged  by  the  law 
of  nations. t 

The  American  title  was  based  on  discovery,  treaty, 
settlement,  and  coiitiiiiii;y.  For  several  years  prior  to 
1792,  Robert  Gray,  of  Boston,  the  captain  of  a  merchant 
vessel  sailing  under  the  American  flag,  was  employed  in 
trading  with  the  Indians  on  the  northwest  coast  of  Ameri- 
ca. He  landed  and  made  discoveries  and  explorations  at 
various  points.  In  June,  1789,  he  explored  the  whole 
eastern  coast  of  Queen  Charlotte's  Islatid.  In  the  au- 
tumn of  that  year,  Capt.  John  Kendrick,  also  an  Ameri- 
can, sailed  through  the  Straits  of  Fuca.  Early  in  1791, 
Gray  returned  to  the  northern  Pacific  in  the  ship  Colum- 
bia, and  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  summer,  he  examin- 
ed many  inlets  and  passages  between  54^^  and  d6°  north 
latitude.  In  April,  1792,  he  satisfied  himself  of  the  ex- 
istence of  th,e  great  river  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
his  vessel.  After  his  interview  with  Vancouver,  he  dis- 
covered Bullfinch's  harbor,  on  the  7th  of  May,  1792 ; 
and  on  the  11th  instant,  he  again  saw  the  mighty  Colum- 
bia rolling  its  broad  flood  of  waters  into  the  Pacific. 

He  succeeded  in  entering  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and 
was  the  first  white  navigator  that  ever  crossed  the  bar. 

■■*■  Hudson's  Bay  Compauy  Charters — House  of  Commons,  No.  547, 1842. 
t  Vattel,  Book  i..  cap.  18. 


224  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-6. 

This  he  accomplished  in  safetv,  with  the  American  flao^ 
flying  at  the  mast-liead  of  his  vessel.  He  then  sailed  up 
the  channel  a  distance  of  twenty-five  miles,  and  remain- 
ed in  the  stream  nine  days  engaged  in  trading  with  the 
Indians.  Capt.  Gray,  it  is  true,  did  not  command  a  na- 
tional vessel,  but  he  carried  the  national  flag ;  and  if  his 
discoveries  amounted  to  nothing  more,  they  prevented 
other  nations  from  acquiring  any  rights  by  subsequent 
discoveries.  But  an  American  merchantman,  sailincr  un- 
der  her  proper  flag,  is  regarded  as  a  part"  and  parcel  of 
our  soil ;  an  putrage  committed  on  her,  in  whatsoever 
clime,  is  an  outrage  on  the  nation  ;  if  she  violates  a  trea- 
ty or  convention  with  other  countries,  she  is  amenable  to 
our  laws ;  and  if  she  makes  discoveries,  why  should  they 
not  enure  to  the  benefit  of  the  country  that  afibrds  her 
protection,  and  to  which  she  owes  allegiance  ? 
-y  Upon  the  discoveries  made  by  Gray,  the  American 
government  founded  their  claim  to  Oregon  ;  and  they  in- 
sisted, more  particularly,  on  their  title  to  the  territory 
drained  by  the  Columbia,  the  existence  of  which  he  was 
the  first  positively  to  establish.  This  territory  extends 
from  about  the  42^  to  the  53"  N.  latitude.  The  rio^ht  to 
a  country  thus  drained  by  a  river,  on  the  discovery  of  its 
mouth,  had  been  previously  claimed  by  England  and 
France,  on  various  occasions.* 

In  1803,  the  American  claim  was  strengthened  by  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana  from  France.  The  boundaries  of 
this  purchase,  so  far  as  Spain  was  concerned,  were  some- 

*  Charters  of  Elizabeth  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  in  1578,  and  to  Sir 
Walter  Pualeigh  in  1584 ;  of  James  I.  to  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  in  1606  and 
1607 ;  Georgia  Charter,  1732  ;  and  charter  of  Louis  XIV.  to  Crozat,  1712. 


\ 


1845-6. J  OVERLAND    DISCOVERY,    ETC.  225 

v.-liat  indefinite  ;  but  by  the  treaty  of  1763,  between  Eng- 
land and  France,  under  which  the  former  now  holds  her 
Canadian  possessions.,  it  was  agreed  that  for  the  future, 
the  confines  between  the  British  and  French  dominions 
in  that  part  of  the  world,  should  "  be  fixed  irrevocably 
hy  a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
from  its  source  to  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  thence  by 
a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  this  river,  and  the  lakes 
jNIaurepas  and  Pontchartrain,  to  the  sea."  By  this  trea- 
ty. Great  Britain  surrendered  all  claim  and  title  to  the 
territory  lying  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Pacific, 
and  south  of  its  source,  or  the  49th  parallel  ;  and  when 
the  United  States  acquired  the  rights  of  France,  in  1803, 
they  had  a  complete  title  by  continuity,  if  not  otherwise, 
as  against  any  country  except  Spain,  to  that  territory, — 
th.at  is,  as  against  England,  they  had  a  right  to  extend 
themselves  to  the  Pacific  ocean.  This  title  by  continui- 
ty was  no  mere  assumption.  It  has  repeatedly  been  as- 
serted on  the  discovery  of  new  countries  ;  at  the  time  of 
the  colonization  of  North  America,  it  was  insisted  that  a 
settlement  on  the  Atlantic  coast  gave  a  claim  across  the 
continent ;  and  the  enlarged  charter  of  the  first  colony  of 
Virginia  granted  the  territory  from  sea  to  sea. 

Overland  discoveries  were  also  made  by  the  American 
government.  In  1804-5,  Lewis  and  Clarke,  under  the 
orders  of  President  Jefierson,  explored  the  Colum-bia  river 
from  its  sources  to  its  niouth, — thus  strengthening  the 
claim  derived  from  tlie  discovery  of  the  river  by  Gray, 
and  confirming  the  title  by  continuity.  Previous  to  1810, 
Mr.  Henry,  an  agent  of  the  Missouri  Fur  Company, 
established  a  trading  post  on  the  bank  of  Lewis  river, 
9* 

# 


226  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1845-6. 

bA  was  compelled  to  abandon  it,  on  account  of  the  hos- 
tility of  the  ladians,  and  the  want  of  provisions.  In  the 
month  of  March,  1811,  Astoria  was  founded  near  tho 
mouth  of  the  Columbia,  by  John  Jacob  Astor,  of  New 
York,  who  built  a  small  fort  there  for  the  protection  of  the 
settlement.  Other  trading  posts  for  procuring  furs  were 
shortly  after  established  along  the  banks  of  the  river,  for 
six  hundred  and  fifty  miles  above  its  mouth.  Fearing 
for  the  safety  of  the  property  of  the  American  Fur  Com- 
pany, on  account  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  the 
encroachments  of  the  North-west  Company,  Mr.  Astor 
transferred  it  to  tlie  latter,  by  sale,  on  the  16th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1813.  This  transfer  embraced  private  property 
only,  and  conveyed  no  title  to  land  or  jurisdiction.  The 
American  flag  was  kept  flying  on  the  fort  till  the  1st  of 
December,  1813,  when  .the  place  surrendered  to  a  British 
sloop-of-war.  The  British  standard  was  then  hoisted  ; 
and  this  was  the  first  act  of  occupancy,  by  authority,  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain.  The  post,  called  by  the  Brit- 
ish Fort  George,>was  restored  to  the  United  States  under 
the  treaty  of  Ghent,  when  the  English  flag  was  struck, 
and  the  stars  and  stripes  once  jnore  unfurled  in  its  stead. 
This  certainly  was  an  exercise  of  sovereignty  on  the  part 
of  the  American  government,  and  an  acknowledgment  of 
it  by  England,  although  it  was  afterward  claimed  by  the 
latter,  that  she  had  only  given  up  the  possession,  but  had 
reserved  the  question  of  title. 

Astoria  was  subsequently  abandoned  by  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  but  a  number  of  missionary  and  other  settlements 
were  made  in  Oregon  at  a  later  day,  by  American  citi- 
zens, ai>d  j'nder  the  auspices,  and  with  the  consent,  of 


1845-6.]  TREATIES    WITH    RUSSIA.  227 

their  government ;  and  in  the  year  1845,  there  were  from 
one  thousand  to  fifteen  hundred  of  that  class  of  inhabit- 
ants residing  in  the  territory,  while  of  British  subjects 
there  were  less  than  five  hundred. 

Previous  to  this  time,  the  American  claim  had  been 
completed  by  the  acquisition  of  all  the  rights  of  Spain 
above  the  42d  parallel,  which  were  conveyed  to  the 
United  States  by  the  Florida  treaty,  in  1819.  Thus 
had  the  latter  inherited  all  the  claims  of  France  and 
Spain,  and  superadde^d  them  to  her  own.  Conflicting  as 
these  different  titles  may  appear,  in  some  respects,  a 
third  party,  like  England,  had  no  right  to  complain.  If 
the  American  title,  previous  to  1819,  was  not  good  against 
the  prior  discoveries  of  Spain  and  her  claim  by  contigu- 
ity, this  gave  England  no  right  to  dispute  the  titles  when 
united.  * 

While  other  nations  were  laying  the  foundation  for 
future  claims  to  sovereignty  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
America,  Russian  navigators  and  traders  had  also  made 
discoveries  and  settlements  in  northern  Oregon.  Colli- 
sions being  likely  to  occur  with  Russia,  an  effort  was 
made  to  conclude  a  joint  convention  with  England  and 
the  United  States.  The  effort  failed,  and  each  govefn- 
ment  treated  separately.  In  1824,  the  United  States 
stipulated  with  Russia,  that  the  latter  should  confine  her 

*  For  the  history  of  the  Oregon  question  and  negotiations,  see  Greenhow's 
flistory  of  Oregon  and  California,  and  Memoir  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of 
N'orth  America  ;  Falconer  on  the  Discovery  of  the  Mississippi  and  on  the 
Southwestern,  Oregon,  and  Northern  Boundary  of  the  United  States ; 
Dunn's  History  of  the  Oregon  Territory ;  R,ush's  Residence  at  the  Court 
of  London;  Doc.  199— 1st  session  20th  Congress ;  and  Documents  accom- 
panying the  President's  annual  message,  December,  1845. 


228  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845-(D'. 

settlements  to  the  north  of  54°  40',  and  in  1825  England 
and  Russia  established  the  same  boundary  line  between 
their  dominions. 

Various  unsuccessful  efforts  were  made  by  England 
and  the  United  States,  subsequent  to  the  war  of  1812,  to 
determine  their  respective  rights  in  the  Oregon  territory. 
In  1818,  the  American  govemment  ■  proposed  to  divide 
the  country  by  the  49th  parallel,  and  England  asked  the 
Columbia  river  as  the  boundary  west  of  the  point  at 
which  the  49th  parallel  intersecte4  that  stream.  As 
neither  party  was  inclined  to  yield,  a  convention  was  en- 
tered into-on  the  20th  of  October,  1818,  by  which  it  was 
agreed  that  the  whole  country  should  "  be  free  and  open 
for  the  term  of  ten  years  "  from  the  date  thereof,  ^'  to 
the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects,  of  thfe  two  powers," 
without  prejudice  to  the  cla-im  of  either  of  the  contracting 
parties.*  In  1824,  similar  propositions  for  a  settlement 
of  the  question  by  the  partition  of  the  territory  were 
made,  but  again  rejected. 

In  1826,  Mr.  Gallatin,  the  American  minister  at  the 
Court  of  St.  James,  proposed  a  modification  of  the  offer 
made  in  1818,  and  repeated  in  1824, — that  the  49th 
parallel  should  be  adopted  as  the  boundary,  subject  to 
deviations  according  to  the  accidents  of  the  country,  and 
if  that  line  crossed  any  navigable  tributaries  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, then  the  navigation  of  such  tributaries,  and  of 
the  main  river,  should  be  open  to  British  subjects. 
Messrs.  Huskisson  and  Addington,  the  English  negotiat- 
ors, adhered  to  the  Columbia  as  the  general  boundary, 
but  offered  to  the  United  States  a  detached  peninsula, 

*  Article  3rd. 


1845-6.]  NEGOTIATIONS.  229 

bounded  on  the  south  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  from  Hood's 
inlet,  or  canal,  to  Bullfinch's  harbor,  on  the  east  by  the 
inlet,  on  the  north  by  the  Straits  of  Fuca,  and  on  the 
west  by  the  Pacific  ocean,— thus  giving  up  the  southern 
coast  of  the  straits  and  several  of  the  best  harbors  with- 
in them  ;  and  they  proposed  further,  that  a  strip  of  land, 
along  the  northern  bank  of  the  Columbia,  should  remain 
neutral.  Mr.  Gallatin  refused  to  make  any  greater  con- 
cession than  he  liad  oifered^  and  the  negotiation  terminated 
for  the  time  in  the  convention  of  August  6th,  1827,  by 
which  the  third  article  of  the  convention  of  1818  was 
indefinitely  extended,  and  continued  in  force,  subject  to 
the  proviso,  that  either  government  might  annul  and  ab- 
rogate the  convention,  at  any  time  after  the  20th  of 
October,  1828,  on  giving  due  notice  of  twelve  months  to 
the  other  contracting  party.* 

During  these  negotiations,  and  up  to  the  final  arrange- 
ment, the  British  government,  through  her  ministers  and 
representatives,  never  claimed  the  exclusive  sovereignty, 
but  denied  that  it  belonged  to  the  United  States,  and  in- 
sisted only  on  her  right  of  joint  occupancy  and  settlement, 
predicating  it,  after  the  attempt  to  negotiate  in  1818,  on 
the  Nootka  Sound  Convention. 

At  the  time  of  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  of  Wash- 
ington, in  1842,  the  Oregon  question  was  not  considered 
or°brought  forward  by  Lord  Ashburton,  the  ^  representa- 
tive of  Great  Britain,  lest  it  might  impede  the  settlement 
of  the  northeastern  boundary-!  Meanwhile  Oregon  was 
being  rapidly  populated  by  American  citizens,  many  of 

*  Doc  199— Ist  session,  20th  Congress. 

t  Dispatch  of  Lord  Aberdeeu  to  Mr.  Fox,  October  18,  1S42. 


230  JAMt.J   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-6. 

them  the  friends  and  relatives  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
western  states.  In  that  section  of  the  Union,  therefore, 
loud  and  frequent  complaints  were  heard  at  the  neglect 
of  the  American  negotiator,  Mr.  Webster,  to  insist  upon 
tlie  settlement  of  both  questions  ;  while  at  the  north  it 
•  was  said,  that  he  had  been  outwitted  by  Lord  Ashburton, 
and  had  unnecessarily  sacrificed  a  portion  of  the  territory 
of  Maine.  The  democratic  party  generally  advocated 
giving  the  notice  to  Great  Britain  provided  for  by  the 
Convention  of  1827.  In  the  28th  Congress  efforts  were 
made  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  resolution  requiring  the 
notice  to  be  given,  but  they  failed  of  success. 
V^  The  Baltimore  Convention,  as  has  been  seen,  resolved 
that  the  American  title  to  the  whole  of  Orcf^jon  was 
"  clear  and  unquestionable,"  and  that  its  reoccupation 
was  a  measure  eminently  worthy  of  support.  Mr.  Polk 
was  pledged  to  maintain  this  resolution  ;  but  onlj^  so  far 
as  comported  with  the  general  sentiment  of  the  nation, 
and  as  was  required  by  a  due  regard  for  the  preservation 
of  the  national  honor  and  dignity.  His  individual  opin- 
ions accorded  with  the  resolution.  In  a  speech  delivof- 
ed  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  29th  t)f 
December,  1828,  he  defended  the  American  claii^^o 
51°  40'  ;  and  in  his  letter  accepting  the  Baltimore 
nomination,  in  his  inaugural  address,  and  in  his  first  an- 
nual message,  he  asserted,  in  unequivocal  terms,  his  firm 
conviction,  that  tlie  title  to  Oregon  was  indisputable.  Ih 
liis  opinion,  Great  Britain  was  precluded,  by  the  treaty 
of  1763,  from  asserting  a  claim  to  any  territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi  and  south  of  the  49th  parallel,  if  any  «he 
had  previously  had ;  and  by  the    Spanish  and  American 


1845-6.]  AMERICAN    ULTIMATUM.  231 

discoveries,  and  tlie  treaty  of  1819,  the  American  govern- 
ment had  acquired  a  perfect  and  absolute  right  of  sover- 
eignty over  the  whole  territory  as  limited  on  the  north  by 
the  convention  with  Russia. 

But  when  he  assumed  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment, he  found  that  his  predecessor,  in  deference  to  the 
expressions  of  the  popular  will,  had  opened  a  negotiation 
with  the  British  government  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
Oregon  question.  This  negotiation  was  commenced  and 
conducted,  as  appears  by  the  first  protocol,  dated  on  the 
23d  of  August,  1844,  "  with  a  view  to  establish  a  per- 
manent, boundary  betvreen  the  two  countries,  westward  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  to  the  Pacific  ocean."*  The  ne- 
gotiation thus  opened  by  Mr.  Callioun,  Secretary  of  State 
under  Mr.  Tyler,  was  continued  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
can government  by  Mr.  Buchanan.  Had  the  question 
been  a  new  one,.  Mr.  Polk  would  have  promptly  insisted >/^ 
on  the  American  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  but  as  those 
who  had  preceded  him  in  the  executive  chair  had  repeat- 
edly offered  to  compromise,  and  as  the  avowed  object  of 
tli^S' negotiation  was  to  fix  upon  a  boundary,  he  instruct- 
ed Mr.  Buchanan  to  propose  that  the  Oregon  territory 
should  be  divided  between  the  two  governments  by  the 
•ii'th  parallel,  offering  at  the  same  time  to  make  free  to 
Great  Britain  any  port  or  ports  on  Vancouver's  Island 
south  of  that  parallel  which  she  might  desire.  This  was 
Uie  ultimatum  of  the  American  government,  and  it  was 
not  intended  to  vary  from  it,  except  that  slight  deviations 
required  by  the  geographical  character  of  the  country 
mio;ht  be  made. 

*  Documents  accompanying  the  President's  Annual  Message,  Dec,  1845. 


232  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1845-6. 

Mr.  Buchanan  communicated  the  proposition  directed 
to  be  made  bj  the  President,  to  Mr.  Pakenham,  the 
British  negotiator,  on  the  12th  of  July,  1845.  \Vithout 
consulting  his  government,  the  latter  rejected  the  propo- 
sition on  the  29th  instant,  and  oftered  to  submit  the  ques- 
tion to  arbitration.  On  the  30th  of  August,  Mr.  Bucha- 
nan replied  to  Mr.  Pakenham,  in  a.  masterly  communi- 
catic-ii,  conclusively  establishing  the  American  title  to  the 
territory,  declining  to  arbitrate  a  question  so  clear,  with- 
drawing the  offer  to  compromise,  and  insisting  on  the 
claim  to  the  parallel  of  54°  40'.* 
^  Congress  now  assembled,  and  the  President  laid  the 
Oregon  correspondence  before  that  body  in  connection 
with  his  annual  message,  with  the  recommendation  that  a 
resolution  should  be  passed  giving  notice  of  the  termina- 
tion of  the  joint  occupation  of  the  territory,  at  the  expi- 
ration of  one  year,  in  accordance  with  the  convention  of 
1827.  Resolutions  w.ere  accordingly  passed  in  both 
Houses  directing  the  notice  to  be  given, — in  the  House, 
by  a  vote  of  163  to  54,  the  venerable  John  Quincy  Adams 
heading  the  list  of  the  majorit}^ ;  and  in  the  Senate,  by  a 
vote  of  38  to  14.  The  House  resolution  directed  the 
President  to  cause  the  notice  to  be  given,  but  that  of  the 
Senate  merely  authorized  him  to  give  the  notice,  at  his 
discretion.  A  disagreement  thus  existing,  committees  of 
conference  were  appointed,  and  the  resolution  of  the  Sen- 
ate, substantially,  was  finally  adopted.  The  President 
promptly  caused  the  notice  to  be  given. 

From  this  time  the  question  assumed  a  more  serious 
aspect,  and  it  appeared  highl}^  probable  that  a  collision 

*  Documents  accompanying  the  President's  Annual  ]Mcs.sagej  Dec,  1845. 


1845-6.]      CONCLUSION  OF  THE  TREATY.        233 

would  take  place  between  the  two  governments.  The 
British  ministr}^,  however,  were  assured  bj  the  tone  and 
temper  of  the  debates  in  Congress,  and  bj  advices  from 
private  individuals,  that  the  American  people  would  pre- 
sent a  united  front,  if  war  should  come,  in  defence  of  their 
claim  to  Oregon ;  and  that,  if  they  desired  to  compromise 
the  question,  further  propositions  must  come  from  them, 
and  must  be  made  without  delay.  Influenced  by  these 
considerations,  on  the  18th  of  May,  1846,  Lord  Aberdeen, 
the  British  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  instructed  Mr. 
Pakenham  to  propose,  that  the  northern  boundary  line 
should  be  continued  westward  from  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
along  the  49th  parallel  to  the  channel  separating  the  con- 
tinent from  Vancouver's  Island,  and  then  through  the 
middle  of  the  channel,  and  of  the  straits  of  Fuca,  to  the 
Pacific  ocean  ;  with  the  proviso  that  the  navigation  of  the 
channel  and  straits,  south  of  the  49th  parallel,  should  re- 
main free  and  open  to  both  parties  ;  and  with  the  further 
stipulation,  that  the  main  northern  branch  of  the  Colum- 
bia, and  the  main  river  itself,  should  be  free  and  open  to 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  to  all  British  subjects 
trading  with  them.  This  proposition  was  duly  submitted 
to  the  American  government  on  the  6th  of  June  following. 
So  thoroughly  convinced  was  Mr.  Polk,  that  the  Amer- 
ican title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  "  clear  and  unques- 
tionable," that  if  he  alone  had  been  responsible,  he  would 
have  instantly  declined  to  surrender  any  portion  of  the 
territory.  But  by  former  negotiations  the  government 
appeared  to  be  committed  to  an  equitable  division,  and 
a  decided  majority  of  Congress  were  avowedly  favor- 
able to  a  compromise.     There  was,  too,  a  new  considera- 


234  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-6. 

tion  connected  with  the  question, — one  of  policy  and  ex- 
pediency, motives  which  always  have,  and  which  always 
should,  with  some  limitations,  control  the  action  of  na- 
tions and  individuals. — Upper  Oregon  and  the  island  of 
Vancouver  were  comparatively  valueless,  except  for  the 
excellent  harbors  within  the  straits  of  Fuca,  which  were 
the  only  safe  and  easily  accessible  ones  in  the  whole  ter- 
ritory. Those  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  straits  were, 
indeed,  to  belong  to  the  United  States  under  tlie  British 
proposition  ;  but  war  now  existed  with  Mexico,  and  as 
that  country  was  largely  indebted  to  American  citizens, 
and  was  confessedly  bankrupt,  Mr.  Polk,  as  a  wise  and 
sagacious  statesman,  could  not  but  have  foreseen  that  the 
contest  would  termina,te  in  the  acquisition,  as  a  satisfac- 
tion for  the  American  claims  and  the  expenses  of  the 
war,  of  a  large  portion  of  contiguous  territory,  in  which 
was  embraced  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  the  finest  har- 
bor on  the  Pacific  coast. 

Acting  therefore  in  conformity  to  the  example  of 
Washington  with  respect  to  the  Jay  treaty,  Mr.  Polk 
^  submitted  the  proposition  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Senate, 
as  being  composed  of  his  constitutional  advisers  in  the 
conclusion  of  treaties  with  foreign  powers.  He  stated, 
at  the  same  time,  that  his  individual  opinion  was  in  favor 
of  supporting  the  American  claim  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon ;  and  that  if  the  Senate  did  not  advise  the  acceptance 
of  the  proposition,  by  the  constitutional  majority  required 
for  the  ratification  of  treaties,  he  should  consider  it  his 
duty  to  reject  the  ofier.* 

The  Senate  by  a  vote  of  41  to  14,  advised  the  accept- 

*  Special  Message  and  Accompanying  Documents,  June  10, 1846. 


1845-6.1  CONCLUSION    OF    THE    TREATY. 


235 


ance  of  the  terms  proposed  by  the  British  government, 
on  the  12th  of  June,  1816,  with  the  understanding,  as 
officially  stated  by  Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Pakenham, 
prior  to  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  that  the  right  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  to  navigate  the  Columbia  would  ,, 
expire  with  their  license  to  trade  on  the  northwest  coast 
of  America,  on  the  30th  of  May,  1859.*  The  treaty 
prepared  in  accordance  with  the  proposition  of  Mr.  Pak- 
enham, was  then  signed  by  him  and  Mr.  Buchanan  on 
the  loth  day  of  June,  and  duly  ratified. 

Thus,  by  the  firm  detGrmination  of  Mr.  Polk,  was  ^ 
this  vexed  question,  which  at  one  time  t]\reatened  to  in- 
terrupt the  friendly  relations  subsisting  between  two 
nations  united  by  the  sympathies  of  a  common  origin  and 
a  common  tongue,  forever  settled  in  a  spirit  of  amity  and 
concord ;  each  party  magnanimously  surrendering  a  part 
of  its  pretensions,— the  United  States  yielding  the  south- 
ern cape  of  Vancouver,  and  the  territory  above  the  49th 
parallel,  which  she  had  repeatedly  proposed  to  adopt  as 
the  boundary,  and  Great  Britain  giving  up  her  claim  to 
the  jurisdiction  and  unoccupied  territory  between  the 
49th  parallel  and  the  Columbia  river. 

*  Dispatcli  of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  McLane,  June  13, 1846. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Opposition  of  Mexico  to  the  Annexation  of  Texas — The  Question  of  Boun- 
dary— American  troops  ordered  to  Texas — Attempt  to  Negotiate — Re- 
fusal to  receive  a  Minister — Advance  of  General  Taylor  to  the  Rio 
Grande — Commencement  of"  Hostilities — Incidents  of  the  war — Repeated 
eflforts  to  open  negotiations— The  Armistice— Treaty  of  Peace. 

The  "joint  resolutloa  providing  for  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States,"  embraced  two  propositions, — 
the  one  providing  for  tlie  immediate  annexation,  and  the 
other,  of  an  alternative  cliaracter,  contemplating  a  new 
negotiation  with  the  republic  of  Texas,  if  the  President 
deemed  it  the  most  advisable. 

■    RESOLUTION     OF    ANNEXATION. 

*'  Resolved  hy  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rejyresentatlves  of 
tJie  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That 
Congress  doth  consent  that  the  territory  properly  included 
within,  and  rightfully  belonging  to,  the  Republic  of  Texas, 
may  be  erected  into  a  new  State,  to  be  called  the  State  of 
Texas,  with  a  republican  form  of  government,  to  be  adopted 
by  the  people  of  said  Republic,  by  deputies  in  convention  as- 
sembled, with  the  consent  of  the  existing  government,  in 
order  that  the  same  may  be  admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of 
this  Union. 

"  2.  And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  foregoing  consent  of 
Congress  is  given  upon  the  following  conditions,  and  with  the 
following  guaranties,  to  wit :  First,  said  State  to  be  formed 
subject  to  the  adjustment  by  this  government  of  all  questions 


1845-8.]  RESOLUTION    OF    ANNEXATION.  2oT 

of  boundary  that  may  arise  with  other  orovernments ;  and  the 
constitution  tiiereof,  with  the  proper  evidence  of  its  adoption 
by  the  people  of  said  Repubhc  of  Texas,  shall  be  transmitted 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  be  laid  before  Con- 
gress for  its  final  action,  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  January, 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-six.  Second,  said 
State,  when  admitted  into  the  Union,  after  ceding  to  the 
United  States  all  public  edifices,  fortifications,  barracks,  ports 
and  harbors,  navy  and  navy  yards,  docks,  magazines,  arms, 
armaments,  and  all  other  property  and  means  pertaining  to 
the  public  defence,  belonging  to  said  Republic  of  Texas,  shall 
retain  all  the  public  funds,  debts,  taxes,  and  dues  of  every 
kind,  which  may  belong  to,  or  be  due  and  owing  said  Repub- 
lic ;  and  shall  also  retain  all  the  vacant  and  unappropriated 
lands  lying  within  its  limits,  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of 
the  debts  and  liabilities  of  said  Republic  of  Texas  ;  and  the 
residue  of  said  lands,  after  discharging  said  debts  and  liabili- 
ties, to  be  disposed  of  as  said  State  may  direct ;  but  in  no 
event  are  said  debts  and  liabilities  to  become  a  charge  upon 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  Third,  new  States  of 
convenient  size,  not  exceeding  four  in  number,  in  addition  to 
said  State  of  Texas,  and  having  sufficient  population,  may 
hereafter,  by  the  consent  of  said  State,  be  formed  out  of  the 
territory  thereof,  which  shall  be  entitled  to  admission  under 
the  provisions  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  And  such  States 
as  may  be  formed  out  of  that  portion  of  said  territory  lying- 
south  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  com- 
monly known  as  the  Missouri  compromise  line,  shall  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  as  the  people 
of  each  State  asking  admission  may  desire.  And  in  such 
State  or  States  as  shall  be  formed  out  of  said  territory  north 
of  said  Missouri  compromise  line,  slavery  or  involuntary  ser- 
vitude (except  for  crime)  shall  be  prohibited. 

•"3.  And  be  it  further  resolved,   That  if  the  President  of 
the  United  States  shall,  in  his  judgment  and  discretion,  deem 


238  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

it  most  a(l\'isable,  instead  of  proceeding  to  submit  the  forego- 
ing resolution  to  the  Republic  of  Texas  as  an  OYcrture  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  for  admission,  to  negotiate  with 
that  Repubhc,  then  — 

"  Be  it  Resolved,  That  a  State,  to  be  formed  out  of  the 
present  Republic  of  Texas,  with  suitable  extent  and  bound- 
aries, and  with  two  representatives  in  Congress,  until  the 
next  apportionn^ent  of  representation,  shall  be  admitted  into 
the  Union,  by  wtue  of  this  act,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the 
existing  States,  as  soon  as  the  terms  and  conditions  of 
such  admission,  and  the  cession  of  the  remaining  Texan  ter- 
ritory to  the  United  States,  shall  be  agreed  upon  by  the  gov- 
ernments of  Texas  and  the  United  States. 

"  And  he  it  further  enacted,  That  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  be,  and  the  same  is,  hereby  appropriated  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  missions  and  negotiations,  to  agree 
upon  the  terms  of  said  admission  and  cession,  either  by  treaty 
to  be  submitted  to  the  Senate,  or  by  articles  to  be  submitted 
to  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  as  the  President  may  direct." 

President  Tyler  elected  to  submit  the  first  and  second 
sections  of  the  Resolution  of  Annexation  to  the  authori- 
ties of  Texas,  which  election  was  approved  by  his  suc- 
cessor, and  the  annexation  was  completed  in  conformity 
thereto.  The  administration  of  Mr.  Polk,  therefore,  suc- 
ceeded to  all  the  liabilities  and  advantages  incurred  or 
secured  by  the  accomplishment  of  this  great  measure. 

The  central  authorities  of  Mexico,  though  possessing 
no  right  to  complain,  by  reason  of  the  justifiable  resist- 
ance of  Texas  when  the  federal  league  of  1824  was  vio- 
lently ruptured,  and  of  their  inaction  for  so  long  a  period, 
did  not  remain  silent  while  the  negotiations  for  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  were  in  progress,  or  the  act  itself  be- 


1845-8.]  RESOLUTION    OF    ANNEXATIOIf.  9       239 

ing  consummated.  On  the  23d  day  of  August,  1843, 
Mr.  de  Bocanegra,  the  Mexican  Mmister  of  foreign  re- 
lations, addressed  a  note  to  Mr.  Thompson,  the  American 
Minister  in  Mexico,  calling  his  attention  officially  to  the 
agitation  of  the  question  in  the  United  States,  and  an- 
nouncing that  the  Mexican  government  would  consider 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  Mexican 
Republic,  the  passage  of  an  act  for  the  incorporation  of 
Texas  with  the  territory  of  the  United  States  ;  the  cex^fi 
fainty  of  the  fact  being  sufficient  for  the  immediate  proc- 
lamation of  war ;  leaving  to  the  civilized  world  to  de- 
termine with  regard  to  the  justice  of  the  cause  of  the 
Mexican  nation,  in  a  struggle  which  it  fhadj  been  so  far 
from  provoking.  Tife  tone  of  a  portion  of  the  note  of 
Mr.  de  Bocanegra  was  so  harsh  and  dictatorial,  that  it 
elicited  a  sharp  reproof  from  Mr.  Thompson.  A  second 
note  was  written  by  the  former,  in  September,  which  was 
more  subdued  in  its  character,  and  assured  the  American 
Envoy  that  Mexico  did  not  threaten,  still  less  provoke  or 
excite  ;  but  that  she  would  "  regard  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States  as  a  hostile  act."* 

In  November  of  the  same  year,  a  similar  correspond^ 
ence  took  place,  at  Washington,  between  General  Al- 
monte, the  Mexican  Minister,  and  Mr.  Upshur,  the 
American  Secretary  of  State  ;  the  former  protesting,  in 
an  official  note  written  on  the  3d  instant,  in  the  name  of 
his  government,  against  the  annexation,  and  declaring 
that  on  sanction  being  given  by  the  iVmerican  Executive 
to  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  United  States,  he 

*  House  of  Representatives,  Exec.  Doc,  2— 1st  Session  23tii  Congress,  p. 
26,  et  eeq. 


240      •  .        JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

should  consider  his  mission  ended,  and  that  the  Mexican 
government  was  resolved  to  declare  war  so  soon  as  it  re- 
ceived infornaation  of  such  an  act.*  Two  decrees  were 
about  the  same  time  issued  by  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment,—  one  of  them  excluding  foreigners  from  the 
retail  trade  in  Mexico,  and  the  other  closing  the  custom- 
houses in  the  northern  departments.!  The  object  of 
these  decrees  —  if  not  avowed,  at  least  not  concealed  — 
T^as  to  compel  the  American  shopmen  to  leave  the  capital, 
and  to  cut  off  the  valuable  western  trade  with  New  Mex- 
cp  and  Chihuahua.  Mr.  Thompson  remonstrated  against 
these  decrees,  but  the  Mexican  authorities  positively  re- 
fused to  repeal  them. 

The  treaty  of  annexation  concluded  by  Mr.  Calhoun 
was  signed  on  the  12th  day  of  April,  1844.  Immediate- 
ly upon  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  Mr.  Green,  the 
American  Chargi  d\/iffair€s  in  Mexico,  by  the  direction 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  assured  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment, that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  settle  all  questions  between  the  two  countries, 
that  might  grow  out  of  the  treaty,  "  or  any  other  cause, 
on  the  most  liberal  and  satisfactory  terms,  including  that 
of  boundary  ;"  and  that  the  boundary  of  Texas  had  been 
purposely  left  without  specification  in  the  treaty,  so  that 
it  might  be  "  an  open  question,  to  be  fairly  and  fully  dis- 
cussed and  settled,  accordinor  to  the  ri^zhts  of  eacli,  and 
the  mutual  interest  and  security  of  the  two  countries.! 

*  Senate  Doc.  341,  Ist  Session. 

t  House  of  Representatives,  Exec.  Doc.  2    -  1st    session  2Sth  Congress, 
p.  31,  et  seq. 
X  Senate  Doc.  341— 1st  session  23th  Congress,  p.  53. 


1845-8.]  COURSE    OF   MEXICO.  241 

Mr.  Thompson  having  returned  home,  a  new  Envoy 
was  subsequently  sent  to  Mexico,  with  full  and  adequate 
powers  to  enter  upon  the  negotiation.  He,  also,  was  in- 
structed by  Mr.  Calhoun,  on  the  10th  of  September, 
1844,  "  to  renew  the  declaration  made  to  the  Mexican 
Secretary  by  our  charge  d'affaires,  in  announcing  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty,  that  the  measure  was  adopted  in 
no  spirit  of  hostility  to  Mexico,  and  that,  if  annexation 
should  be  consummated,  the  United  States  [would]  be 
prepared  to'  adjust  all  questions  growing  out  of  it,  includ- 
ing that  of  boundary,  on  the  most  liberal  terms."* 

When  it  became  known  in  Mexico  that  the  treaty  had 
been  signed,  Mr.  de  Bocanegra  addressed  a  circular  let- 
ter to  the  foreign  ministers  resident  in  Mexico,  dated  the 
31st  of  May,  1844,  in  which  he  pronounced  the  treaty  of 
annexation,  absolutely,  ''a  declaration  of  war  between 
the  two  nations.'^  In  reply  to  the  assurances  of  Mr. 
Green,  the  Mexican  minister  repeated  his  declaration  that 
Mexico  would  consider  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  as  a 
positive  act  of  war.f  The  authorities  of  Mexico  were 
doubtless  emboldened  to  assume  this  warlike  and  offensive 
tone,  by  the  powerful  opposition  offered  to  the  annexation 
of  Texas  in  the  United  States,  and  they  claimed  great 
merit  among  their  people  for  their  bold  resistance  of  what 
they  termed  the  aggressions  of  the  American  govern- 
ment. 

Santa  Anna,  the  President  of  Mexico,  took  the  same 
ground  with  Mr.  de  Bocanegra,  in  a  public  announce- 

*  House  of  Representatives,  Exec.  Doc. — 2cl  session  28th  Congress — ^p. 
21,  et  seq. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  52,  et  seq. 
11 


242  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

ment  made  on  the  12th  of  June,  1844,  and  declared  it  to 
be  the  firm  determmation  of  Mexico  to  re-conquer  Texas. 
This  announcement  was  followed  by  a  requisition  for 
thirty  thousand  men,  and  four  millions  of  dollars,  to  car- 
ry on  the  war,  which,  it  was  threatened,  would  be  one  of 
extermination.  Generals  Canalizo  and  Woll  were  order- 
ed to  the  north  with  an  armed  force,  but  accomplished 
nothing  in  the  way  of  subjugation.  When  the  annexa- 
tion resolutions  were  passed.  General  Almonte  protested 
ao^ainst  them  in  his  official  capacity  as  the  accredited 
minister  of  his  government,  on  the  6th  of  March,  1845, 
and  demanded  his  passports.  These  were  delivered  to 
him  by  Mr.  Buchanan,  who  assured  him  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  was  favorably  disposed  toward 
Mexico,  and  was  desirous  of  treating  with  it  in  an  ami- 
cable and  friendly  spirit,  for  the  adjustment  and  final 
settlement  of  all  questions  in  diiFerence  between  the  two 
countries,  including  the  boundary  of  Texas.  These  pa- 
cific overtures  were  not  regarded,  and  on  the  2d  day  of 
April  the  American  Minister  iii  Mexico  was  refused  all 
intercourse  with  that  government,  upon  the  ground,  as 
stated  by  the  Mexican  minister  of  foreign  relations,  that 
the  government  of  Mexico  could  "  not  continue  diplomatic 
relations  with  the  United  States,  upon  the  presumption 
that  such  relations  [were]  reconcilable  with  the  law  "  of 
annexation.  President  Herrera,  the  successor  of  Santa 
Anna,  also  issued  a  proclamation,  on  the  4th  of  June, 
1845,  declaring  that  the  annexation  in  nowise  destroyed 
the  rights  of  Mexico,  and  that  she  would  maintain  them 
by  force  of  arms-  Two  decrees  of  the  Mexican  Congress 
were  affixed  to  this  proclamation,  providing  for  calling 


1845-8. J    ,  AMERICAN    CLAIMS.  243 

out  all  the  armed  forces  of  the  nation  ;  and  on  the  12tli 
day  of  July  orders  were  given  to  the  army  of  the  north, 
then  cantoned  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  to  prepare  to  take  the 
field.  Similar  orders  were  issued  by  General  Arista,  the 
commanding  officer  on  the  northern  frontier,  on  the  12th 
day  of  September,  1845. 

Mexico,  however,  was  without  the  means  to  sustain  any 
considerable  body  of  troops  in  active  service.  Torn  and 
distracted  by  intestine  divisions, — her  statesmen  and  pol- 
iticians directing  their  whole  energies  to  the  advance- 
ment of  private  or  factious  interests, — she  presented  a 
continued  scene  of  turbulence,  the  waves  of  popular  anar- 
chy sometimes  rolling  with  the  fury  and  madness  of  the 
tempest,  but  never,  like  the  after-tossing  of  the  ocean, 
subsiding  to  the  happy  calm  in  unison  with  her  repub- 
lican institutions.    . 

There  were  other  causes  calculated  to  heighten  the  im- 
bittered  feelings  cherished  by  Mexico.  The  American 
people  had  gladly  aided  her  in  achieving  .her  independ- 
ence, and  she  was  angry  that  she  had  received  favors 
which  had  been  repaid  with  ingratitudp  and  iui-sults. 
During  the  protracted  warfare,  too,  between  Spain  and 
O  Mexico,  and  the  internal  commotions  which  had  disturbed 
^  the  tranquillity  of  the  latter,  vessels  sailing  under  the 
American  flag  were  plundered,  and  the  property  of  Amer- 
ican merchants  confiscated,  by  Mexican  authorities.  The 
government  of  the  United  States  remonstrated  against 
these  wanton  and  illegal  seizures  and  confiscations. 
Mexico  was  liberal  of  her  promises  of  redress,  but  she 
postponed  or  evaded  their  fulfilment.  Negotiations  were 
4^ened,  but  they  were   characterized  on  her  part  by  bad 


244  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  *    [1845-8. 

faith,  prevarication^  and  dela^.  She_ entered  into  trea- 
ties without  intending  to  regard  them^  and  therefore  vio- 
lated them  without  compunQtion. 

At  length,  commissioners  w^ere  appointed  by  the  tvro 
,o;overiiinents  respectively,  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
claims  of  American  citizens.  They  met  in  1840,  and  had 
admitted  claims  to  the  amount  of  over  two  millions  of 
dollars,  in  the  month  of  February,.  1842,  when  the  com- 
mission expired, — leaving  claims  to  the  amount  of  about 
four  millions  of  dollars  undecided.  Tlie  sum  acknowl- 
edged and  awarded  to  the  American  claimants,  was  ad- 
mitted to  be  due  by  Mexico,  and  at  her  request,  and  for 
her  accommodation,  the  payment  thereof  was  postponed, 
and  divided  into  twenty  instalments,  three  of  which,  with 
the  interest  due  on  the  30th  of  April,  1889,  were  paid, 
but  the  remaining  instalments,  commencing  with  that  pay- 
able in  April,  1844,  were  still  due  by  Mexico  when  she 
suspended  diplomatic  intercourse  with  the  United  States. 
Siniilar  acts  of  perfidy  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment, had  provoked  a  merited  chastisement  from 
France,  in  1899  ;  but  the  Uiiited_ States,  in  a  spirit  of 
rragnanimity,  of  long-suffering  and  forbearance, '  rarely 
witnessed  among  nations,  continued  to  hope  that  J^eiJtiir  ^^t 
counsels  would  prevail  in  Mexico,  and.  prompt  her  rulers  •^ 
to  the  performance  of  their  duty.  Had  the  circumstances 
attending  the  annexation  of  Texas,  then,  been  far  more 
aggravated  than  was  alleged  by  Mexico,  reproaches  would 
have  ill  become  her,  and  complaints  appeared  like  adding 
insult  to  injury. 

But,  though  the  threats  of  Mexico  were  as   empty  as 
her  promises  and  professions  were  hollow,  and  though  her 


1845-8.]  BOUNDARY    OF    TEXAS.  245 

valiant  proclamations  and  decrees  were  entirely  unpro- 
ductive of  results,  she  did  not  recede  from  her  position, 
that  the  annexatioti  of  Texas  was  tantamount  to  a  decla- 
ration of  w\ar.  To  that  she  Avas  committed  bv  every  act 
of  her  executive  authorities  which  could  give  it  force  or 
solemn; r7.  They  liad  deliberately  placed  themselves 
upon  record,  and  published  to  the  world  the  ground  they 
had  taken. 

Diplomatic  intercourse  being  suspended,  and  a  state  of 
war  declared  to  exist,  no  alternative  was  left  to  the  United 
States  but  that  of  extending  their  authority  over  Texas, 
without  farther  reference  to  Mexico.  In  doing  this,  it 
was  evident  that  a  question  might  arise  as  to  how  far  the 
western  and  southwestern  boundary  of  the  newly  acquired 
territory  extended.  Had  not  the  authorities  of  Mexico 
flattered  themselves  into  the  belief,  that  the  insolence  and 
bravado  which  they  had  so  long  displa^^ed  with  impunity 
toward  the  American  Republic,  would  continue  to  be  un- 
resented,  this  question  might,  and  would  have  been,  ami- 
cably settled ;  for  by  the  resolution  of  Congress,  no 
territory  was  annexed  except  that  rightfully  belonging  to 
Texas,  and  all  questions  of  boundary  that  might  arise  with 
other  governments  Avere  left  subject  to  adjustment  by  the 
federal  government  of  the  United  States.  But  by  the 
act  of  Mexico,  her  diplomatic  relations  with  us  were  in- 
terrupted, and  no  other  course  was  left  to  our  govern- 
ment, but  that  of  deciding  the  question  of  boundary  for 
themselves,  and  acting  upon  that  decision  until  Mexico 
was  disposed  to  negotiate.  Had  any  other  course  been 
adopted, — had  the  government  of  the  United  States  cow- 
ered before  the  loud-sounding  proclamations  fulminated 


246  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

by  the  Mexican  Executive, — her  representatives  would 
have  been  scorned  at  every  court  in  the  civilized  workl. 
True,  actual  war,  instead  of  that  nominally  existing  as 
Mexico  declared,  was  likely  to  ensue;  but  jxax  is  always 
to  be  preferrc(l  to  a  dishonorable  peace  ;  ami 
support  and  vindication  of  national  honor,  wIili.  ,w  l.^o 
arms  of  the  injuj^ed  country  may  be  carried,  is  a  war  of_ 
defence. 

Previous  to  her  secession  from  the  Mexican  confed- 
eracy, the  political  limits  of  Texas  "  were  the  Nueces 
river  on  the  west ;  along  the  Red  river  on  the  north  ;  tlie 
Sabine  on  the  east ;  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  on  the 
south."*  But  it  is  unnecessary  to  inquire  what  vrere 
the  boundaries  of  Texas,  prior  to  that  event,  because  it 
is  a  familiar  principle  of  national  law,  that  boundaries 
are  always  obliterated. by  a  revolution,  as  they  are  by  a 
war  between  two  contiguous  countries.  Just  so  far  as 
Texas  extended  her  power  and  authority  during  the  revo- 
lutionary struggle,  her  title  was  good  against  every  other 
government  except  Mexico ;  and  against  the  latter  also, 
if  the  secession,  as  has  been  contended,  was  justifiably 
and  if  the  extension  of  authority  consisted  of  positive 
acts,  or  was  acknowledged  by  Mexico.  In  determining 
the  question  of  boundary,  therefore,  the  government  of 
the  United  States  had  only  to  ascertain  how  far,  if  at  all, 
Texas  4iad  extended  her  limits  by  conquest  or  occupation, 
or  by  the  assent,  express  or  implied,  of  the  constituted 
authorities  of  Mexico. 

At  an  early  period  of  her  contest  with  the  central  gov- 

*  Letter  of  H.  M.  Morfit,  House  of  Pcepresentativcs,  Doe.  35, 2d  Session 
24th  Congress. 


1845-8.]         ACT    OF    THE    TEXAN    CONGRESS.  247 

ernment  of  Mexico,  Texas  "  made  her  mark,"  as  was 
said  by  one  of  her  Senators  in  the  American  Congress,* 
and  asserted  her  claim  to  the  whole  territory  lying  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte. 
The  advantages  offered  by  that  "grand  and  solitary  river'* 
as  a  great  natural  military  barrier  or  obstacle,  were  so 
apparent  to  the  Texan  officers,  that  at  the  capitulation  of 
General  Cos,  in  December,  1835,  it  was  stipulated  in  the 
articles  of  surrender,  signed  by  the  commissioners  appoint- 
ed by  Generals  Burleson  and  Cos,  and  approved  by  them, 
that  the  latter  should  retire  beyond  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
provisions  were  furnished  to  the  Mexican  army  to  sustain 
them  till  they  reached  that  river,  as  if  it  were  the  proper 
frontier  of  their  own  country.! 

In  April,  1836,  the  last  decisive  encounter  took  place 
at  San  Jacinto.  The  Mexican  army  was  almost  annihi- 
lated, and  their  commander  Santa  Anna,  with  eight  hun- 
dred of  his  troops,  wire  made  prisoiicrs.  The  whole 
invading  army  was  then  in  the  power  of  the  Texans  ;  and 
in  order  to  save  them  from  destruction  and  to  regain  his 
own  liberty,  Santa  Anna,  in  his  character  as  President 
of  the  Mexican  Republic  and  clothed  with  the  supreme 
power,  entered  into  an  agreement  and  solemn  compact 
with  President  Burnet,  of  Texas,  and  his  cabinet,  by 
which  the  independence  of  Texas  was  acknowledged; 
and  it  was  also  stipulated  tlierein,  that  the  Mexican 
troops  should  evacuate  the  territory  of  Texas  and  retire 
beyond  the  Rio  Grande,  and  that  river,  from  its  mouth 

*  Hon.  T.  J.  Rusk. 

t  Articles  of  Capitulation  signed  at  San  Antonio  cle  Bexar,  December  11, 
1835. 


248  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8. 

to  the  42d  degree  of  north  latitude,  should  forever  be  the 
line  of  demarcation  between  the  two  countries.*  A  copy 
of  this  agreement  was  forwarded  to  General  Filisola, 
then  at  the  head  of  about  five  thousand  troops,  the  re- 
mains of  the  shattered  army  of  invasion.  He  was  from 
forty  to  fifty  miles  distant,  but  completely  at  the  mercy 
of  the  Texan  forces,  now  flushed  with  conquest  and  con- 
fident in  their  ability  to  achieve  other  victories.  The 
compact  was  tlierefore  approved  by  General  Filisola,  and 
its  propriety  and  validity  ever  defended  by  him.f  He 
was  now  permitted  to  retire  beyond  the  Rio  Grande 
without  molestation,  and  thus  saved  his  army  from  de- 
struction. 

This  agreement  was  likewise  approved  by  other  Mexi- 
can general  officers,  and  by  the  secretary  of  w^ar,  though 
not  ratified  by  their  Congress.  It  was  said,  that  Santa 
Anna  w\as  a  prisoner  of  war  when-  the  treaty  or  conven- 
tion was  conCiU(U'(l,  and  tiiat  no  agreement  entered  into 
by  him  under  duress,  was  obligitory  upon  his  govern- 
ment. But  Mexico  had  profited  by  the  act,  in  the  res- 
cue of  her  army  from  disaster  and  disgrace ;  she  had 
reaped  the  benefit  of  the  compact,  and  good  faith  re- 
quired that  she  should  ratify  it. 

Texas,  however,  decided  firmly  to  adhere  to  the  Rio 
Grande  as  the  bounda'-r,  and  on  the  19th  of  December, 
1836,  an  act  was  pa.^sed  by  her  Congress,  establishing 
that  river,  from  its  mouth  up  its  principal  stream  to  its 
source,  as  such  boundary.  From  tl.e  source  of  tlie  river, 
the  line  on  tlie  nortli  and  east  was   declared   to  be  "  as 

*  Articles  1,  4,  5.  f  See  Defence  of  Geucjal  Filisola.Juuc  10,  183(). 


1845-8.]       CLAIM    TO    PART    OF    NEW    MEXICO.  249 

defined  between  the  United  States  and  Spain."*  In 
compliance  with  a  call  of  the  Senate,  pending  the  discus- 
sion on  the  treaty  of  1844,  President  Tyler  sent  in  a 
map  of  the  country  proposed  to  be  ceded,  upon  which 
the  boundaries,  as  above  described,  were  marked  in  red 
lines.  The  act  of  the  Texan  CongreSvS  was  unrepealed, 
at  the  time  of  her  final  admission  by  a  law  of  the  United 
States,  passed  the  29th  day  of  December,  1845  ;  the  new 
constitution  adopted,  impaired  its  validity  in  no  respect, 
as  it  expressly  provided  for  continuing  all  prior  enact- 
ments in  full  force ;  and  on  the  31st  day  of  December, 
two  days  after  she  was  admitted  as  a  state,  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  passed  a  lavf  establishing  "  a  collec- 
tion district  in  the  State  of  Texas,"  and  Corpus  Christi, 
west  of  the  Nueces,  was  made  a  port  of  delivery,  for 
which  a  surveyor  was  afterwards  appointed.  Thus  the 
boundaries  claimed  by  Texas  were  approved  and  adopted 
by  the  government  of  the  United  States. 

The  claim  of  Texas  to  that  portion  of  New  Mexico 
lying  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  was  somewhat  doubtful, 
except  the  treaty  with'  Santa  Anna  be  considered  valid. 
She  had  exercised  no  acts  of  sovereignty  there,  and  the 
only  expedition  sent  to  assert  her  authority  was  unsuc- 
cessful. She  did  not  reduce  the  territory  to  her  posses- 
sion and  occupancy,  but  she  at  all  times  asserted  a  right, 
which,  said  Mr.  Polk,  "  is  believed,  ui^der  tlie  acts  of 
Congress  for  the  annexation  and  admission  of  Texas  into 
the  Union  as  a  state,  and  under  the  constitution  and  laws 

*  This  act  followed  very  nearly  the  language  of  the  treaty  with  Santa 
Anna,  and  the  boundaries  corresponded  precisely  with  those  fixed  in  that 
compact. 

11* 


250  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8, 

of  Texas,  to  be  well  founded;"*  and  when  the  claim  of 
Mexico  was  extinguished  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo,  the  previous  inchoate  right  of  Texas  became 
perfect  and  complete. 

To  the  country  between  the  Nueces  and  the  lower  Rio 
Grande,  the  claim  of  Texas,  and  subsequently  of  the 
United  States,  was  as  good  as  to  any  portion  of  the  terri- 
tory between  the  Nueces  and  the  Sabine ;  and  its  occu- 
pancy by  the  American  troops,  as  distinguished  from  the 
other  part  of  Texas,  was  never  complained  of  by  the 
Mexican  government,  nor  do  they  appear  to  have  been 
aware  how  deeply  they  were  wronged  in  this  respect, 
until  the  question  was  raised  in  the  United  States  by  the 
political  opponents  of  Mr.  Polk. 

The  intention  to  insist  upon  the  Rio  Grande  as  the 
vrestern  boundary  of  Texas  was  clearly  intimated  in  the 
articles  of  capitulation  approved  by  General  Cos,  and 
asserted  in  the  treaty  with  Santa  Anna,  which,  if  pos- 
sessing no  greater  force,  operated  as  a  notice  to  Mexico 
of  the  extent  to  which  Texas  was  determined  to  claim. 
After  it  became  known  that  Mexico  would  not  ratify  the 
convention  concluded  with  Santa  Anna  and  approved  by 
the  other  Mexican  officers,  and  that  Urrea  was  preparing 
to  invade  Texas,  General  Rusk,  then  at  the  head  of  the 
Texan  army,  ordered  General  Felix  Huston  to  take  po- 
sition, with  a  detachment,  at  Corpus  Christi ;  and  the 
latter  sent  his  scouting  parties  to  the  Rio  Grande.  At 
that  time  there  were  no  permanent  settlements  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  river,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  ranchos 
opposite  Mier,  Camargo,  Reinosa,  and  Matamoras,  the 

*  Special  Message  of  President  Polk,  July  24, 1S48. 


1845-8. J       EXERCISE    OF    AUTHORITY    BY    TEXAS.         251 

occupants  of  ^liich  had  been  engaged  in  herding  and 
smuggling,  but  took  refuge  on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  upon  the  approach  of  Huston's  troops.  The 
great  majority  of  the  inhabitants  retired  to  the  rear  of 
Rusk's  army,  in  compliance  with  his  orders.  Urrea 
crossed  the  river  but  once,  and  soon  returned.  Although 
he  had  10,000  men  at  Matamoras,  General  Huston  held 
in  subjection  the  whole  country  to  the  Rio  /j-rande,  and 
his  advanced  corps  traversed  it  at  pleasure. 

In  December,  1836,  when  the  law  prescribing  the 
boundaries  of  Texas  was  passed,  she  was  in  possession  of 
the  disputed  territory,  and  her  civil  and  political  jurii 
diction  vfas  extended  over  it.  Custom-hodfees,  post- 
offices  and  post- roads,  and  election  precincts,  were  estab- 
lished west  of  the  Nueces.  The  county  of  San  Patricio 
was  laid  out  reaching  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  public 
lands  between  the  two  rivers  were  surveyed  and  sold,  and 
all  the  evidences  of  grants  and  transfers  of  land,  subsf 
quent  to  the  revolution  of  1834,  were  entered  ametlg  the 
records  of  Texas.  Persons  holding  colony  contracts 
made  by  the  department  of  Tamaulipas,  which  was 
bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Nueces,  prior  to  the  revolu- 
tion, voted  at  Corpus  Christi,  under  the  laws  of  Texas. 
The  place  of  voting  was  near  the  Nueces,  more  than  one. 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  Rio  Grande ;  but  in  the 
western  and  southwestern  states  of  the  American  Union, 
county  towns  have  frequently  been  situated  over  one 
hundred  miles  distant  from  the  remotest  limits  of  the 
county. 

Members  of  the  Texan  Congress  were  elected,  who  re- 
sided on  the  right  bank  of  the  Nueces,  several  years  pre- 


252  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

vious  to  the  annexation ;  and  that  part  of  Texas  was  rep- 
resented, too,  in  the  Congress  and  in  the  Convention  by 
"which  the  resolution  of  annexation  was  accepted.  The 
collectoral  district  of  Aransas  was  established  by  the  first 
Congress  of  Texas,  and  extended  from  the  mouth  of  the 
San  Antonio  to  the  Rio  Grande.  Boats  were  repeatedly 
sent  out  by  the  collector  to  watch  the  coast,  and  recon- 
noitre the  L^guna  Madre  and  the  Brazos.  In  the  fall  of 
1838,  when  their  ports  were  blockaded  by  the  French 
fleet,  the  Mexicans  secretly  lauded  a  cargo  of  flour  at  a 
place  about  ten  miles  west  of  the  present  town  of  Corpus 
Christi,  for  the  purpose  of  conve^^ing  it  across  the  coun- 
try. Tho^our  was  destroyed,  and  the  vessel  seized,  un- 
der the  orders  of  the  collector  of  the  district,  for  violating 
the  revenue  laws  of  Texas. 

The  Texan  troops  being  in  great  part  withdrawn,  in 
the  spring  of  1837,  as  no  apprehensions  of  danger  wei'e 
then  entertained,  the  Mexican  rmicheros  ventured  across 
the  Rio  Grande  to  herd  their  cattle ;  but  they  were  im- 
mediately attacked  by  the  Texan  "  cow-boys,''  as  they 
were  termed,  and  compelled  to  cross  over  to  the  right 
bank.  Repeated  efibrts  were  made  by  the  rancheros  to 
establish  themselves  permanentl}'',  but  the  "  cow-boys,'' 
though  not  acting  under  any  positive  orders  of  the  Texan 
government,  resisted  every  attempt,  and  during  the  de- 
sultory contests  which  took  place,  from  1837  to  1842, 
drove  off  nearly  80,000  head  of  cattle.  The  Mexican 
authorities  uniformly  discountenanced  the  establishment 
of  any  permanent  settlements  north  of  the  river,  and  the 
civil  jurisdiction  of  the  department  of  Tamaulipas  was 
exerted  but  rarely,  if  at  all,  in  that  part  of  its  ancient 


1845-8.J  LAREDO.  253 

dominions.  After  the  defeat  of  the  federalistas,  who  re- 
volted against  the  central  government  of  Mexico  in  1839, 
Generals  Anaya  and  Can  ales,  two  of  their  leaders, 
crossed  over  the  Rio  Grande  for  protection.  The  latter 
united  his  forces  with  those  of  Captain  Ross,  of  the  Texan 
rangers,  and  a  number  of  "  cow-boys."  They  then 
crossed  the  river,  and  drove  the  Mexican  army  into 
Matamoras.  Canales  took  shelter  in  Texas  again,  in 
1840,  when  he  was  joined  by  Colonel  Jordan,  with  near 
two  hundred  "  cow-boys.-'  They  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande  a  second  time,  and  penetrated  as  far  into  the 
country  as  Saltillo,  where  Canales  betrayed  his  allies, 
who  succeeded,  however,  in  fighting  their  way  back  to  the 
river. 

After  the  invasion  and  defeat  of  Well  in  1842,  the 
Texan  army  drove  him  across  the  Rio  Grande  and  took 
possession  of  Laredo.  At  this  point  there  had  been  a 
military  organization,  previous  to  the  revolution  in  Texas, 
which  was  in  existence  when  the  army  of  the  United 
States  marched  to  the  Rio  Grande.  On  account  of  their 
liability  to  be  attacked  by  the  Indians  in  their  vicinity, 
the  inhabitants  of  Laredo  were  excepted  from  the  opera- 
tion of  the  act  disarming  the  citizens  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas  ;  but  they  claimed  to  belong  to  the  latter  whenever 
they  were  visited  by  Hays  and  McCuUoch's  rangers,  who 
frequently  crossed  over  the  country  from  San  Antonio,  to 
that  and  other  points  on  the  river ;  and  in  a  proclama- 
tion issued  in  1846,  Canales  called  them  Texans.  They 
were  probably  of  Mexican  extraction  ;  but  the  authority 
which  Mexico  exercised  over  them  was  far  more  ques- 
tionable than  that  of  T^xas-. 


254  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8. 

Besides  the  settlement  at  Laredo,  there  "were  a  few 
straggliug  huts  at  Point  Isabel,  near  the  Brazos  Santiago, 
occupied  by  Mexican  fishermen  and  smugglers.  During 
the  war  with  France,  goods  imported  bj  the  merchant:* 
of  Matamoras  were  often  landed  bj  stealth  at  the  Brazos, 
in  order  to  escape  the  notice  of  the  French  blockading 
ileet  lying  off  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande.  An  agent 
of  the  custom-house,  which  was  on  the  riglit  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande  and  in  the  Mexican  territory,  was  sent  to  re- 
side at  Point  Isabel,  to  collect  the  duties  before  the  goods 
were  taken  over  the  river,  and  a  revenue  officer  of  a  simi- 
lar character  was  continued  there  until  the  approach  of 
General  Taylor  with  his  army,  in  the  spring  of  1846, 
when  he  voluntarily  retired  across  the  river,  having  never 
been  in  the  least  degree  molested,  by  the  American 
troops,  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority,  whatsoever  ho 
might  rightfully  have  possessed. 

By  the  boundary  act  of  the  Texan  Congress,  no  title 
was  accjuired  to  the  disputed  territory,  except  as  it  was 
followed  and  supported  by  the  civil  and  military  author- 
ity which  she  exercised.  She  did  not  fortify  the  whole 
left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  nor  plant  her  flag  at  every 
prominent  point  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ;  but  her  ability 
to  drive  the  Mexicans  from  the  territory,  at  pleasure,  to 
tlieir  place  of  security  beyond  the  river,  was  demon- 
strated ;«  and  if  private  individuals  at  any  time  returned 
there  and  established  themselves,  it  would  seem  to  have 
been  done  merely  by  her  sufferance.  The  authority  ex- 
ercised by  Texas,  in  the  valley  of  the  Nueces,  and  upon 
its  western  bank,  including  the  settlement  at  Corpus 
Christi,  was  undoubted  and  undeniable.     In  the  -other 


1845-8. J  ADMISSIONS    OF    MEXICO.  255 

part  of  the  territory  in  dispute,  there  could  not  have 
been  one  hundred  persons  as  late  as  1844,  and  it  cannot 
be  said  with  justice,  that  the  Mexicans  then  had  any  "  ac- 
^lltual  possession  or  fixed  habitation  east  of  the  Rio  del 
Norte,"  between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  "  mountain- 
ous barriers  at  the  Pass',"*  with  the  exception  of  what 
tliev  •nyi(:rht  claim  at  Laredo  and  Brazos  Santiasco.  JVIr. 
Donelson,  tue  American  ckargi  d\if aires,  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  iiovernment  of  the  United  States,  and  of 
General  Taylor,  to  L^v  existence  of  these  settlements,  or 
posts,  in  the  spring  of  1845. f  The  latter  was  expressly 
instructed,  when  he  entered  the  territory,  not  to  interfere 
with  the  establishments  made  by  Mexico,  and  to  respect 
the  rights  and  property  of  private  citizens  ;  and  it  is  un- 
necessary to  say,  that  his  orders  were  faithfully  ob- 
served. 

But.  in  addition  to  these  facts,  Mexico  herself,  through 
i^^^agentsa^d^offii^rs^acitly  *¥dmTtted  the  claim  of^ 
Texas  to  the  lower  Rio  GranoCe^'°'oir"sivefBl'^oTc  ; 

although,  as  a  general  thing,  she  made  no  distinction  in 
regard  to  any  part  of  the  country  between  that  river  and 
the  Sabine.  Her  claim  extended  to  the  whole  of  Texas, 
and  the  comparatively  unimportant  question  of  boundary 
was  merged  in  the  greater  one  of  title.  Always  insisting 
upon  her  right  to  every  part  and  parcel  of  Texas,  when- 
ever, subsequent  to  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  she  adopt- 
ed, either  voluntarily  or  by  compulsion,  ji  limit  to  the 

*  Memoir  of  Lieut.  Emory  :  Senate  Doc.  341— 1st 'Session,  2Sth  Congress 
-p.  56. 

t  Letters  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  June  30th,  and  July  11 ;— to  General  Taylor, 
Jime  28th,  and  July  7. 


256  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845-8. 

territoiy,  all  of  wliicli  she  regarded  as  liaviiig  been  forci- 
bly and  unjustly  wrested  from  Ler,  that  limit  was  the 
Rio  Grande.  The  southern  and  western  bank  of  the 
river  formed  the  outer  limit  of  her  military  posts  and 
fortifications.  When  her  armies  crossed  it  in  force, 
the  preparations  made,  the  dispositions  for  the  march, 
and  the  orders  of  the  officers,  showed  that  the  movement 
was  considered  one  of  invasion  ;  and  when  compelled  to 
retreat,  they  retired  behind  it  as  to  a  place  of  refuge. 

An  armistice  was  proposed  in  1843,  in  which  it  was 
stipulated  that  the  Mexicans  should  confine  themselves 
to  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  that  the  Texans  should 
remain  on  the  left  bank.  Tornel,  the  minister  of  w^ar,  in 
his  letter  dated  July  7tii,  instructed  General  Woll,  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  north,  that  hos- 
tilities against  Texas  were  "  to  be  immediately  suspend- 
ed at  all  points  of  the,  line  under  |"his]  command,"  and 
that  he  must  withdraw  to  it  his  advanced  parties.*  The 
line  commanded  by  General  Woll  was  the  Rio  Grande  ; 
and  in  his  proclamation  declaring  the  armistice-  at  an 
end,  he  gave  notice  that  every  individual  found  one 
league  from  the  river,  on  the  east,  would  be  looked 
upon  as  favoring  "  the  usurpers  of  that  territory,"  and 
be  brought  to  trial  before  a  court-martial,  to  be  severely 
punished,  if  found  guilty.  Here,  it  seems,  the  Mexican 
general  treated  the  question  as  one  of  usurpation,  and 
admitted  that  the  territory  usurped  extended  to  the  Rio 
Grande.  Canales,  also,  issued  a  pronunciamento  against 
the  government  of  Paredes,   at  Camargo,  in  February, 

*  Senate  Doc.  34i— 1st  session,  2Sth  Congress— p.  Si. 


1845-8.]       AMERICAN    ADVANCE    UNOPPOSED.  257 

1846,  in  which  he  described  himself  as  being  "  on  the 
northern  frontier."*  It  is  very  questionable  whether  he 
would  have  used  this  expression,  if,  in  his  opinion,  the 
4f  actual  frontier  was  the  Nueces,  from  150  to  200  miles 
further  north.  ~"~ 

The  intention  of  General  Taylor  to  advance  to  the  Rio 
Grande  was  known  long  before  his  army  commenced  its 
march  ;  recounoissances  of  the  different  routes  by  land 
and  water,  of  Padre  Island,  the  Laguna  Madre,  and  the 
Brazos,  were  made  early  in  February,  1846  ;  and  the 
fact  that  a  for^Yard  movement  was  in  contemplation,  had 
been  communicated  by  the  Mexican  officers  on  the  fron- 
tier to  their  government.  Notwithstanding  this,  no  prep- 
arations were  made  to  resist  the  approach  of  the  Ameri- 
can general,  and  he  was  induced,  from  the  entire  absence 
of  such  preparations,  to  believe  that  he  would  encounter 
no  opposition. t  The  situation  of  the  country  afforded 
numerous  opportunities  for  harassing  the  American 
troops  on  their  march,  and  the  passage  of  the  Arroyo 
Colorado,  if  disputed,  would  have  been,  attended  with 
great  loss.  "  This  stream,"  says  General  Taylor,  "  is 
a  salt  river,  or  rather  lagoon,  nearly  one  hundred  yards 
broad,  an(J  so  deep  as  barely  to  be  fordable.  It  would 
have  formed  a  serious  obstruction  to  our  march,  had  the 
enemy  chosen  to  occupy  its  right  bank,  even  with  a  small 
force."  J - 


*  House  of  Representatives,  Exec.  Doc.  196 — 1st  session,  29tli  Congress — 
p.  106. 

1  Letters  to  the  Adjutant  General,  October  8th,  1845,  and  February  4th 
and  16th,  1846. 

t  Letter  to  the  Adjutant  General,  March  21. 1846. 


258  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  ^      [1845-8. 

The  JMexican  Minister,  Pena  j  Pena,  in  a  confidential 
interview  with  JMr.  Black,  as  will  be  seen,  and  in  an  of- 
ficial note  to  that  gentleman,  insisted  on  the  withdrawal 
of  the  American  naval  force  off  Vera  Cruz,  previous  to 
the  reception  of  a  minister,  in  order  that  his  government 
might  not  even  appear  to  act  under  an  implied  men- 
ace. General  Taylor  was  then  known  to  be  at  Cor- 
pus Christi,  and  in  the  actual  occupancy  of  territory  ly- 
ing west  of  the  Nueces  ;  but  this  was  not  made  the  sub- 
ject of  complaint,  nor  even  thought  worthy  of  mention. 
At  no  time  did  the  government  of  Herrera  pretend  that 
the  occupation  of  the  disputed  territory  was  one  of  the 
reasons  for  refusing  to  receive  Mr.  Slidell :  neither  did 
Castillo  y  Lanzas,  the  minister  of  Paredes,  in  his  note 
communicating  the  final  determination  of  the  Mexican 
government,  allege  that  the  occupation,  or  the  contem- 
plated advance  to  the  Rio  Grande,  was  the  cau^e  of  the 
refusal.*  Paredes  once,  issued  orders  to  attack  the 
American  army  early  in  March,  w^hcn  the  intentions  of 
General  Taylor  were  unknown ;  and  near  the  close  of  the 
month,  when  it  was  understood  in  Mexico,  that  he  de- 
signed to  advance,  Paredes  issued  a  manifesto,  declaring 
that  the  Mexican  government  would  itself  commit  no 
act  of  aggression  ;  thus  acknowledging  that  the  United 
States  had  committed  no  new  act  of  that  character,  other- 
wise it  would  certainly  have  been  mentioned. 

Mexico  undoubtedly  considered  every  movement  for 
the  establishment  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States  as 
an  act  of  hostility  ;  and  in  his  proclamation  of  the  23rd 

*  See  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  House  of  Representatives,  Exec.  Doc. 
196 — 1st  session,  29th  Congress. 


1845-8. J  MEXICAN    COiMMISSIONS.  259 

of  April,  1846,  declaring  that  the  war  had  been  com- 
menced, Paredes  referred  to  the  occupation  of  Corpus 
Christi,  the  appearance  of  the  naval  squadrons  in  the  Pa- 
cific and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  advance  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  the  blockade  of  the  river,  each  and  all,  as 
so  many  aggravations  of  the  original  cause  of  offence — 
the  annexation  of  Texas.  That  act  was  the  principal 
grievance,  and  the  others  but  so  many  incidents.  This 
idea  also  appears  to  have  been  entertained  by  the  Mexi- 
can commissioners,  Herrera,  Conto,  Villamil,  and  Atris- 
tain,  who  stated  expressly,  in  their  letter  to  Mr.  Trist,  on 
the  6th  of  September,  1847,  that  the  war  was  "  under- 
taken solely  on  account  of  the  territory  of  the  State  of 
Texas."* 

In  an  interview  with  a  staff  officer  belonging  to  the  ar- 
my of  General  Taylor,  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  Santa  Anna,  better  disposed  to  keep  faith  in  this 
respect  than  his  countrymen,  intimated  that  the  Rio 
Grande  was  the  proper  boundary  of  Texas,  and  declared 
that  Mexico  coiild  say  nothing  of  peace,  while  the  Amer- 
icans remained  on  that  side  of  the  river. f 

But  there  is  another  fact  having  reference  to  this  ques- 
tion, which  must  be  regarded  as  conclusive.  After  the 
treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  by  which  the  war  with 
Mexico  was  terminated,  was  concluded,  the  Mexican 
commissioners  addressed  a  communication  to  their  gov- 
ernment, in  which  they  say  that  "  the  intention  of  mak- 
ing the  Bravo  a  limit  has  been  announced  by  the  clearest 
signs  for  the  last  twelve  years  ;  and  it  would  have  been 

*  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  20. — 1st  session,  30th  Congress — p.  19. 
t  Official  Dispatch. of  Santa  Anna,  February  27, 1847. 


260  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

impossible,  at  the  present  daj,  to  cliange  it.  After  the 
defeat  of  San  Jacinto,  in  April,  1836,  that  was  the  terri- 
tory which  we  stipulated  to  evacuate,  and  which  we  ac- 
cordingly did  evacuate,  by  falling  back  on  Matamo- 
ras.  In  this  place  was  afterwards  stationed  what  was 
called  the  Army  of  the  North ;  and  though  it  is  true 
that  expeditions  and  incursions  have  been  made  there, 
even  as  far  as  Bexar,  we  have  very  soon  retreated, 
leaving  the  intermediate  space  absolutely  free.  In 
this  state  General  Taylor  found  it  when,  in  the  early 
part  of  last  year,  he  entered  there  by  order  of  his  gov- 
ernment." With  these  opinions  deliberately  expressed 
by  some  of  the  highest  functionaries  of  Mexico,  what 
need  is  there  of  pur.suing  the  argument  in  support 
of  the  claim  of  Texas  to  the  Rio  Grande  as  her  south- 
western boundary  1 

Opposed  to  these  admissions,  direct  or  implied,  of  the 
Mexican  authorities,  are  the  proclamations  and  dis- 
patches issued  by  Mejia,  Ampudia,  and  Arista,  on  the 
approach  of  General  Taylor.  All  three-  of  these  gen- 
erals declared  that  the  advance  of  his  army  was  a  hostile 
movement ;  yet  they  appeared  to  differ  with  respect  to 
the  proper  point  to  which  the  invading  forces,  as  they 
were  called,  should  be  allowed  to  extend  their  occupa- 
tion. Mejia  announced,  through  his  representative,  that 
the  passage  of  the  Arroyo  Colorado  would  be  regarded 
as  an  act  of  war ;  Ampudia  desired  General  Taylor  to 
retire  beyond  the  Nueces  ;  and  Arista  insisted,  that  the 
law  annexing  Texas  gave  no  right  to  occupy  the  Rio  del 
Norte,  without  attempting  to  confine  the  American  army" 


1845-8.    AMERICA^:    TROOPS    ORDERED    TO    TEXAS.        261 

to  any  precise  limits.*     The  prefect  of  the  northern  dis- 
trict of  Tamaulipas,  Jenes  Cardenas,  also  issued  his  pro- 
test, dated  at  Santa  Rita,  on  the  23d  of  March,  1846, 
against  the  occupation  of  any  portion  of  the  department ; 
but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  head-quarters  of  his 
prefecture  were  at  Matamoras,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether 
he  ever  exercised  authority  north  of  the   Rio  Grande. 
Besides,  General  Taylor  very  properly  regarded  him  as 
a  mere  tool  of  the  military  authorities  in  Matamoras,  and 
after  the  capture  of  that  city  he  proved  himself  to  be  as 
corrupt  as  he  was  pusillanimous,  by  soliciting,  in  the 
humblest  terms,  to  be  continued  in  his  office. 

In  view  of  the  facts  which  have  been  detailed,  it  will 
not  appear  strange,  that  the  government  of  the  United 
States  adopted  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  boundary  of  Texas, 
or  that  the  civil  and  military  officers  of  Mexico,  in  every 
department  of  the  government,  repeatedly  admitted  that 
the  tract  between  that  river  and  the  Nueces  formed  part 
of  the  territory  usurped,  as  was  said,  by  the  Texans. 

Having  decided  the  question  of  boundary,  the  offensive 
attitude  of  Mexico  required,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Polk 
and  his  cabinet,  that  the  territory  should  be  occupied  by 
American  troops  ;  ^le^o^cu^ajio^^^^^ 
first  phice,  to  such  points  as  had  iong  beeirunder  the  ac- 
Rnmvledged  •jurisdiction  of  the  laws  of  Texas.  Had 
fiiendly  relations  i'x\>hA  ^vith  :,k'xico,  she  might  justly 
have  complained  of  the  occupation  unless  every  effort  at 
negotiation   had  failed  ;  but  as  all  intercourse  with  her 

*  See  Mejia*s  proclamation,  dated  March  ISth,  1846  ;  General  Taylor's 
letter,  March  21st;  Arapudia's  dispatch,  April  12th  ;  and  Arista's  procla- 
mation to  the  foreigners  in  the  American  army,  April  20th. 


262  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8. 

was  interrupted,  by  her  own  act,  this  course  was  impera- 
tively demanded  by  a  due  regard  for  the  national  honor 
and  dignity,  leaving  out  of  view  the  duty  of  the  federal 
government  to  Texas  herself.  In  occupying  the  territo- 
ry, this  language  was  held  to  Mexico  :  \Ye  ho-Ve  ever  been 
disposed  to  negotiate  fairly jind  amicably  for  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  boundary  of  Texas,  'but  as  you  have  with- 
drawn  your  minister  and  refused  to  hold  interconrse  with 
TTSjnii  ]ia.vp.  forced  us  to  fix  the  boundary  foi-  .  , 

and  to  occupy  the  territory  with  our  troops,  under  <  i\-  rs 
not  to  molest  your  people  or  their  possessions,  lest  it, 
might  be  said  hereafter  by  you,  that  we  had  forfeited  our 
rights  by  not  occupying  the  country  or  exercising  author- 
ity over  it. 

Accordingly,  General  Taylor,  who  had  been  posted  at 
Fort  Jesup,  since  the  spring  of  1844,  with  a  considerable 
body  of  troops,  was  ordered  to  estabush  his  command  in 
Texas,  in  such  a  manner  as  would  enable  him  to  protect 
the  territory  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  to  take  position  with  a  portion  of  them  vrest  of  the 
former  river.  In  compliance  with  his  orders,  given  under 
the  direction  of  ^Ir.  Polk,  General  Taylor  put  his  com- 
mand in  motion,  and  early  in  the  month  of  August, 
1845} — the  resolution  of  annexation  having  been  accept- 
ed by  the  Texan  Congress  and  Convention, — he  landed 
his  troops  on  the  bay  of  Corpus  Christi,  west  of  tho 
Nueces,  where  he  established  his  main  encampment,  and 
commenced  disciplining  and  instructing  his  men,  in  order 
to  fit  them  for  active  service  if  it  should  be  required,  lie 
was  instructed  to  respect  the  rights  of  property,  and  not 
to  intei'fere  with  the  Mexican  settlements  east  of  the  liio 


18-15-8.]    RENEWAL  OF  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE.      263 

Grande.  These  instructions  were  carefully  observed  by 
the  "  arm}^  of  occupation,"  Avhich  was  reinforced,  until  it 
comprised  more  than  half  of  the  entire  army  of  the 
United  States.  If  an  attack  was  threatened,  and  his 
command  appeared  to  be  in  danger,  General  Taylor  was 
further  authorized,  to  call  upon  the  governors  of  the 
neighboring  states  for  volunteers. 

Meanwhile  the  Mexican  government  was  not  idle.  Ad- 
hering to  their  declaration  that  war  existed,  and  to  the 
determination  of  invading  Texas  expressed  by  President 
Herrera,  efforts  were  made  to  increase  the  army,  and  to 
provide  the  means  for  carrying  on  the  war.  The  embar- 
rassed condition  of  the  finances  prevented  the  immediate 
accomplishment  of  the  wishes  of  the  government,  although 
General  Arista  was  ordered  from  Monterey  to  Matamo- 
ras,  in  the  month  of  August,  with  a  force  of  1,500  men, 
to  reinforce  the  troops  already  in  that  quarter,  then  about 
500  strong.  Later  in  the  season,  between  eight  and  nine 
thousand  men  were  assembled  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  under 
General  Paredes,  then  in  command  of  the  army  of  the 
north. 

While  matters  were  in  this  position,  and  the  scales  of  war 
and  peace  hung  at  an  even  poise,  information  was  received 
by  the  American  administration,  from  Mexico,  which  ren- 
dered it  highly  probable  that  the  government  of  that 
country  was  willing  to  resume  her  former  relations  with 
the  United  States.  The  American  government  cheerful- 
ly took  the  initiative  in  renewing  their  intercourse,  in 
order  that  it  might  not  be  said  they  were  loth  to  recipro- 
cate any  friendly  feelings  understood  to  exist.  Mr. 
Black,  the  American  consul  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  was 


264  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

therefore  instructed  by  Mr.  Buclianan,  to  ascertain 
whether  the  Mexican  government  would  receive  an  envoy, 
"intrusted  with  full  power  to  adjust  all  the  questions  in 
dispute  between  the  two  governments  ;"  and  if  the  reply 
to  his  inquiry  should  be  in  the  affirmative,  he  was  in- 
formed that  "  such  an  envoy"  would  be  "immediately 
dispatched  to  Mexico."*  A  confidential  interview  took 
place  between  Mr.  Black  and  Pena  y  Pena,  the  Mexican 
minister  of  foreign  relations,  in  which  the  substance  of 
the  dispatch  received  from  his  government  was  made 
known  by  the  American  Consul ;  and  on  the  13th  of 
October,  he  addressed  an  official  note  to  the  Mexican 
minister,  communicating  the  instructions  he  had  received, 
in  the  precise  terms  of  the  letter  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  as 
before  quoted. f  On  the  loth  of  October,  Peiia  y  Pena 
informed  Mr.  Black,  in  writmg,  that  his  government  was 
^'  disposed  to  receive  the  commissioner  of  the  United 
States,"  who.  might  come  "with  full  powers  from  his 
government  to  settle  the  present  dispute  in  a  peaceful, 
reasonable,  and  honorable  manner. "t 

As  it  has  often  been  questioned,  whether  the  Mexican 
government  consented  to  receive  a  minister,  eo  nomine^ 
and  as  an  American  historian  has  conceded  the  point  in 
their  favor, §  it  may  be^vell  to  inquire  carefully  what  was 
in  fact  proposed  on  the  one  hand,  and  what  was  accepted 
on  the  other.      Mr.   Black  stated   distinctly,  that  his 

*  House  of  Representatives,  Exec.  Doc.  60— 1st  session  30th  Congress— 
p.  12. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  14. 
+  Ibid.,  p.  16. 
§  Ripley's  War  -with  JNIexico,  vol  i.  p.  65. 


1845-8. j       CONSENT    TO    RECEIVE    A    MINISTER.  26-5 

government  would  dispatch  to  Mexico  an  envoy  clothed 
with  full  power  to  settle  all  disputes.  Pena  y  Pena  did 
not  reply,  that  Mexico  would  receive  no  such  minister  or 
envoy ;  but  he  said,  that  she  would  receive  the  commis- 
sioner coming  with  full  powers  to  settle  the  present  dis- 
pute. Carefully  worded  as  was  the  note  of  the  Mexican 
minister,  the  inference  was  irresistible  that  his  govern- 
ment consented  to  receive  the  identical  minister,  com- 
missioner, or  envoy,  whatever  he  might  be  styled,  pro- 
posed to  be  sent  by  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  the  cabinet  officer 
of  President  Polk.  If  this  is  not  so,  then  the  note  of 
Pena  y  Pena  had  a  double  meaning,  which  subsequent 
events  rendered  probable ;  but  the  United  States  were 
justified  in  construing  it  in  a  manner  consistent  with  fair 
and  honorable  diplomacy.  No  argument  can  overturn 
this  position, — no  sophistry  relieve  the  IMexican  govern- 
ment from  the  imputation  of  bad  faith  in  this  correspond- 
ence.* 

Jealousy,  suspicion,  and  distrust,  were  manifested  by 
all  classes  and  parties  in  Mexico,  at  the  time  when  the 
proposition  to  resume  her  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
United  States  was  received  and  accepted.  The  arrange- 
ment, however,  was  approved  by  the  Mexican  Congress 
in  secret  session ;  the  American  naval  force  off  Vera  Cruz 

*  An  examination  of  the  original  communication  of  Pena  y  Pena  to  Tvlr. 
Black,  Tvill  fully  confirm  the  position  above  taken.  The  following  extract 
has  reference  to  the  consent  to  receive  a  minister:  "  En  contestacion  debo 
dccirle,  que  a  pesar  de  que  la  Kacion  Mexicana  estd  gravcmente  ofendida 
por  la  de  los  Estados  Unidos,  en  razon  de  los  hechos  comitidcs  por  cstd  en  el 
JDcpartamcnto  dc  Tcjas,  ptrojmo  de  aquella,  mi  Gobierno  estd  dispuerto  a 
recibir  al  comisionado  que  de  los  Estados  Unidos  vcnga  a  esta  Capital  con 
plenospodcres  de  su  Gobierno  para  arreglar  de  un  modo  pacifico,  razonahle 
y  decorroso,  la  contienda presente." 

12 


266  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

was  witlidrawn ;  everything  -u'ore  a  promising  aspect ; 
and  toward  the  close  of  October,  the  Mexican  Minister 
of  Foreign  Relations  expressed  some  anxiety  to  know 
when  the  envoy  from  the  United  States  might  be  expect- 
ed. The  American  Executive,  immediately  upon  the 
receipt  of  Mr.  Black's  dispatches,  appointed  Mr.  John 
Slidell  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Government  of 
Mexico,  and  gave  him  full  instructions  and  powers  to 
settle  and  adjust  all  differences  between  the  two  coun- 
tries.* Mr.  Slidell  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  on  the  30th  of 
November,  and  hastened  forward,  immediately,  to  the  city 
of  Mexico.  At  Puebla  he  was  met  by  Mr.  Black,  who 
informed  him  that  the  Mexican  government  were  alarmed 
by  his  arrival  at  such  an  inopportune  moment,  as  they 
had  not  expected  him  until  the  1st  of  January,  and  mat- 
ters had  not  been  prepared  for  his  reception.  The  first 
intimation  received  by  Mr.  Black,  that  the  lime  of  the 
arrival  of  an  envoy  was  deemed  of  any  importance,  was  on 
the  3rd  of  December,  in  an  interview  with  Pena  y  Pena, 
and  he  had  hastened  from  Mexico  to  meet  Mr.  Slidell, 
and  communicate  with  him  before  he  reached  the  capital. 
It  appeared  that  the  administration  of  Herrera  had 
been  constantly  growing  w^eaker  and  weaker.  Instead 
of  seizing,  into  his  own  hands,  the  means  which  might- 
have  enabled  him  to  control  the  turbulent  government 
over  which  he  was  placed,  he  suffered  them  to  be  used 
for  his  own  destruction.  Finesse  and  management  were 
resorted  to,  when  nothing  could  have  so  much  strength- 
ened his  administration,  as  promptitude,  firmness,  and 
decision.     Early  in  November  he  began  to  be  seriously 

*  See  letter  of  instructions  to  Mr.  Slidell,  November  10,  1845 


1845-8. J  REVOLUTIONARY    PROJECTS.  267 

alarmed ;  the  fidelity  of  Parcdes  was  suspected ;  and 
orders  were  issued  for  him  to  break  up  his  cantonment  at 
San  Luis,  and  to  scatter  the  troops  in  different  parts  of 
the  country.  Herrera  and  his  ministers  were  probably 
well  disposed  to  the  United  States,  but  their  indecision 
was  followed  by  its  legitimate  results;  and  wiicn  Mr. 
Slidell  presented  himself,  they  attempted  to  bolster  up 
the  totteriti§  administration,  by  a  refusal  to  receive  him. 
The  arrival  of  an  envoy  from  the  United  States  was  a 
matter  that  it  was  impos'sible  to  conceal,  after  he  had 
once  landed ;  the  evil  which  might  easily  have  been  pre- 
vented, if  the  Mexican  government  liad  but  intimated  the 
necessity  for  delay,  was  past  all  remedy ;  and  Mr.  Sli- 
dell concluded  to  continue  his  journey  to  Mexico. 

The  fact  that  the  administration  of  Herrera  had  con- 
sented to  receive  a  minister,  was  known  long  previous  to 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  Slidell,  although  the  pronunciamento 
of  Paredes  against  the  government,  issued  at  San  Luis, 
did  not  appear  until  the  15th  of  December.  For  several 
weeks  before  Mr.  Slidell  reached  Mexico,  the  monarchists 
and  centralists  in  the  capital  were  very  busily  engaged  in 
preparing  the  plan  of  their  anticipated  movement.  An 
outbreak  was  regarded  as  a  matter  of  certainty,  unless 
the  administration  took  measures  to  prevent  it.  On  the 
second  day  after  his  arrival  in  Mexico,  Mr.  Slidell  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  the  Mexican  Minister,  dated  the  8th 
of  December,  informing  him  of  his  arrival,  and  desiring 
to  know  when  his  credentials  would  be  received  and  him- 
self accredited.  No  answer  was  returned  to  this  commu- 
nication ;  and  in  two  private  interviews  between  Mr. 
Black  and  Pena  y  Pena,  held  on  the  8th  and  13th  of 


268  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8. 

December,  the  latter  exhibited  so  many  symptoms  of  a 
desire  to  evade  a  compliance  with  the  terms  of  the  prop- 
osition which  the  Mexican  government  had  accepted,  that 
Mr.  Slidell  wrote  a  second  note,  on  the  15th  of  the  month, 
requesting  to  know  when  he  might  expect  a  reply  to  that 
previously  written.  On  the  following  day  he  was  in- 
formed by  Pena  y  Pefia,  that  there  had  been  difficulties  in 
regard  to  his  reception,  which  it  had  been  found  neces- 
sary to  submit  to  the  council  of  government  for  their  de- 
termination. The  difficulties  'alluded  to  were — that  Mr 
SlidelPs  appointment  had  not  received  the  sanction  of 
the  American  Congress,  or  been  confirmed  by  the  Seri- 
ate ;  and  that  the  Mexican  government  had  consented  to 
receive  a  commissioner  to  settle  the  question  relating  to 
Texas,  but  not  a  resident  minister.  These  objections 
were  evidently  mere  pretences,  as  the  only  argument 
urged  against  the  administration,  by  Paredes  and  his 
supporters,  was,  that  it  had  consented  to  receive  a 
minister,  and  listen  to  a  proposition  for  opening  new  ne- 
gotiations. This  was  the  only  question  involved,  as  admit- 
ted by  Herrera  himself,  in  a  letter  written  to  Senor  Pa- 
checo,  minister  of  foreign  relations,  on  the  25th  of  August, 
1847.*  The  bad  faith  of  the  Mexican  administration  iu 
this  transaction  was  subsequently  exhibited  in  a  most  un- 
enviable light,  by  the  publication  of  a  communication 
made  to  the  council  of  government  by  Pena  y  Pena,  in 
his  official  capacity,  on  the  11th  of  December,  at  the  very 
time  when  he  was  professing  so  much  friendship  towards 
Mr.  Black  and  Mr.  Slidell,  in  which  the  refusal  to  receive 
the  minister  was  recommended  in  positive  and  express 

*  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  1— 1st  session  30th  Congress— p.  41. 


1845-8.]      REFUSAL    TO    RECEIVE    MR.    SLIDELL.  269 

terms.*  The  deliberations  of  tlie  council,  though  nomi- 
nally secret,  were  matters  of  public  notoriety.  Its  mem- 
bers were  well  known  to  be  decidedly  opposed  to  the 
reception,  and,  on  the  18th  of  December,  their  dictamen 
advising  against  it  was  made  public.  Information  of  this 
fiict,  and  of  the  evident  w^ant  of  frankness  and  candor  on 
the  part  of  Herrera's  administration,  in  their  intercourse 
with  him,  was  communicated  by  Mr.  Slidell,  on  the  same 
day,  to  the  government  o^the  United  States. f 

Mr.  Slidell  addressed  two  letters  to  Pena  y  Pefia,  on 
the  16th  and  20th  of  December,  desiring  to  be  informed  as 
to  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  his  reception,  in  order  to 
remove  them,  if  in  the  poVer  of  himself  or  of  his  govern- 
ment. In  reply  to  the  second  note,  the  positive  deter- 
mination of  the  Mexican  government  not  to  receive  him 
was  communicated.  This  decision  did  not  save  the  ad- 
ministration of  Herrera  from  the  consequences  of  its  own 
w^eakness  and  pusillanimity.  Its  want  of  firmness  and 
decision  was  so  manifest,  that  the  military  in  the  capital 
pronounced  in  favor  of  the  revolutionists  on  the  29th  of 
December,  and  on  the  following  day  Herrera  resigned  the 
presidency,  without  making  a  single  effort  to  quell  the 
outbreak.  The  tide  had  been  turned  for  months,  and  he 
lacked  the  courage  to  stem  it  for  an  instant.  Paredes 
entered  the  city  with  his  troops,  in  triumph,  on  the  2d 
of  January,  and  on  the  next  day  was  chosen  provisional 
President.  Soon  after  he  was  elected  to  the  same  office, 
by  the  Constituent  Congress.  He  had  come  into  power 
for  the  avowed  purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  all  negotia- 

*  House  of  Representatives  Exec.  Doc. — 1st  session  29tli  Congress — p.  49. 
t  ibid,  p.  18,  et  seq. 


270  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1845-8. 

tions  Tvith  the  United  States,  and  of  declaring  and  carry- 
inor  on  an  offensive  war.  The  desire  to  establish  himself 
firmly  in  his  place  rendered  him  loth  to  remove  the  army 
to  a  distance,  and  no  immediate  measures  of  hostility 
"were  adopted.  In  a  short  time  after  his  elevation,  the 
establishment  of  a  monarchy  in  Mexico  was  suggested  by 
some  of  his  most  intimate  friends.  This  movement 
proved  to  be  unpopular,  and  prevented  his  obtaining  the 
necessary  loans  for  the  support^and  increase  of  the  army. 
The  condition  of  the  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  also  boded  war,  and  he  was  quite  will- 
ing to  wait  and  see  the  former  engaged  with  a  more  power- 
ful antagonist,  before  venturing  to  cope  with  their  forces 
single-handed. 

Mr.  Slidell  had  retired  to  Jalapain  February,  +o  await 
the  termination  of  the  revolutionary  contest  in  Mexico. 
As  an  entirely  different  government  had  been  establish- 
ed, after  the  country  became  more  quiet,  he  addressed  a 
note,  on  the  1st  of  March,  to  the  new  minister  of  foreign 
relations,  Castillo  y  Lanzas,  calling  his  attention  to  the 
subject  of  his  reception,  and  requesting  to  know  the 
views  of  the  new  administration  in  regard  to  the  question. 
He  was  informed,  in  reply,  by  the  note  of  the  minister, 
written  on  the  12th,  that  he  could  not  be  received  as  a 
resident  minister,  and  similar  reasons  were  given  for  the 
refusal  to  those  previously  expressed  by  Pena  y  Pena. 
In  consequence  of  this  final  rejection  of  the  offer  to  nego- 
tiate, Mr.  Slidell  requested  the  necessary  passports, and, 
in  a  few  days,  set  out  on  his  return  to  the  United  States.* 

*  See  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  House  of  Representatives,  Doc  19&— 
1st  session  29th  Congress. 


1845-8. J  HIS    COURSE    CENSURED.  2T1 

The  Mexican  government  immediately  commenced  making 
preparations  for  war.  Loans  were  obtained,  arms  and 
supplies  provided  for  the  army,  and  its  numerical  force 
augmented  ;  and  on  the  4th  of  April,  positive  orders  were 
issued  to  the  officers  commanding  on  the  northern  frontier, 
to  attack  the  American  troops. 

In  the  meantime,  the  American  administration  had  nol? 
been  unmindful  of  the  duty  imposed  upon  them.  The 
dispatch  of  Mr.  Slidell  exposing  the  duplicity  and  bad 
faith  of  the  Mexican  government,  and  announcing  the 
diet  amen  of  the  council,  was  received  on  the  12  th  of 
January,  1846,  and  on  the  following  day  General  Taylor 
was  instructed  to  advance  and  occupy  with  his  troops  po- 
sitions on  or  near  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  as 
soon  as  it  could  conveniently  be  done.  He  was  further 
directed  to  observe  his  former  orders  ;  to  commit  no  act 
of  hostility  or  aggression ;  not  to  enforce  the  common 
right  of  navigating  the  river,  or  to  treat  Mexico  as  an 
enemy  unless  she  assumed  that  character  ;  but  to  repel 
any  attack,  and  if  hostilities  were  commenced  by  the 
Mexican  troops,  to  adopt  such  offensive  measures  as  he 
might  deem  advisable. 

In  the  heat  of  party  strife,  it  was  natural  that  the  con- 
duct of  President  Polk  in  directing  the  advance  of  Gene- 
ral Taylor  to  the  Rio  Grande,  should  be  severely  critised 
and  censured  by  the  opposition.  The  same  thing  was 
witnessed  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison,  with 
reference  to  the  war  of  1812  ;  he  was,  maligned  and  ca- 
lumniated by  his  political  opponents,  but  posterity  has 
racted  out  justice  to  him  and  to  them.  The  memory  of 
Madison   is  enshrined  in  the  hearts  and  affections  of  the 


2T2  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8. 

American  people,  while  the  federalism  of  his  day  has  de- 
scended to  the  tomb  of  the  Capulets.  And  will  not  the 
historian  of  a  succeeding  age  discover  a  parallel  to  this 
in  the  administration  of  James  K.  Polk  ?  Political  oppo- 
nents, with  minds  heated  by  party  collisions  and  animos- 
ities, and  warped  by  prejudice,  represented  him  as  an- 
©ther  Caesar, 

"  ranging  for  revenge, 
With  Ate  by  his  side,  come  hot  from  hell," 

and  uttering  her  fell  cry  of  "  havoc,"  as  he  unleashed  the 
dogs  of  war. 

But  attacks  of  this  character  passed  him  by  unheeded. 
Strong  in  the  consciousness  of  right,  he  desired  only  to 
discharge  what  he  conceived  to  be  his  duty.  He  was  a 
man  of  peace.  Tlie  suffering  and  wretchedness,  the 
miser}^  and  woe,  which  war  produced,  he  always  deplor- 
ed ;  but  no  reflections  that  he  was  responsible  in  aught 
for  increasing  its  horrors  ever  occasioned  him  a  moment's 
pain,  or  disturbed  the  calm  serenity  of  his  dying  hour. 
He  would,  indeed,  have  been  recreant  to  duty, — false  to 
himself  and  false  to  his  country, — had  he  not  ordered  the 
advance  to  the  Rio  Grande.  It  was  the  policy  of  wis- 
dom— the  policy  of  right — the  policy  of  justice. 

It  has  been  said,  tliat  General  Taylor  ought  to  have 
remained  in  his  position  at  Corpus  Cliristi,  on  the  de- 
fence, and  tlie  ports  of  Mexico  been  blockaded  ;  and  thus 
an  actual  colHsion  woukl  have  been  avoided;  but  this 
argument  is  put  forbli  in  entire  ignorance  of  the  imprac- 
ticability of  the  Spanish  character.  Had  this  policy 
been  adopted,  the  question  would  either  never  have  been 
settled,  and  the  United  States  compelled  to  maintain  an 


1845-8.]       COMMENCEMENT    OF    HOSTILITIES.  2T3 

army  in  the  field,  and  a  naval  force  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexi- 
co, at  great  expense,  for  an  indefinite  period  of  time  ;  or 
else  hostilities  -would  soon  have  ensued,  and  in  the  latter 
event,  the  American  army  would  have  been  obliged  to 
traverse  the  T\-earj  route  between  Corpus  Christi  and  the 
Rio  Grande  before  being  able  to  strike  an  effective  blow. 
The  history  of  Mexico  furnishes  a  case  in  point.  She 
laughed  to  scorn  the  tri-color  of  France  when  her  har- 
bors were  blockaded,  but  soon  repented  of  her  folly,  when 
the  walls  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  came  tumbling  down  into 
the  roadstead  of  Vera  Cruz. 

In  fulfilment  of  his  instructions,  General  Taylor  broke 
up  his  encampment  at  Corpus  Christi  on  the  8th  day  of 
March,  1846,  and  commenced  moving  his  army  in  the 
direction  of  the  Rio  Grande.  No  opposition  was  offered 
to  his  march,  but  on  his  approach  to  Point  Isabel,  the 
building  ^  of  the  settlement  there,  called  Frontone,  were 
set  on  fire,  under  the  orders  of  Mexican  officers.  This 
he  viewed  as  an  act  of  war  ;  and  properly  so,  because  it 
was  the  destruction  of  property  on  territory  the  title  to 
which  was  in  dispute.  He  determined,  however,  to  pre- 
serve the  peaceful  attitude  which  he  had  hitherto  main- 
tained, and  leaving  a  small  body  of  troops  at  the  point, 
vrhere  he  established  his  principal  depot  of  stores,  he 
continued  his  march  Avith  the  main  army  till  he  reached  the 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  opposite  Matamoras.  He  then 
dispatched  one  of  his  officers.  General  Worth,  across  the 
river,  as  the  bearer  of  a  communication  to  General  Me- 
jia,  the  officer  in  command  at  Matamoras,  informing  him 
of  the  desire- of  the  American  commander  for  amicable 
relations,  of  his  intention  not  to  commit  any  acts  of  hos- 
12* 


<► 


274  JAMES  KNOX   POLK.  [1845-8. 

tility  unless  he  was  attacked,  and  of  his  willingness  to 
leave  the  port  of  Brazos  Santiago  open  to  the  citizens  of 
Matamoras  until  the  boundary  question  should  be  defin- 
itely settled. 

General  Worth  was  received  by  General  la  Vega,  the 
second  in  command,  who  refused  to  convey  the  communi- 
cation of  General  Taylor  to  General  Mejia.  General 
Worth  then  requested  permission  to  communicate  with 
the  American  Consul  at  Matamoras.  This  was  also  re- 
fused, whereupon  he  returned  to  General  Taylor's  posi- 
tion, and  informed  him  of  the  *^result  of  his  mission. 
Orders  were  now  given  to  encamp,  and  the  American  flag 
was  for  the  first  time  planted  on  the  shores  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  For  the  security  of  his  command,  and  not  in  a 
spirit  of  defiance,  General  Taylor  fortified  his  position, 
and  placed  his  artillery  so  as  to  cover  the  approaches. 
Everything  continued  peaceful  until  the  arrival  of  General 
Ampudia  at  Matamoras,  on  the  11th  of  April,  1846,  with 
a  reinforcement  of  about  twenty-five  hundred  men.  He 
immediately  assumed  the  command,  and  required  General 
Taylor  to  abandon  his  position,  and  to  retire  beyond  the 
Nueces,  or  the  war  would  be  commenced.  General  Taylor 
declined  to  discuss  the  irirernational  question,  and  refused 
to  retire. 

But  the  existence  of  a  state  of  war  having  been  thus 
announced,  General  Taylor  directed  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Grande  to  be  blockaded  by  the  American  naval  com- 
mander at  Brazos  Santiago,  who  had  received  orders  to 
cooperate  with  him.  No  further  ofiensive  measures  were 
at  the  time  adoptedj^y  him,  although  outrages,  perpetra- 
ted by  the  Mexican  irregular  troops,  or  rancherosy  were 


1845-8. J  INCIDENTS    OF    THE    WAR, 


275 


of  almost  daily  occurrence.    At  length  the  Mexican  army, 
now  under  the  command  of  General  Arista,  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande  in  force,  intending  to  surround  General  Taylor's 
position,  and  compel  him  to  capitulate.     But  he  and  his 
soldiers,  Hke  the  garrison  of  Cambray,  though  they  did 
not  know  how  to  surrender,  knew  very  well ''  how  to  fight." 
On  the  24th  of  April,  a  body  of  Mexican  lancers  com- 
mitted an  unprovoked  attack  upon  a  party  of  American 
troops  sent  out  to  observe  the  movements  of  Arista.    The 
Congress  of  the  United  States  was  at  this  time  in  session, 
and  on  receiving  the  intelligence  of  the  hostile  encounter' 
the  President  communicated  it  to  them  in  a  special  mes- 
sage, on  the  11th  day  of  May,  with  the  recommendation 
that  the  most  energetic  measures  should  be  adopted.    An 
act  was  therefore  passed,  on  the  13th  inst.,  with  great 
unanimity,— there  being  but  fourteen  negative  votes  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  but  two  in  the  Senate, 
—declaring  that  a  state  of  war  existed  between  the  two 
countries,  "  by  the  act  of  the  repubhc  of  Mexico."*    Pro- 
vision was  also  made  in  the  law  for  filling  up  the  regu- 
lar regiments  ;  the  President  was  authorized  to  accept  the 
services  of  fifty  thousand  volunteers  ;  and  the  sum  of  te» 
millions  of  dollars  was  appropriated  to  carry  on  the  war. 
The  utmost  activity  now  prevailed  in  all  the  executive 
departments  at  Washington.     Additional  duties  were  im- 
posed upon  the  President,  but  they  were  performed  with 
promptitude.     While  the  war  continued,  he  read  all  the 
dispatches  of  importance,  and  often  prepared  or  dictated 

Jrirt^'^'^'l'"'"  """"  '^"'"^"'^^  ^"'^^  P^^'^^^^^'  ^^^  notapprovec 
by  the  Whig  members.  They  endeavored  to  have  the  preamble  stxicken 
out,  but  when  the  motion  failed,  most  of  them  voted  for  the  act. 


276  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

the  orders  and  instructions.  During  the  summer  of  1846^ 
nearly  t^YentJ  thousand  men  were  thrown  forward  in  the 
direction  of  the  seat  of  war.  General  Ta^^lor  was  large- 
ly reinforced,  and  strong  columns  of  attack  were  directed 
upon  Chihuahua  and  New  Mexico,  under  Generals  Wool 
and  Kearny,  Previous  to  this,  however,  General  Taylor 
had  driven  the  Mexicans  from  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  by  his  brilliant  victories  at  -Palo  Alto  and  Resaca 
de  la  Pal  ma.  On  the  arrival  of  his  reinforcements  and 
supplies,  he  proceeded  against  Monterey,  the  capital  of 
New  Leon,  where  the  often  routed  columns  of  the  enemy 
had  rallied ;  and  rfter  a  stout  resistance,  this  town  also 
surrendered  to  his  arms,  on  the  24th  of  September.  On 
the  23d  day  of  February  following,  he  achieved  a  decisive 
victory  over  Santa  Anna,  w^ho  had  succeeded  Paredes  as 
the  head  of  the  Mexican ,  republic,  near  the  hacienda  of 
Buena  Vista. 

Meanwhile,  General  Scott  had  been  dispatched  with  a 
powerful  armament  to  Vera  Cruz.  Landing  near  that 
town  with  an  army  about  thirteen  thousand  strong,  he 
formed  a  line  of  investment  and  opened  his  batteries. 
The  city  soon  surrendered,  and  with  it  the  castle  of  San 
Juan  de  Ulua.  Having  garrisoned  the  town  and  castle, 
he  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  the  Mexican  capital. 
Driving  the  enemy  from  the  pass  of  Cerro  Gordo  by  a 
well-executed  covp-de-maiii,  he  continued  along  the  Na- 
tional Road  to  Puebla,  where  he  awaited  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements.  When  these  came  up,  he  moved  upon 
the  city  of  Mexico  with  his  army  arranged  in  four  di- 
visions, under  the  command,  respectively,  of  Generals 
Worth,  Twiggs,  Pillow^,  and,  Quitman.     Passing  round 


1845-8. J  THE    ARMISTICE.  277 

the  lakes  Chalco  and  Xocliimilco,  he  came  upon  the  south- 
ern approaches  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  On  the  19th  and 
20tli  of  August,  1847,  were  fought  the  bloody  battles  of 
Contreras  and  Churubusco,  and  the  capital  itself  seemed 
ready  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  victorious  Americans. 
The  Aicxican  authorities  began  to  repent  of  their  temeri- 
t}^  in  provoking  so  unequal  a  struggle,  and  proposed  an 
armistice,  to  give  aji  opportunity  for  opening  negotiations, 
to  which  General  Scott  cheerfully  assented. 

Repeated  efforts  to  negotiate  had  been  made  in  the 
meantime  by  the  American  government.  In  July,  1846, 
a  proposition  was  distinctly  made  by  Mr.  Buchanan  to 
the  Mexican  executive  to  open  negotiations  for  the  con- 
clusion of  a  peace,  but  the  friendly  offer  was  again  de- 
clined. In  the  spring  of  1847,  Mr.  Trist,  formerly  the 
chief  clerk  in  the  Department  of  State,  was  appointed, 
contrary  to  the  better  judgment  of  Mr.  Polk,  but  in  com- 
pliance with  the  request  of  a  great  number  of  his  friends, 
as  a  commissioner  to  accompany  the  column  commanded 
by  General  Scott,  in  order  that  if  propositions  of  peace 
were  offered  they  might  be  acted  on  without  dela}^  When 
the  armistice  was  concluded,  therefore,  Mr.  Trist  held 
several  conferences  with  the  commissioners  appointed  by 
the  Mexican  government,  but  the  terms  demanded  by  the 
latter  vrere  wholly  inadmissible,  and  the  negotiation  ter- 
minated abruptly.  The  armistice  had  already  been  in- 
fringed, on  several  occasions,  and  Gen.  Scott  determined 
to  be  trifled  with  no  longer.  On  the  8th  of  September 
the  battle  of  El  Molino  del  Rey  was  fought ;  on  the  13th 
instant,  the  castle  of  Chapultepec  was  stormed  and  the 
western  gates  of  the  city  seized  by  the  American  troops  ; 


278  JAIVIES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-8. 

and  on  the  following  day  their  standard  was  unfurled  in 
triumph  on  the  Palacio  of  Mexico. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  war,  New  Mexico 
and  the  Californias  had  been  overrun  and  taken  posses- 
sion of,  bj  General  Kearny  and  Colonel  Fremont,  with 
t'le  assistance  of  the  naval  squadron  in  the  Pacific,  under 
the  command,  at  different  periods,  of  Commodores  Biddle, 
Stockton,  Shubrick,  and  Jones.  Brides  the  conquest  of 
the  northern  provinces  of  Mexico,  General  Taylor  had 
in  his  possession,  or  under  his  control,  the  provinces  of 
Tamaulipas,  New  Leon,  and  Coahuila;  Tampico,  Tuspan, 
Alvarado,  and  Tabasco,  had  been  captured  by  Commo- 
dores Conner  and  Perry  ;  and  General  Scott  held  the  city 
of  Vera  Cruz,  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the  line  of 
the  National  Road,  with  the  important  towns  which  it  in- 
tersected, and  the  capital  of  the  Mexican  republic.  All 
this  had  been  accomplished  in  less  than  eighteen  months 
after  the  first  collision  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
No  difficulties  seemed  too  great  for  the  American  soldiers 
to  overcome, — no  odds  too  fearful  for  them  to  meet. 
Against  three  and  four  times  their  numbers,  they  con- 
tended, frequently  under  great  disadvantages  of  position, 
but  always  with  success ;  and  wdierever  their  flag  was 
borne,  the  eagles  of  victory  delighted  to  hover  above  it. 

Mexico  was  now  willing  to  negotiate.  JMr.Trist  had 
been  recalled,  in  consequence  of  acting  in  disregard  of 
his«-instructions,  but  he  had  not  yet  left  Mexico,  and  un- 
der the  advice  of  General  Scott,  he  concluded  a  treaty 
with  the  Mexican  commissioners  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose, at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  on  the  2d  day  of  February, 
1848.     By  this  treaty  the  Rio  Grande  was  established 


1848.]  TREATY  OF  PEACE.  279 

as  the  boundary  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico, 
below  El  Paso  ;  and  the  provinces  of  New  Mexico  and 
Upper  California, — the  latter  with  all  its  rich  mines  of 
wealth,  then  not  known  to  exist, — were  ceded  to  tlie 
United  States,  in  consideration  of  the  payment  to  Mexi- 
co of  the  sum  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  and  the  as- 
sumption by  the  former  of  the  claims  of  her  citizens. 

As  the  terms  of  the  treaty  were,  with  some  slight  ex- 
ceptions, satisfactory  to  Mr.  Polk,  he  submitted  it  to  the 
Senate,  although  it  had  been  concluded  by  an  unauthor- 
ized person.  That  body  duly  ratified  it,  with  certain 
modifications,  on  the  10th  of  March  ;  the  amendments 
were  approved  by  the  Mexican  Congress,  and  on  the  30th 
day  of  May,  the  ratifications  were  exchanged  in  the  city 
of  Queretaro,  by  the  commissioners  of  the  two  govern- 
ments. 


.« 


OHAPTER  X. 


The  Independent  Treasury— Tariff  of  1S46— Course  in  regard  to  Api^oint- 
ments — River  and  Harbor  Veto — Second  Annual  ]Message — Special  Mes- 
sage on  the  Improvement  Bill — Thirtieth  Congress — President's  jNIes- 
sage— Refusal  to  Communicate'  Diplomatic  Correspondence — Oregon 
Territorial  Bill — Vievrs  of  Mv.  Polk — Presidential  Election — Last  Con- 
gress during  his  administration — Inauguration  of  his  successor. 


Among  the  principal  recommendations  in  the  first  an- 
nual message  of  President  Polk,  Avere  the  reestablishment 
of  the  independent  treasury  system  ;  the  revision  of  the 
tariff  act  of  1842,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  it  conform 
to  the  revenue  standard,  Avith  the  substitution  of  ad- 
valorem  duties  for  rainimums,  oi*  false  valuations,  and  for 
specific  duties  ;"  the  increase  of  t':.e  navy^b}^  the  construc- 
tion of  additional  war  steamers  ;  and  the  graduation  and 
reduction  of  the  mininmm  rate  at  which  the  public  lands 
were  sold. 

These  recommendations  Avere  cordially  approved  by 
Congress.  The  independent  treasury  law  was  revived, 
and  again  established  under  more  favorable  auspices  than 
those  which  attended  its  first  introduction  into  the  finan- 
cial system  of  tlie  government.  A  new  tariff  law — 
known  as  the  tariff  of  184G — of  a  purely  revenue  charac- 
ter, and  based  on  a  plan  prepared  by  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  Mr.  Walker,  was  also  reported  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  from  tlie  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means.     A  protracted  and  able   debate,  in  which  the 


1845-9.]  APPOINTMENTS    TO    OFFICE.  281 

whole  subject  of  the  tariff  was  viewed  and  reviewed,  con- 
sidered and  reconsidered,  for  the  hundredth  time,  engaged 
the  attention  of  members  for  several  weeks.  The  bill 
was  finally  adopted  in  the  House  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred 
and  fourteen  to  ninety-four.  In  tlie  Senate  it  was  sus- 
tained by  a  vote  of  twenty-eight  to  twenty-seven,  and  it 
went  into  operation  on  the  1st  da}^  of  December,  1846. 
At  this  session,  also,  a  bill  was  passed,  and  approved  by 
the  President,  authorizing  imported  goods  subject  to  duty 
to  be  warehoused  in  the  public  stores  for  a  limited  pe- 
riod,— the  duties  to  be  paid  when  the  goods  were  re- 
moved. 

Most  of  the  time  of  the  two  Houses  toward  the  latter 
part  of  the  session,  was  occupied  in  considering  and  act- 
ing upon  the  various  measures  suggested  or '  proposed  for 
carrvino;  on  the  Avar.  In  ^roneral  a  most  commendable 
spirit  prevailed  in  this  respect,  among  the  members  of 
both  parties.  Whatever  tlie  President  asked  for  was 
promptly -voted,  and  in  addition  to  the  increase  of  the  reg- 
ular army,  the  placing  the  navy  on  a  vrar  footing,  and 
the  authority  to  call  out  volunteers,  ample  pecuniary 
means  were  placed  at  his  disposal.  Besides  the  first  ap- 
propriation of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  another  was  made 
of  twelve  millions,  and  various  smaller  sums  were  granted 
at  different  times. 

During  this  session  of  Congress,  the  President  was  re- 
quired to  make  a  great  number  of  changes  in  the  offices 
filled  by  his  appointment,  and  also  to  propose  many  new 
appointments.  In  making  his  selections  from  the  some- 
what numerous  applicants,  he  was  ever  governed  by  two 
considerations, — that  of  securing  a  faitliful,  able,  and 


282  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-1?. 

honest  officer,  and,  if  consistent  with  the  former,  that  of 
promoting  the  interests  and  welfare  of  the  party  which 
had  elevated  him  to  the  position  he  filled.  His  situation 
was  one  of  great  delicacy.  Formidable  divisions  had 
grown  up  in  the  democratic  party  of  New  York  ;  in  Penn- 
sylvania, the  friends  of  Mr.  Dallas  and  Mr.  Buchanan 
were  not  on  the  most  cordial  terms ;  in  the  west,  Mr. 
Benton  had  many  warm  adherents,  and  many  bitter  op- 
ponents, in  the  republican  party  ;  and  in  the  south,  the 
admirers  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  those  who  were  not  willing 
to  follow  his  lead,  were  often  pitted  against  each  other. 
To  avoid  an  open  rupture  with  one  or  other  of  these  fac- 
tions was  difficult,  but  he  succeeded  in  doing  so  until  the 
last  year  of  his  administration. 

Near  the  close  of  the  session,  a  bill  was  introduced  into 
the  House  of  Representatives,  placing  at  the  disposal  of 
the  President  the  sum  of  three  millions  of  dollars,  to  be 
used  by  him,  if  he  deemed  it  expedient,  in  the  negotiation 
of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Mexico.  While  the  bill  was 
under  discussion,  Mr.  Wilmot,  a  member  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  a  professed  friend  to  the  administration,  moved 
the  addition  of  a  proviso — to  which  his  name  has  since 
been  applied — prohibiting  the  existence  of  domestic  sla- 
very, except  for  crime,  in  any  territory  on  the  continent 
of  America  acquired  by  or  annexed  to  the  United  States, 
by  virtue  of  the  appropriation.  Like  the  measures  of 
the  abolitionists  in  former  years,  this  proposition  was  re- 
garded by  the  southern  members  as  a  blow  aimed  at  the 
interests  which  they  were  expected  to  guard.  They  op- 
posed it,  therefore,  but  as  it  came  upon  them  suddenly, 
at  the  close  of  a  fatiguing  session,  it  did  not  excite  much 


1845-9. j  HARBOR    AXD    RIVER    BILL.  ,283 

feeling  or  occasion  much  debate.     It  was  supported  by 
nearly  all  the  members  from  the  free  states,  and  was  con- 
sequently carried,  in  opposition  to  the  votes  of  the  mem- 
bers from  the  slaveholding  states.     In  the  Senate,  the 
bill,  which  had  been  amended  by  reducing  the  sum  asked 
for  to  two  millions  of  dollars,  was  lost  for  want  of  time. 
A  short  time  prior  to  the  adjournment,  an  act  was  pass- 
ed in  the  Senate,  which  had  received  the  favorable  vote 
of  the  House  on  the  20th  of  March,  making  appropria- 
tions for  the  improvement  of  certain  Jiarbors  and  rivers, 
in  all  amounting  to  nearly  fifteen  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars.    The  views  of  Mr.  Polk  on  the  subject  of  internal 
improvements  had  been  long  maturing,  but  they  were  now 
firmly  established.     The   appropriation  of   so  large   an 
amount  of  money,  at  this  peculiar  juncture,  when  the 
country  was  involved  in  war,  appeared  to  him  most  un- 
wise ;  but  he  was  opposed  to  the  bill  upon  principle.     A 
number  of  the  appropriations  were  for  the  improvement  of 
rivers  that  could  scarcely  be  called  navigable,  and  of  har- 
bors, on  the  northern  and  western  lakes,  where  there  was 
no  commerce,  and  which  were  not  required  for  the  securi- 
ty or  shelter  of  vessels  engaged  in  it.     In  his  opinion, 
these  appropriations  were  not  needed  for  the  protection 
of  foreign  commerce,   or  of  the  vessels  of  the  United 
States ;  and  he  was  unable,  therefore,  to  discover  any 
authority  for  making  them,  in  the  federal   constitution. 
For  this  reason  he  returned  the  bill  to  the  House,  on  the 
3d  day  of  August,  1846,  with  the  following  message  sta- 
ting his  objections  to  its  passage  : 


7 

284  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-9 


HARBOR    AND    RIVER    VETO. 

To  the  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  HAVE  considered  the  bill  entitled  "  An  act  making  appro- 
priations for  the  impovement  of  certain  harbors  and  rivers," 
with  the  care  which  its  importance  demands,  and  now  return 
the  same  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  which  it  origi- 
nated, with  my  objections  to  its  becoming  a  law.  The  bill 
proposes  to  appropriate  one  million  three  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-eight thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  to  be  ap- 
plied to  more  than  forty  distinct  and  separate  objects  of  im- 
provement. On  examining  its  provisions,  and  the  variety  of 
objects  of  improvement  which  it  embraces,  many  of  them  of 
a  local  character,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive,  if  it  shall  be  sanc- 
tioned and  become  a  law,  what  practical  constitutional  re- 
straint can  hereafter  be  imposed  upon  the  most  extended  sys- 
tem of  internal  improvements  by  the  federal  government  in 
all  parts  of  the  Union.  The  constitution  has  not,  in  my  judg- 
ment, conferred  upon  the  federal  government  the  power  to 
construct  works  of  internal  improvement  within  the  States,  or 
to  appropriate  money  from  the  treasury  for  that  purpose. 
That  this  bill  assumes  for  the  federal  government  the  right  to 
exercise  this  po.wer,  cannot,  I  think,  be  doubted.  The  ap- 
proved course  of  the  government,  and  the  deliberately  ex- 
pressed judgment  of  the  people,  have  denied  the  existence  of 
such  a  power  under  the  constitution.  Several  of  my  prede- 
cessors have  denied  its  existence  in  the  most  solemn  forms. 

The  general  proposition  that  the  federal  government  does 
not  possess  this  power  is  so  well  settled,  and  has  for  a  con- 
siderable period  been  so  generally  asquiesced  in,  that  it  is  not 
deemed  necessary  to  reiterate  the  arguments  by  which  it  is 
sustained.  Nor  do  I  deem  it  necessary,  after  the  full  and 
elaborate  discussions  which  have  taken  place  before  the  coun- 
try on  this  subject,  to  do  more  than  state  the  general  consid- 


1845-9.]      HARBOR  AND  RIVER  VETO.  285 

erations  which  have  satisfied  me  of  the  unconstitutionahty  ajid 
inexpediency  of  the  increase  of  such  a  power. 

It  is  not  questioned  that  the  federal  government  is  one  of 
hmited  powers.     Its  powers  are  such,  and  such  only,  as  are 
expressly  granted  in  the  constitution,  or  are  properly  incident 
to  the  expressly  granted  powers,  and  necessary  to  their  exe- 
cution.    In  determining  whether  a  given  power  has  been 
granted,  a  sound  rule  of  construction  has  been  laid  down  by 
Mr.  Madison.     Tliat  rule  is,  that  ''  whenever  a  question  arises 
concerning  a  particular  power,  the  first  question  is  whether 
the  power  be  expressed  in  the  constitution.     If  it  be,  the 
question  is  decided.     If  it  be  not  expressed,  the  next  inquiry 
must  be,  whether  it  is  properly  an  incident  to  an  expressed 
power,  and  necessary  to  its  execution.     If  it  be,  it  may  be  ex- 
ercised by  Congress.     If  it  be  not.  Congress  cannot  exercise 
it."     It  is  not  pretended  that  there  is  any  express  grant  in 
the  constitution  conferring  on  Congress  the  power  in  question. 
Is  it,  then,  an  incidental  power,  necessary  and  proper  for  the 
execution  of  any  of  tlie  granted  powers  ?     All  the  granted 
poAvers,  it  is  confidently  affirmed,  may  be  effectually  executed 
without  the  aid  of  such  an  incident.     ''A  poorer  to  be  inci- 
«3ental  must  not  be  exercised  for  ends  which  make  it  a  princi-    ' 
pal,  or  substantive  power,  independent  of  the  principal  power 
to  which  Ft  is  an  incident."     It  is  not  enough  that  it  may  be 
regarded  by  Congress  as  convenient,  or  that  its  exercise  would 
advance  the  public  weal.     It  must  be  necessary  and  proper 
to  the  execution  of  the  principal  expressed  power  to  which  it 
IS  an  incident,  and  without  which  such  principal  power  can- 
not be  carried  into  effect.     The  whole  frame  of  the  federal 
constitution  proves  that  the  government  which  it  creates  was 
intended  to  be  one  of  limited  and  specified  powers.     A  con- 
struction of  the  constitution,  so  broad  as  that  by  which  the 
power  in  question  is  defended,  tends  imperceptibly  to  a  con- 
solidation of  power  in  a  government  intend.ed  by  its  framers 
to  be  thus  Hmited  in  its  authority.     "The  obvious  tendency  ' 


286  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

and  inevitable  result  of  a  consolidation  of  the  States  into  one 
sovereignty,  Avould  be  to  transform  the  republican  system  of 
the  United  States  into  a  monarch3^"  To  guard  against  tlie 
assumption  of  all  pov/ers  -which  encroach  upon  the  reserved 
sovereignty  of  the  States,  and  ^vhich  consequently  tend  to 
consolidation,  is  the  duty  of  all  the  true  friends  of  our  polit- 
ical system.  That  the  power  in  question  is  not  properly  an 
incident  to  any  of  the  granted  powers,  I  am  fully  satisfied.; 
but  if  there  were  doubts  on  this  subject,  experience  has  de- 
monstrated the  wisdom  of  the  rule,  that  all  the  functionaries 
of  the  federal  government  should  abstain  from  the  exercise 
of  all  questionable  or  doubtful  powers.  If  an  enlargement  of 
the  ppAvers  of  tlie  federal  governmeut  should  be  deemed  pro- 
per, it  is  safer  and  wiser  to  appeal  to  the  States  and  the  peo- 
ple, in  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  constitution,  for  the  grant 
desired,- than  to  assume  its  exercise  without  an  amendment  of 
the  constitution.  If  Congress  does  not  possess  the  general 
power  to  construct  works  of  internal  improvement  within  the 
States,  or  to  appropriate  money  from  the  treasury  for  tiiat 
purpose,  whivt  is  there  to  exempt  some,  at  least,  of  the  ob- 
jects of  appropriation  included  in  this  bill,  from  the  operation 
of  the  general  rule  ?  This  bill  assumes  the  existence  of  the 
power,  and  in  some  of  its  provisions  asserts  the  principle,  that 
Congress  may  exercise  it  as  fully  as  though  the  appropria- 
tions which  it  proposes  were  applicable  to  the  construction  of 
roads  and  canals.  If  there  be  a  distinction  in  principle,  it  is 
not  perceived,  and  should  be  clearly  defined.  Some  of  the 
objects  of  appropriation  contained  in  this  bill  are  local  in  their 
character,  and  lie  wnthin  the  limits  of  a  single  State ;  and 
though,  in  the  language  of  the  bill,  they  are  called  harbors, 
they  are  not  connected  with  foreign  commerce,  nor  are  they 
places  of  refuge  or  shelter  for  our  navy,  or  commercial  ma- 
rine, on  the  ocean  or  lake  shores.  To  call  the  mouth  of  a 
creek,  or  a  shallow  inlet  on  our  coast,  a  harbor,  cannot  confer 
the  authority  to  expend  the  public  money  in  its  improvement. 


1845-9.]  HARBOR    AND    RIVER    VETO.  28T 

Congress  have  exercised  the  power,  coeval  with  the  constitu- 
tion, of  estabhshing  liglithouses,  beacons,  buoys,  and  piers,  on 
our  ocean  and  lake  shores,  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  navi- 
gation safe  and  easy,  and  of  affording  protection  and  shelter 
for  our  navy  and  other  shipping.  These  are  safeguards 
placed  in  existing  channels  of  navigation.  After  the  long  ac- 
quiescence of  the  government  through  all  preceding  adminis- 
ti-ations,  T  am  not  disposed  to  question  or  disturb  the  author- 
ity to  make  appropriations  foi-  such  purposes. 

When  we  advance  ^  step  beyond  this  point,  and,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  estabi^ohnient  nnd  support,  by  appropriations  fron? 
the  treasury,  of  lighthouses,  beacons,  buoys,  piers,  and  other 
improvements,  within  the  bays,  inlets,  and  harbors,  on  our 
ocean  and  lake  coasts  immediately  connected  with  our  foreign 
commerce,  attempt  to  make  improvements  in  the  interior  at 
points  unconnected  with  foreign  commerce,  and  where  they 
are  not  needed  for  the  protection  and  security  of  our  navy 
and  commercial  marine,  the  difficulty  arises  in  drawing  a  line 
beyond  which  appropriations  may  not  be  made  by  the  fed- 
eral gorernment. 

One  of  my  predecessors,  who  saw  the  evil  consequences  of 
the  system  proposed  to  be  revived  by  this  bill,  attempted  to 
define  this  line  by  declaring  that  "  expenditures  of  this  char- 
acter" should  be  "  confined  below  the  ports  of  entry  or  de- 
livery estabhshed  by  law."  Acting  on  this  restriction,  he 
v/ithheld  his  sanction  from  a  bill  which  had  passed  Congress 
"  to  improve  the  navigation  of  the  Wabash  river."  He  was 
at  the  same  time  "  sensible  that  this  restriction  was  not  as 
satisfactory  as  could  be  desired,  and  that  much  embarrass- 
ment may  be  caused  to  the  Executive  Department  in  its  exe- 
cution, by  appropriations  for  remote  and  not  well-understood 
objects."  This  restriction,  it  was  soon  found,  was  subject  to 
be  evaded,  and  rendered  comparatively  useless  in  cliecking 
the  system  of  improvements  which  it  was  designed  to  arrest, 
in  consequence  of  the  facility  with  which  ports  of  entry  and 


288  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

delivery  may  be  established  by  law  upon  the  upper  waters; 
and  in  some  instances  almost  at  the  head  springs  of  some  of 
the  most  unimportant  rivers,  and  at  points  on  our  coast  pos- 
sessing no  commercial  importance,  and  not  used  as  places  of 
refuge  and  safety  by  our  navy,  and  other  shipping.  Many 
of  the  ports  of  entry  and  delivery  now  authorized  by  law,  so 
far  as  foreign  commerce  is  concerned,  exist  only  in  the  statute- 
books.  ]S^o  entry  of  foreign  goods  is  ever  made,  and  no  du- 
ties are  ever  collected  at  them.  No  exports  of  American 
products  bound  for  foreign  countries  ever  clear  from  them. 
To  assume  that  their  existence  in  the  statute-book  as  ports  of 
entry  or  delivery,  warrants  expenditures  on  the  waters  lead- 
ing to  them,  wiiich  would  be  otherwise  unauthorized,  would 
be  to  assert  the  proposition  that  tlie  law-making  power  may 
engraft  new  provisions  on  the  constitution.  If  the  restriction 
is  a  sound  one,  it  can  only  apply  to  the  bays,  inlets,  and  riv- 
ers connected  with  or  leading  to  such  ports  as  actually  have 
foreign  commerce  ;  ports  at  which  foreign  importations  arrive 
in  bulk,  paying  the  duties  charged  by  law,  and  from  which 
exports  are  made  to  foreign  countries.  It  Avill  be  found,  by 
applying  the  restriction,  thus  understood,  to  the  bill  under 
consideration,  that  it  contains  appropriations  for  more  than 
twenty  objects  of  internal  improvement,  called  in  the  bill  har- 
bors, at  places  which  have  never  been  declared  by  law  either 
ports  of  entry  or  delivery,  and  at  which,  as  appears  from  the 
records  of  the  treasury,  there  has  never  been  a  vessel  cleared 
for  a  foreign  country. 

It  will  be  found  that  many  of  these  works  are  new,  and  at 
places  for  the  improvement  of  which  appropriations  are  now 
for  the  first  time  proposed.  It  will  be  found,  also,  that  the 
bill  contains  appropriations  for  rivers  upon  .  which  there  not 
only  exists  no  foreign  commerce,  but  upon  which  there  has  not 
been  established  even  a  paper  port  of  entry,  and  for  the  mouths 
of  creeks,  denominated  harbors,  which,  if  improved,  can  ben- 
efit only  the  particular  neighborhood  in  which  they  are  situa- 


1845-9. J      HARBOR  AND  RIVER  VETO.  289 

ted.  It  will  be  found,  too,  to  contain  appropriations,  the 
expenditure  of  which  will  only  have  the  effect  of  improving 
one  place  at  the  expense  of  the  local,  natural  advantages  of 
another  in  its  vicinity.  Should  this  bill  become  a  law,  the 
same  principle  which  authorize?  the  appropriations  which  it 
proposes  to  make,  would  also  authorize  similar  appropriations 
for  the  improvement  of  all  the  other  bays,  inlets,  and  creeks, 
Avhich  may  with  equal  propriety  be  called  harbors,  and  of  all 
the  rivers,  important  or  unimportant,  in  every  part  of  the  Union. 
To  sanction  the  bill  with  such  provisions,  would  be  to  con- 
cede the  principle  that  the  federal  government  possesses  the 
power  to  expend  the  public  money  in  a  general  system  of  in- 
ternal improveme;its,  limited  in  its  extent  only  by  the  ever- 
varying  discretion  of  successive  Congresses  and  successive 
executives.  It  would  be  to  efface  and  remove  the  limitations 
and  restricticms  of  power  which  the  constitution  has  wisely 
provided,  to  limit  the  authority  and  action  of  the  federal 
government  to  a  few  well-defined  and  specified  objects.  Be- 
sides these  objections,  the  practical  evils  which  must  flow 
from  tlie  exercise,  on  the  part  of  the  federal  government,  of 
the  powers  asserted  in  this  bill,  impress  my  mind  with  a  grave 
sense  of  my  duty  to  avert  them  from  the  country,  as  far  as 
rcy  constitutional  action  may  enable  me  to  do  so. 

It  not  only  leads  to  a  consolidation  of  power  in  the  federal 
government  at  the  expense  of  the  rightful  authority  of  the 
states,  but  its  inevitable  tendency  is  to  embrace  objects  for 
the  expenditure  of  the  public  money  which  are  local  in  their 
character,  benefiting  but  few,  at  the  expense  of  the  common 
treasury  of  the  whole.  It  will  engender  sectional  feelings 
and  prejudices  calculated  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  the 
Union.  It  will  destroy  the  harmony  which  should  prevail  in 
our  legislative  counsels.  It  will  produce  combinations  of 
local  and  sectional  interests,  strong:  enouo-h,  when  united, 
to  carry  propositions  for  appi'opriations  of  public  money  which 
could  not  of  themselves,  and  standing  alonej  succeed,  and 
13 


290  JAMES   KNOX    POLK.  [1845-9. 

cannot  fail  to  lead  to  wasteful  and  extravagant  expenditures. 
It  must  produce  a  disreputable  scramble  for  the  public 
money,  by  the  conflict  which  is  inseparable  from  such  a  sys- 
tem, between  local  and  individual  interests,  and  the  general 
interests  of  the  whole.  It  is  unjust  to  those  states  which 
have,  with  their  own  means,  constructed  their  own  internal 
improvements,  to  make  from  the  common  treasury  appropri- 
ations for  similar  improvements  in  other  states.  In  its  op- 
eration it  will  be  oppressive  and  unjust  toward  those  states 
whose  representatives  and  people  ei'dier  deny  or  doubt  the 
existence  of  the  power,  or  think  its  exercise  inexpedient,  and 
who,  w^hile  they  equally  contribute  to  the  treasury,  cannot, 
consistently  with  their  opinions,  engage  in  the  general  com- 
petition for  a  share  of  the  pubhc  money.  Thus,  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  Union  in  numbers  and  in  geograph-.cal  extent,  con- 
tributing its  equal  proportion  of  taxes  to  the  s-ipport  of  the 
government,  would,  under  the  operation  of  such  a  system,  be 
compelled  to  see  the  national  treasure  —  the  common  stock 
of  all  —  unequally  disbursed,  and  often  improvidentlr  wasted, 
for  the  advantage  of  small  sections,  instead  of  being  applied 
to  the  great  national  purposes  in  which  all  have  a  common 
interest,  and  for  which  alone  the  povrer  to  collect  the  revenue 
was  given.  Should  the  system  of  internal  improvemcLts 
proposed  prevail,  all  these  evils  will  multiply  and  increase 
with  the  increase  of  the  number  of  the  States,  and  the  extension 
of  the  geographieal  limits  of  the  settled  portions  of  our  coun- 
try. With  the  increase  of  our  numbers  and  the  extension  ot 
our  settlements,  the  local  objects  demanding  appropriations 
of  the  public  money  for  their  improvements  will  be  propor- 
tionately increased.  In  each  case,  the  expenditure  of  tlio 
pubhc  money  would  confer  benefits,  direct  or  indirect,  only 
on  a  section,  while  these  sections  would  become  daily  less  in 
comparison  with  the  whole. 

The*  wisdom  of  the  framers  of  the  constitution,  in  withhold- 
ing power  over  such  objects  from  the  fedei-al  government,  and 


1845-9. J  HARBOR    AND    RIVER    VETO.  291 

leaving  them  to  the  local  governments  of  the  states,  becomes 
more  and  more  manifest  with  every  year's  experience  of  the 
operations  of  our  system.     In  a  country  of  limited  extent, 
witli  but  few  such  objects  of  expenditure,  (if  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment permitted  it),  a  common  treasury  might  be  used  for 
their  improvement  with  much  less  inequality  and  injustice 
than  in  one  of  the  vast  extent  which  ours  now  presents  in 
population  and  territory.     The  treasure  of  the  world  would 
hardly  be  equal  to  the  improvement  of  every  bay,  inlet,  creek, 
and  river,  in  our  country,  which  might  be  sujDposed  to  pro- 
mote the  agricultural,  manufacturing,  or  commercial  interests 
of  a   neighborhood.     The   federal   constitution   was   wisely 
adapted  in  its  provisions  to  any  expansion  of  our  hmits  and 
population ;  and  with  tlie  advance  of  the  confederacy  of  the 
States,  in  the  career  of  national  greatness,  it  becomes  the 
more  apparent  that  the  harmony  of  the  Union,  and  the  equal 
justice  to  which  all  its  parts  are  entitled,  require  that  the  fed- 
eral government  should  confine  its  action  within  the  limits 
prescribed  by  the  constitution  to  its  power  and  authority. 
Some  of  the  provisions  of  this  bill  are  not  subject  to  the  ob- 
jections stated ;  and,  did  they  stand  alone,  I  should  not  feel 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  withhold  my  approval.     If  no  constitu- 
tional objections  existed  to  the  bill,  there  are  others  of  a  seri- 
ous nature  which  deserve  some  consideration.     It  appropri- 
ates between  one  and  two  milhons  of  dollars  for  objects  which 
are  of  no  pressing  necessity ;  and  this  is  proposed,  at  a  time 
when  the  country  is  engaged  in  a  foreign  war,  and  when  Con- 
gress at  its  present  session  has  authorized  a  loan,  or  the  issue 
of  treasury-notes,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war,  to  be  re- 
sorted to  if  the  "  exigencies  of  the  government  shall  require 
it."     It  would  seem  to  be  the  dictate  of  wisdom,  under  such 
circumstances,  to  husband  our  means,  and  not  to  waste  them 
on  comparatively  unimportant  objects,  so  that  we  may  reduce 
the  loan  or  issue  of  treasury-notes,  which  may  become  neces- 
sary, to  the  smallest  practicable  sura.     It  would  seem  to  be 


292  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-9. 

wise,  too,  to  abstain  from  sucli  expenditures  with  a  'S'iew  to 
avoid  the  accnmulation  of  a  hirge  piibhc  debt,  the  existence 
of  which  would  be  opposed  to  the  interests  of  our  people,  as 
well  as.  to  the  genius  of  our  free  institutions. 

Should  this  bill  become  a  law,  the  principle  which  it  estab- 
lishes will  inevitably  lead  to  large  and  annually  increasing 
appropriations  and  drains  upon  the  treasury,  for  it  is  not  to 
be  doubted,  that  numerous  other  localities,  not  embraced  in 
its  provisions,  but  qmte  as  much  entitled  to  the  favor  of  the 
government  as  those  which  are  embraced,  will  demand, 
through  their  representatives  in  Congress,  to  be  placed  on  an 
equal  footing  with  them.  With  such  an  increase  of  expend- 
iture must  necessarily  follow  either  an  increased  public  debt, 
or  increased  burdens  upon  the  people  by  taxation,  to  supply 
the  treasury  with  the  means  of  meeting  the  accumulated  de- 
mands upon  it.  Vf  ith  profound  respect  for  the  opinions  of 
Congress,  and  ever  anxious,  as  far  as  1  can  consistently  with 
my  responsibihty  to  our  common  constituents,  to  cooperate  with 
them  in  the  discharge  of  our  respective  duties,  it  is  with  un- 
feigned regret  that  1  find  myself  constrained,  for  the  reasons 
which  I  have  assigned,  to  withhold  my  approval  from  this 
bill. 

The  veto  of  the  President  occasioned  surprise  on  the 
part  of  some  of  the  members  of  the  House,  who  were 
either  ignorant  of  his  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  inter- 
nal improvements,  or  supposed  that  he  would  overlook 
the  few  items  in  the  bill  of  an  objectionable  character. 
After  some  debate,  the  bill  was  reconsidered  on  the  4th 
of  August,  and  declared  lost.  Ninety-seven  members 
voted  that  the  bill  should  become  a  law,  notwithstanding 
the  objections  of  the  President,  and  ninety-one  voted  in 
the  negative  ;  consequently  there  were  not  two- thirds  in 
its  favor. 


1845-9.]  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  293 

On  the  Tth  day  of  December,  the  twenty-ninth  Con- 
gress reassembled  for  the  short  session.  The  war  with 
Mexico  was  the  principal  topic  discussed  in  the  Presi- 
dent's message.  He  recommended  the  vigorous  prosecu- 
tion of  offensive  measures  until  "  indemnity  for  the  past 
and  security  for  the  future  "  were  obtained,  the  granting 
of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  the  appropriation 
of  the  sum  of  three  millions  of  dollars  asked  for  at  the 
previous  session.  He  also  repeated  his  views  in  regard 
to  the  tariff  system,  and  the  graduation  and  reduction  of 
the  prices  of  the  public  lands.* 

A  bill  making  the  desired  appropriation  of  three  mil- 
lions was  introduced,  and  passed  the  Hou^e,  with  the 
addition  of  the  Wilraot  Proviso  adopted  as  an  amend- 
ment after  a  long  and  heated  debate  ;  but  in  the  Senate, 
the  amendment  was  stricken  out,  and  the  bill  afterwards 
became  a  law  in  its  original  shape.  Bills  providing  for 
the  increase  of  the  army  by  ten  regiments,  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  additional  officers,  and  for  the  construction 
of  four  mail-steamers,  and  the  employment  of  twelve  in 
addition,  to  be  built  by  private  individuals,  in  the  mail 
seindce,  were  passed  at  this  session. 

At  this  session,  also,  an  act  was  passed  entitled  "  an 
act  to  provide  for  continuing  a  certain  public  work  in  the 
Territory  of  Wisconsin,  and  other  purposes."  This  bill 
was  the  same,  substantially,  with  that  vetoed  by  the 
President  at  the  previous  session.  It  was  adopted  in  the 
House  by  a  vote  of  89  to  72,  and  passed  the  Senate  on 
the  last  day  of  the  session.  Not  having  time  to  examine 
with  sufficient  care  the  details  of  the  bill,  or  to  prepare  a 

*  See  the  Appendix. 


294  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

statement  of  his  objections,  the  President  retained  it  in 
his  hands  until  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress, 
wherefore  it  did  not  become  a  law.  At  an  early  day  in 
the  ensuing  session,  however,  he  sent  a  special  message 
to  the  House  setting  forth  his  reasons  for  retaining  the- 
bill,  and  his  objections  to  its  passage,  which  were  similar 
to  those  stated  in  the  Harbor  and  River  Veto,  but  more 
elaborately  considered,  and  more  fully  expressed.* 

In  June,  1847,  Mr.  Polk,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Mason, f 
attended  the  commencement  ceremonies  of  his  Alma 
]\Iater,  and  shortly  thereafter  he  made  a  tour  through 
the  middle  and  eastern  states,  extending  his  journey  as 
far  as  Portland,  in  the  state  of  Maine.  In  every  town 
and  city  through  which  he  passed,  he  was  welcomed  in 
an  appropriate  manner, — such  as  became  the  high  office 
which  he  held  by  the  suffrages  of  his  countrymen,  and 
such  as  became  the  freemen,  of  all  parties  and  creeds, 
who  assembled  to  do  him  honor. 

The  elections  for  members  of  the  thirtieth  Congress, 
resulted  unfavorably  to  the  administration,  mainly  on 
account  of  local  dissensions  in  the  democratic  party  in 
the  state  of  New  York.  In  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, the  whigs  secured  a  small  majority.  This  Con- 
gress convened  for  its  first  session  on  the  Gth  of  Decem- 


*  See  the  Appendix. 

t  Mr.  Mason  was  now  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  he  having  been  trans- 
ferred to  that  office  on  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Bancroft  as  minister  to 
]']ngland.  Nathan  Clifford,  of  Maine,  was  appointed  attorney-general  in 
the  pfece  of  Mr.  Mason.  In  the  winter  of  1848,  Mr.  Clifford  was  appointed 
minister  to  Mexico,  and  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut,  was  made  attorney- 
general.    These  were  the  only  changes  that  took  place  in  Mr.  Polk's  cabinet 


1845-9. J       VIEWS    ON    THE    DEFENSIVE    POLICY.  295 

ber,  1847.  md  did  not  adjourn  till  the  14tli  of  August, 
1848.  Robert  C.  Wintlirop,  of  Massachusetts,  was  sup- 
ported by  the  whig  members  for  the  office  of  speaker, 
and  was  eleieted  on  the  third  ballot,  by  five  majority  over 
Linn  Boj^d,  of  Kentucky,  and  other  democratic  candi- 
dates. The  president's  message  was  delivered  to  the 
two  houses-  on  the  7th  instant.  Like  all  his  state  Dapers, 
it  was  an  able  document.  Topics  connected  with  the 
vrar  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  it,  and  he  repeated 
his  recommendation  of  the  former  year  in  regard  to  the 
manner  in  which  offensive  measures  should  be  prosecuted. 
It  had  been  suggested  in  many  quarters,  that  it  would 
be  advisable  to  withdraw  the  American  troops  to  a  de- 
fensive line,  which  should  be  occupied  and  held  until 
Mexico  sued  for  peace. 

Mr.  Polk  was  utterly  opposed  to  this  course,  and  ap- 
proved of  a  decidedly  active  policy.  ''  With  the  views  I 
entertain,"  said  he,  "  I  cannot  favor  the  policy  which 
has  been  suggested,  either  to  withdraw  our  army  alto- 
gether, or  to  retire  to  a  designated  line,  and  simply  hold 
and  defend  it.  To  withdraw  our  army  altogether  from 
the  conquests  they  have  made  by  deeds  of  unparalleled 
bravery,  and  at  the  expense  of  so  much  blood  and  treas- 
ure, in  a  just  war  on  our  part,  and  one  which,  by  the  act 
of  the  enemy,  we  could  not  honorably  have  avoided, 
would  be  to  degrade  the  nation  in  its  own  estimation  and 
in  that  of  the  world.  To  retire  to  a  line,  and  simply 
hold  and  defend  it,  would  not  terminate  the  war.  On 
the  contrary,  it  would  encourage  Mexico  to  persevere, 
and  tend  to  protract  it  indefinitely. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  Mexico,  after  refusing  to 


296  JAMES  KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

establish  such  a  line  as  a  j)ermanent  boundan^,  "when  our 
victorious  army  are  in  possession  of  her  capital,  and  in 
the  heart  of  her  country,  would  permit  us  to  hold  it  -svith- 
out  resistance.  That  she  would  continue  the  war,  and 
in  the  most  harassing  and  annoying  forms,  there  can  be 
no  doubt.  A  border  warfare  of  the  most  savage  charac- 
ter, extending  over  a  long  line,  would  be  unceasingly 
waged.  It  would  require  a  large  army  to  be  kept  con- 
stantly in  the  field,  stationed  at  posts  and  garrisons  along 
such  a  line,  to  protect  and  defend  it.  The  enemy,  re- 
lieved from  the  pressure  of  our  arms  on  his  coasts  and  in 
the  populous  parts  of  the  interior,  would  direct  his  atten- 
tion to  this  Hne,  and,  selecting  an  isolated  post  for  attack, 
would  concentrate  his  forces  upon  it.  This  would  be  a 
condition  of  affairs  which  the  Mexicans,  pursuing  their 
favorite  system  of  guerilla  warfare,  would  probably  prefer 
to  anv  other.  Were  we  to  assume  a  defensive  attitude 
on  such  a  line,  all  the  advantages  of  such  a  state  of  war 
would  be  on  the  side  of  the  enemy.  We  could  levy  no 
contributions  upon  him,  or  in  any  other  way  make  him 
feel  the  pressure  of  the  war,  but  must  remain  inactive 
and  await  his  approach,  being  in  constant  uncertainty  at 
what  point  on  the  line,  or  at  what  time,  he  might  make 
an  assault. 

"  He  may  assemble  and  organize  an  overwhelming 
force  in  the  interior,  on  his  own  side  of  the  line,  and, 
concealing  his  purpose,  make  a  sudden  assault  upon  some 
one  of  our  posts  so  distant  from  any  other  as  to  prevent 
the  possibility  of  timely  succor  or  reinforcements  ;  and  in 
this  way  our  gallant  army  would  be  exposed  to  the  dan- 
ger of  being  cut  oflf  in  detail ;  or  if,  by  their  unequalled 


1845-9.]       VIEWS    ON' THE    DEFENSIVE    POLICY.  297 

bravery  and  prowess,  everywhere  exhibited  during  this 
war,  they  should  repulse  the  enemy,  their  numbers  sta- 
tioned at  any  one  post  may  be  too  small  to  pursue  him. 
If  the  enemy  be  repulsed  in  one  attack,  he  would  have 
nothing  to  do  but  to  retreat  to  his  own  side  of  the  line, 
and,  being  in  no  fear  of  a  pursuing  army,  may  reinforce 
himself  at  leisure,  for  another  attack  on  the  same  or  some 
other  post.  He  may,  too,  cross  the  line  between  our 
posts,  make  rapid  incursions  into  the  country  which  we 
hold,  murder  the  inhabitants,  commit  depredations  on 
them,  and  then  retreat  to  the  interior  before  a  suiScient 
force  can  be  concentrated  to  pursue  him.  Such  would 
probably  be  the  harassing  character  of  a  mere  defensive 
war  on  our  part. 

"  If  our  forces,  when  attacked,  or  threatened  with 
attack,  be  permitted  to  cross  the  line,  drive  back  the 
enemy  and  conquer  him,  this  v/ould  be  again  to  invade 
the  enemy's  country,  after  having  lost  all  the  advantages 
of  the  conquests  we  have  already  made,  by  having  volun- 
tarily abandoned  them.  To  hold  such  a  line  successfully 
and  in  security,  it  is  far  from  being  certain  that  it  would 
not  require  as  large  an  army  as  would  be  necessary  to 
hold  all  the  conquests  we  have  already  m.ade,  and  to  con- 
tinue the  prosecution  of  the  war  in  the  heart  of  the  ene- 
my's country.  It  is  also  far  from  being  certain  that  the 
expenses  of  the  war  would  be  diminished  by  such  a  policy. 
I  am  persuaded  that  the  best  means  of  vindicating  the 
national  honor  and  interest,  and  of  brino-incr  the  war  to 
an  honorable  close,  will  be  to  prosecute  it  with  increased 
energy  and  power  in  the  vital  parts  of  the  enemy's  coun- 
try. In  my  annual  message  to  Congress  of  December 
13* 


298  JAMES  KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

last,'.  I  declared  that  '  the  war  has  not  been  waged  with  a 
view  to  conquest ;  but  having  been  commenced  by  Mex- 
ico, it  has  been  carried  into  the  enemy's  country,  and 
will  be  vigorously  prosecuted  there,  with  a  view  to  obtain 
an  honorable  peace,  and  thereby  secure  ample  indemnity 
for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  as  well  as  to  our  much  in- 
jured citizens,  who  hold  pecuniary  demands  against 
Mexico.'  Such,  in  my  judgment,  continues  to  be  our 
true  policy — indeed,  the  only  policy  which  will  probably 
secure  a  permanent  peace. 

"  It  has  never  been  contemplated  by  me,  as  an  object 
of  the  war,  to  make  a  permanent  conquest  of  the  repub- 
lic of  Mexico,  or  to  annihilate  her  separate  existence  as 
an  independent  nation.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  ever 
been  my  desire  that  she  should  maintain  her  nationality, 
and,  under  a  good  government  adapted  to  her  condition, 
be  a  free,  independent,  and  prosperous  republic.  The 
United  States  were  the  first  among  the  nations  to  recog- 
nize her* independence,  and  have  always  desired  to  be  on 
terms  of  amity  and  good  neighborhood  with  her.  This 
she  would  not  suffer.  By  her  own  conduct  we  have  been 
compelled  to  engage  in  the  present  war.  In  its  prosecu- 
tion, we  seek  not  her  overthrow  as  a  nation ;  but,  in  vin- 
dicating our  national  honor,  we  seek  to  obtain  redress 
for  the  wrongs  she  has  done  us,  and  indemnity  for  our 
just  demands  against  her.  We  demand  an  honorable 
peace  ;  and  that  peace  must  bring  with  it  indemnity  for 
the  past,  and  security  for  the  future.  Hitherto  Mexico 
has  refused  all  accommodation  by  which  such  a  peace 
could  be  obtained.  Whilst  our  armies  have  advanced 
from  victory  to  vict6ry,  from  the  commencement  of  the 


1845-9.]  OREGON    TERRITORIAL    BILL.  299 

war,  it  has  always  been  with  the  olive-branch  of  peace  in 
their  hands  ;  and  it  has  been  in  the  power  of  Mexico,  at 
every  step,  to  arrest  hostilities  by  accepting  it." 

The  President  again  earnestly  recommended  the  in- 
crease of  the  army.  He  advised  that  temporary  terri- 
torial governments,  should  be  established  in  California 
and  New  Mexico,  and  that  a  permanent  government 
should  be  provided  for  Oregon. 

But  few  acts  of  general  interest  were  passed.  A  great 
part  of  the  session  was  taken  up  with  the. discussion  of  the 
war  measures,  which  were  rendered  unnecessary  by  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  A  loan  of  sixteen  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  however,  was  authorized.  When  the 
war  bills  were  under  consideration,  a  warm  collateral 
debate  sprung  up  in  the  House,  upon  the  refusal  to  com- 
municate to  that  body  all  the  diplomatic  correspondence 
with  Mr.  Slidell.  The  President  thought  the  public  inter- 
est required  that  the  correspondence  should  not  be  made 
public,  and  he  declined  acceding  to  the  request,  in  con- 
formity to  the  example  of  Washington  with  respect  to 
the  Jay  treaty  in  1796,  and  that  of  John  Quincy  Adams 
in  relation  to  the  Panama  mission.* 

In  pursuance  of  the  recommendation  of  the  President, 
a  bill  providing  a  territorial  government  for  Oregon  was 
introduced  at  an  early  per^d  of  the  session.  In  the 
House,  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was  again  brought  foi-ward, 
and  attached  to  this  bill,  the  supporters  and  advocates  of 
that  measure  adhering  to  it  with  singular  pertinacity, 
though  so  often  defeated  in  the  attainment  of  their  object. 
The  Senate  for  a  long  time  refused  to  permit  the  passage 

*  Special  Message  of  President  Polk,  January  12,  1848. . 


300  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1845-9. 

of  the  bill,  "with  this  provision  forming  part  of  it.  At 
length  a  sufficient  number  of  senators  yielded  to  the  ne- 
cessity which,  as  INIr.  Polk  also  thought,  required  that 
the  territorial  government  should  be  organized  without 
delay.  The  bill  was.  then  passed,  with  the  Wilmot  Pro- 
viso attached. 

Mr.  Polk  did  not  regard  this  Proviso  as  a  violation  of 
the  constitution,  and  he  therefore  affixed  his  name  to  the 
bill.  But  he  was  opposed  to  the  Proviso,  and  agitation 
of  the  slavery  question,  and  deeply  lamented  that  section- 
al feelings  and  animosities  should  be  so  needlessly  en- 
kindled and  aroused.  In  his  message  to  the  same  Con- 
gress, at'the  succeeding  session,  he  referred  to  this  ques- 
tion, as  efforts  had  been  made  at  the  session  of  1847-8 
to  incorporate  the  Proviso  in  territorial  bills  for  New 
Mexico  and  California  by  which  they  had  ^en  defeated, 
and  expressed  his  views  in  clear  and  forcible 'terms.  "  It 
is  our  solemn  duty,"  he  said,  "to  provide,  with  the  least 
practicable  delay,  for  New  Mexico  and  California,  regu- 
larly organized  territorial  governments.  The  causes  of 
the  failure  to  do  this  at  the  last  session,  are  well  known, 
•and  deeply  to  be  regretted.  With  the  opening  prospects 
of  increased  prosperity  and  national  greatness  which  the 
acquisition  of  these  rich  and  extensive  territorial  posses- 
sions affords,  how  irrational  it  would  be  to  forego  or  to  re- 
ject these  advantages,  by  the  agitation  of  a  domestic 
question  which  is  coeval  with  the  existence  of  our  govern- 
ment itself,  and  to  endanger  by  internal  strifes,  geo- 
graphical divisions,  and  heated  contests  for  political  pow- 
er, or  for  any  other  cause,  the  harmony  of  the  glorious 
Union  of  our  confederated  States  ;  that  Union  which  binds 


1845-9. J  THE    SLAVERY    QUESTION.  301 

US  together  as  one  people,  and  which  for  sixty  years  has 
been  our  shield  and  protection  against  every  dano-er.  In 
the  eyes  of  the  world  and  of  posterity,  how  trivial  and  in- 
significant will  be  all  our  internal  divisions  and  struo^les 
compared  with  the  preservation  of  this  Union  of  the  States 
in  all  its  vigor  and  with  all  its  countless  blessings  !  No 
patriot  would  foment  and  excite  geographical  and  section- 
al divisions.  No  lover  of  his  country  would  deliberately 
calculate  the  value  of  the  Union. 

"  Future  generations  would  look  in  amazement  upon 
such  a  course.  Other  nations  at  the  present  day  would 
look  upon  it  with  astonishment ;  nnd  such  of  them  as  de- 
sire to  maintain  and.  perpetuate  thrones  and  monarchical 
or  aristocratical  principles,  will  view  it  with  exultation- 
and  delight,  because  in  it  they  will  see  the  elements  of 
faction,  which  they  hope  must  ultimately  overturn  our 
system.  Ours  is  the  great -example' of  a  prosperous. and 
free  self-governed  republic,  commanding  the  admiration 
and  the  imitation  of  all  the  lovers  of  freedom  throughout 
the  world.  How  solemn,  therefore,  is  the  duty,  how  im- 
pressive the  call  upon  us  and  upon  all  parts  of  our  coun- 
try, to  cultivate  a  patriotic  spirit  of  harmony,  of  good 
fellowship,  of  compromise  and  mutual  concession,  in  the 
administration  of  the  incomparable  system  of  government 
formed  by  our  fathers  in  the  midst  of  almost  insuperable 
difficulties,  and  transmitted  to  us  with  the  injunction  that 
we  should  enjoy  its  blessings  and  hand  it  down  unimpair- 
ed to  those  who  may  come  after  us  ! 

"  In  view  of  the  high  and  responsible  duties  which  we 
owe  to  ourselves  and  to  mankind,  I  trust  you  may  be  able, 
at  the  present  session,  to  approach  the  adjustment  of  the 


802  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-9. 

only  domestic  question  which  seriously  threatens,  or  pro- 
bably ever  can  threaten,  to  disturb  the  harmony  and 
successful  operation  of  our  system.  Theinimensely  val- 
uable possessions  of  New  Mexico  and  California  are  al- 
ready inhabited  by  a  considerable  population.  Attracted 
by  their  great  fertility,  their  mineral  wealth,  their  com- 
mercial advantages  and  the  salubrity  of  the  climate,  emi- 
grants from  the  older  States,  in  great  numbers,  are  al- 
ready preparing  to  seek  new  homes  in  these  inviting  re- 
gions. Shall  the  dissimilarity  of  the  domestic  institutions 
in  the  different  States  prevent  us  from  providing  for  them 
suitable  governments  1  These  institutions  existed  at  the 
adoption  C)f  the  constitution,  but  the  obstacles  which  they 
.interposed  were  overcome  by  that  spirit  of  compromise 
which  is  now  invoked.  In  a  conflict  of  opinions  or  of  in- 
terests, real  or  imaginary,  between  different  sections  of 
our  country,  neither  can  justly  demand  all  which  it  might 
desire  to  obtain.  Each,  in  the  true  spirit  of  our  institu- 
tions, should  concede  something  to  the  other. 

"  Our  gallant  forces  in  the  IMexican  war,  by  whose 
patriotism  and  unparalleled  deeds  of  arms  we  obtained 
these  possessions  as  an  indemnity  for  our  just  demands 
against  Mexico,  were  composed  of  citizens  who  belonged 
to  no  one  State  or  section  of  the  Union.  They  were  men 
from  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding  States,  from  the 
North  and  the  South,  from  the  East  and  the  West.  They 
were  all  companions  in  arms  and  fellow-citizens  of  the 
same  common  country,  engaged  in  the  same  common 
cause.  When  prosecuting  that  war,  they  were  brethren 
and  friends,  and  shared  alike  with  each  other  common 
toils,  dangers  and  sufferings.     Now,  when  their  work  is 


1845-9.J  THE    SLAVERY    QUESTION.  803 

ended,  when  peace  is  restored,  and  they  return  again  to 
their  homes,  put  off  the  habiliments  of  war,  take  their 
places  in  society,  and  resume  their  pursuits  in  civil  life, 
surely  a  spirit  of  harmony  and  concession,  and  of  equal 
regard  for  the  rights  of  all  and  of  all  sections  of  the 
Union  ought  to  prevail  in  providing  governments  for  the 
acquired  territories— the  fruits  of  their  common  service. 
The  whole  people  of  the  United  States  and  of  every  State 
contributed  to  defray  the  expenses  of  that  war, 'and  it 
would  not  be  just  for  any  one  section  to  exclude  another 
from  all  participation  in  the  acquired  territory.  This 
would  not  be  in  consonance  with  the  just  system  of  gov- 
ernment which  the  framers  of  the  constitution  adopted. 

"  The  question  is  believed  to  be  rather  abstract  than 
practical,  whether  slavery  ever  can  or  would  exist  in  any 
portion  of  the  acquired  territory,  even  if  it  were  left  to 
the  option  of  the  slaveholding  States  themselves.  From 
the  nature  of  the  climate  and  productions,  in  much  the 
larger  portion  of  it,  it  is  certain  it  could  never  exist ;  and 
in  the  remainder,  the  probabilities  are  it  would  not.  But 
however  this  may  be,  the  question,  involving,  as  it  does, 
a  principle  of  equality  of  rights  of  the  separate  and  sev- 
eral States,  as  equal  co-partniers  in  the  confederacy, 
should  not  be  disregarded. 

"  In  organizing  governments  over  these  Territories,  no 
duty  imposed  on  Congress  by  the  constitution  requires 
that  they  should  legislate  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  while 
their  power  to  do  so  is  not  only  seriously  questioned, 
but  denied'  by  many  of  the  soundest  expounders  of  that 
instrument.  Whether  Congress  shall  legislate  or  not, 
the  people  of  the  acquired  Territories,  when  assembled 


804  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

f. 

in  convention  to  form  State  constitutions,  will  possess  the 
sole  and  exclusive  power  to  determine  for  themselves 
whether  slavery  shall  or  shall  not  exist  within  their  limits. 
If  Congress  shall  abstain  from  interfering  with  the  ques- 
tion, the  people  of  these  Territories  will  be  left  free  to 
adjust  it  as  thej  may  think  proper  when  .they  apply  for 
admission  as  States  into  the  Union.  No  enactment  of 
Congress  could  restrain  the  people  of  any  of  the  sovereign 
States  of  the  Union,  old  or  new,  north  or  south,  slave- 
holding  or  non-slaveholding,  from  determining  the  char- 
acter of  their  own  domestic  institutions  as  they  may  deem 
wise  and  proper.  Any  and  all  the  States  possess  this 
right,  and  Congress  cannot  deprive  them  of  it.  The 
people  of  Georgia  might,  if  they  chose*,  so  alter  their  con- 
stitution as  to  abolish  slavery  within  its  limits  ;  and  the 
people  of  Vermont  might  so  alter  their  constitution  as  to 
admit  slavery  within  its  limits.  Both  States  would 
possess  the  right ;  though,  as  all  know,  it  is  not  probable 
that  either  would  exert  it. 

''  It  is  fortunate  for  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  Union 
that  this  question  is  in  its  nature  temporary,  and  can 
only  continue  for  the  brief  period  which  will  intervene 
before  California  and  New  Mexico  may  be  admitted  as 
States  into  the  Union.  From  the  tide  of  population  now 
flowing  into  them,  it  is  highly  probable  that  this  will  soon 
occur.  Considering  the  several  States  and  tlie  citizens  of 
the  several  States  as  equals,  and  entitled  to  equal  rights 
under  the  constitution,  if  this  were  an  original  question, 
it  might  well  be  insisted  on  that  the  principle  of  non- 
interference is  the  true  doctrine,  and  that  Congress  could 
not,  in  the  absence  of  any  express  grant  of  power,  inter- 


1845-9. J  THE    EVIL    AND    THE    REMEDY.  305 

fere  with  their  relative  rights.  Upon  a  great  emergency, 
however,  and  under  menacing  dangers  to  the  Union,  the 
Missouri  compromise  line  in  respect  to  slavery  was 
adopted.  The  same  line  wjfs  extended  further  west  in 
the  acquisition  of  Texas.  After  an  acquiescence  of  nearly 
thirty  years  in  the  principle  of  compromise  recognized 
and  established  by  these  acts,  and  to  avoid  the  danger  to 
the  Union  which  might  follow  if  it  were  now  disregarded, 
I  have  heretofore  expressed  the  opinion  that  that  line  of 
compromise  should  be  extended  on  the  parallel  of  thirty- 
six  degrees  thirty  minutes  from  the  western  boundary  of 
Texas,  where  it  now  terminates,  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
This  is  the  middle  ground  of  compromise,  upon  which 
the  different  sections  of  the  Union  may  meet,  as  they 
have  heretofore  met.  If  this  be  done,  it  is  confidently 
believed  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  every  section 
of  the  country,  however  widely  their  abstract  opinions  on 
the  subject  of  slavery  may  differ,  would  cheerfully  and 
patriotically  acquiesce  in  it,  and  peace  and  harmony 
would  again  fill  our  borders. 

''  The  restriction  north  of  the  line  was  only  yielded  to 
in  the  case  of  Missouri  and  Texas  upon  a  principle  of 
compromise,  made  necessary  for  the  sake  of  preservinir 
the  harmony,  and  possibly  the  existence  of  the  Union. 
It  was  upon  these  considerations  that  at  the  close  of  your 
last  session,  I  gave  my  sanction  to  the  principle  of  the 
Missouri  compromise  line,  by  approving  and  signino-  the 
bill  to  establish  '  the  Territorial  government  of  Oreo-on.' 
From  a  sincere  desire  to  preserve  the  harmony  of  the 
Union,  and  in  deference  for  the  acts  of  my  predece^ssors, 
I  felt  constrained  to  yiel4  my  acquiescence  to  the  extent 


306  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

to  which  thej  had  gone  in  compromising  this  delicate  and 
dangerous  question.  But  if  Congress  shall  now  reverse 
the  decision  bj  which  the  JNIissouri  compromise  was 
eflfected,  and  shall  propose  to  extend  the  restriction  over 
the  vfhole  territory,  south  as  well  as  north  of  the  parallel 
of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes,  it  Avill  cease  to  be  a 
compromise,  and  must  be  regarded  as  an  original  ques- 
tion. If  Congress,  instead  of  observing  the  course  of  non- 
interference, leaving* the  adoption  of  their  own  domestic 
institutions  to  the  people  who  may  inhabit  these  Territo- 
tories ;  or  if,  instead  of  extending  the  Missouri  compro- 
mise line  to  the  Pacific,  shall  prefer  to  submit  the  legal 
and  constitutional  questions  which  may  arise  to  the  deci- 
sion of  the  judicial  tribunals,  as  was  proposed  in  a  bill 
which  passed  the  Senate  at  your  last  session,  an  adjust- 
ment may  be  effected  in  this  mode.  If  the  whole  subject 
be  referred  to  the  judiciary,  all  parts  of  the  Union  should 
cheerfully  acquiesce  in  the  final  decision  of  the  tribunal 
created  by  the  constitution  for  the  settlement  of  all  ques- 
tions which  may  arise  under  the  constitution,  treaties, 
and  laws  of  the  United  States.  Congress  is  earnestly 
invoked,  for  the  sake  of  the  Union,  its  harmony,  and  our 
continued  prosperity  as  a  nation,  to  adjust  at  its  present 
session  this,  the  only  dangerous  question  which  lies  in 
our  path — if  not  in  some  one  of  the  modes  suggested,  in 
some  other  which  m'ny  be  satisfactory.'* 

The  national  democratic  convention  assembled  at  Bal- 
timore, in  May,  184:8,  to  nominate  a  candidate  to  succeed 
Mr.  l^lk  in  the  chair  of  state.  In  compliance  with  the 
determination  expressed  at  the  time  of  his  acceptance  of 
the  presidential  nomination  in  1844,  Mr.  Polk  declined 


1845-9.]  THE   PRESIDENTIAL    ELECTION.  307 

permitting  his  •  name  to  be  again  brought  forward  as  a 
candidate,  in  an  appropriate  letter,  addressed  to  a  mem- 
ber of  the  convention  from  his  own  state. 

Washington  City,  ]May  19, 1848.  ^ 
Dear  Sir — From  speculations  which  have  appeared  in 
some  of  the  public  journals,  and  from  frequent  inquiries 
which  have  been  made  of  me,  by  many  political  friends,  some 
of  them  delegates  to  the  Democratic  National  Convention, 
which  will  assemble  at  Baltimore  on  the  2  2d  instant,  I  am 
induced  to  suppose  that  it  may  be  the  desire  of  some  of  my 
friends  to  propose  my  renomination,  as  the  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party,  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  Should  you  ascertain  that  such  is  the  intention  of 
any  of  the  delegates,  I  desire,  through  you,  to  communicate 
to  the  Convention  that  I  am  not  a  candidate  for  the  nomina- 
tion, and  that  any  use  of  my  name  with  that  vievf,  which 
may  be  contemplated,  is  without  any  agency  or  desire  on  my 
part. 

The  purpose  declared  in  my  letter  of  the  12th  of  June, 
1844,  in  accepting  the  nomination  tendered  to  me  by  the 
Democratic  National  Convention  of  that  year,  remains  un- 
changed :  and  to  relieve  the  Convention  from  any  possible 
embarrassment  vfhich  "  the  suggestion  of  my  name  might 
produce  in  making  a  free  selection  of  a  successor  who  may  be 
best  calculated  to  give  effect  to  their  will,  and  guard  all  the  in- 
terests of  our  beloved  country,"  I  deem  it  proper  to  reiterate 
the  sentiments  contained  in  that  letter.  Since  my  election,  I 
have  often  expressed  the  sincere  desire,  which  I  still  feel,  to 
retire  to  private  life  at  the  close  of  my  present  term. 

I  entertain  the  confident  hope  and  belief  that  my  democratic 
friends  of  the  convention  will  unite  in  the  harmonious  nom- 
ination of  some  citizen  to  succeed  me,  who,  if  elected,  will  firm- 
ly maintain  and  carry  out  the  great  political  principles  intro- 
duced in  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  Democratic  National 


808  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-9. 

Convention  in  1844 — principles  wliicli  it  has  been  the  earnest 
endeavor  and  the  constant  aim  of  my  administration  to  pre- 
serve and  pursue — and  upon  the  observance  of  which,  in  my 
opinion,  mainly  depend  the  prosperity  and  permanent  Avelfare 
t>i  our  country. 

If,  oQ./eviewing  the  history  of  my  administration,  and  the 
remarkable  events,  foreign  and  domestic,  Avhich  have  attend- 
ed it,  it  shall  be  the  judgment  of  my  countiymen  that  1  have 
adhered  to  these  principles  and  faithfully  performed  my  duty, 
the  measure  of  my  ambition  is  full,  and  I  am  deeply  compen- 
sated for  all  the  laboi's,  cares,  and  anxieties,  which  are  insep- 
arable iVom  the  hio-h  station  which  I  have  been  called  to  fill. 

o 

1  shall  ever  cherish  sentiments  of  deep  gratitude  to  my 
fellow-citizens  for  the  confidence  they  reposed  in  me,  in  ele- 
vating me  to  the  most  distinguished  and  responsible  public 
trust  on  earth. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  that  I  should  add,  that  it  will  be 
no  less  my  duty  than  it  will  be  my  sincere  pleasure,  as  a  cit- 
izen, to  unite  with  my  democratic  fiiends  in  the  support  of 
the  nominees  of  the  convention,  for  the  offices  of  President 
and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.    With  great  respect, 

I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

James  K.  Polk. 
To  Dr.  J.  G.  M.  Kamsey. 

m 

There  were  twQ  sets  of  delegates  from  the  State  of 
New  Yorkj  claimiug  seats  in  the  Convention.  That  body 
refused  to  decide  between  them,  and  admitted  both  del- 
egations. Not  content  with  this  determination  of  the 
question,  one  of  the  delegations,  who  favored  the  incor- 
poration of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  into  the  territorial  bills, 
retired  from  the  convention ;  they  afterward  united  with 
a  portion  of  the  whigs,  and  the  great  body  of  the  abo- 
litionists, and  nominated  and  supported  Mr.  Van  Buren 
for  President,  and  Charles  F,  Adams,*of  Massachusetts, 


1845-9.]  LAST    MESSAGE, 


309 


for  Vice-President.  This  disaffection  extended  through 
most  of  the  northern  States,  wherebj  the  deraocrat°ic 
party  hjst  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  but  gained  the 
Stat.^  of  Ohio.  General  Cass,  the  nominee  of  the  Balti- 
more Cojivention,  was  defeated  by  the  wliig  candidate, 
GenernI  Zachary  Taylor,  whose  popularity,  acquired  by. 
means  of  the  very  war  which  his  supporters  condemned, 
elevated  Idm  to  the  presidential  chair,  althougli  the  elec- 
tions for  members  of  Congress  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a 
majority  unfriendly  to  his  administration. 

Congress  as&embled  for  the  last  time  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Mr.  Polk,  on  the'  4th  day  of  December, 
1848.  The  most  important  Subject  then  agitating  the 
public  mind,  was  that  growing  out  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso, 
and  lience  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Polk  upon  this  subject, 
which  have  been  before  presented,  were  made  known  in 
his  annual  message.  His  vetoes,  too,  had  been  attacked, 
in  some  of  the  northern  and  western  States,  with  great 
asperity,  and  an  effort  to  amend  the  constitution,  so  as^ 
to  deprive  the  executive  of  this  power,  was  said  to  be  in 
contemplation.  He  therefore  ayailcd  himself  of  the  00*^^.. 
casion  to  defend  and  vindicate  his  course,  and  to  express 
his  views  in  opposition  to  the  amendment  of  the  constitu- 
tion, in  the  following  terms  : — 

^  "  It  is  not  doubted,  that  if  this  whole  train  of  measures,  [a 
high  protective  tariff,  a  national  bank,  etc.,]  designed  to  take 
wealth  from  the  many,  and  bestow  it  upon  the  few,  were  to  pre- 
vail, the  effect  would  be  to  change  tlie  entire  character  of  the 
government.  Only  one  danger  remains.  It  is  the  seductions  of 
that  branch  of  the  system,  which  consists  in  internal  improve- 
ments, holding  out,  as  it  does,  inducements  to  the  people  of 


SIO  JAMES    KNOX    .^OTLK.  [1845-9. 

particular  sections  and  localities  to  embark  the  government  in 
them  -without  stopping  to  calculate  the  inevitable  conse- 
quences. This  branch  of  thQ  system  is  so  intimately  com- 
bined and  linked  "with  the  others,  that  as  surely  as  an  effect 
is  produced  by  an  adequate  cause,  if  it  be  resuscitated  and 
revived,  and  firmly  established,  it  requires  no  sagacity  to  fore- 
see that  it  will  necessarily  and  speedily  draw  after  it  the 
reestablishment  of  a  national  bank,  the  revival  of  a  protective 
tariff,  the  distribution  of  the  land  money,  and  not  only  the 
postponement  to  the  distant  future  of  the  payment  of  the 
present  national  debt,  but  its  annual  increase. 

I  entertain  the  solemn  conviction,  that  if  the  internal  im- 
provement branch  of  the  "  American  system"  be  not  firmly 
resisted  at  this  time,  the  whole  series  of  measures  composing- 
it  will  be  speedily  reestablished,  and  the  country  be  thrown 
back  from  its  present  high  state  of  prosperity,  which  the  exist- 
ing policy  has  produced,  and  be  destined  again  to  witness  all 
the  evils,  commercial  revulsions,  depression  of  prices,  and 
pecuniary  embarrassments,  through  which  we  have  passed 
during  the  last  twenty-five  years. 

To  guard  against  consequences  so  ruinous,  is  an  object 
of  high  national  importance,  involving  in  my  judgment  the 
continued  prosperity  of  the  country. 
^^  I  have  felt  it  to  be  an  imperative  obligation  to  withhold 
my  constitutional  sanction  from  two  bills  which  had  passed 
the  two  houses  of  Congress,  involving  the  principle  of  the 
internal  improv-emen|  branch  of  the  "  American  system,"  and 
conflicting  in  their  provisions  with  the  views  here  expressed. 

This  power  conferred  upon  the  President  by  the  constitu- 
tion, I  have  on  three  occasions,  during  my  administration  of 
the  executive  department  of  the  government,  deemed  it  my 
duty  to  exercise  ;  and  on  this  last  occasion  of  making  to  Con- 
m-ess  an  annual  communication  "  of  the  state  of  the  Union," 
it  is  not  deemed  inappropriate  to  review  tlie  principles  and 
'considerations  which  have  governed  my  action.     I  deemed 


1845-9. J  i!ast  message.  311 

this  the  more  necessary,  because,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  sixty 
years  since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  the  propriety  of 
the  exercise  of  this  undoubted  constitutional  power  by  the 
President,  has  for  the  first  time  been  drawn  seriously  in  ques- 
tion by  a  portion  of  my  fellow-citizens. 

The  constitution  provides  that  "  every  bill  which  shall  have 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  Senate,  shall, 
before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  :  if  he  approve  he  sliall  sign  it,  but  if  not,  he 
shall  return  it  with  his  objections,  to  that  house  in  which  it 
shfiill  have  originated,  Avho  sliall  enter  the  objections  at  large 
on  their  journal  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it." 

The  preservation  of  the  constitution  from  infraction  is  the 
President's  highest  duty.  He  is  bound  to  discharge  that  duty, 
at  whatever  hazard  of  incurring  the  displeasure  of  those  who 
may  differ  with  him  in  opinion.  He  is  bound  to  discharge 
it,  as  well  by  his  obligations  to  the  people  who  have  clothed 
him  with  his  exalted  trust,  as  by  his  oath  of  office,  wliich  he 
may  not  disregard.  Nor  are  tlie  obligations  of  the  President 
in  any  degree  lessened  by  the  pievnier.ce  of  views  different 
from  his  OAvn  in  one  or  bnth  iiouses  of  Congress.  It  is  not 
alone  hasty  and  inconsid-u'ate  legislation  that  he  is  required 
to  check  ;  but  if  at  any  t'.rae  Congress  shall,  after  apparently 
full  deliberation,  resolve  on  measures  wliicli  lie  deems  sub- 
versive of  the  constitution,  or  of  the  \ital  interests  of  tlie 
country,  it  is  his  solemn  duty  to  stjind  in  the  breach  and  r^ 
sist  them.  The  President  is  bound  to  appiove,  or  disapprove, 
every  bill  which  passes  Cono:ress  ;ind  is  pi-esented  to  him  for 
his  signature.  The  constitution  makes  this  h.is  duty,  and  he 
cannot  escape  it  if  he  would,  lie  has  no  election.  In  de- 
ciding upon  any  bill  presented  to  him,  he  must  exercise  his 
own  best  judgment.  If  he  cannot  approve,  the  constitution 
commands  him  to  return  the  bill  to  the  House  in  which  it  * 
originated,  with  his  objections  ;  and  if  he  fail  to  do  this  with- 
in ten  days,  (^inday  excepted,)  it  shall  become  a  law  without 


S12  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845-9. 

his  sij^nature.  Right  or  Avrong,  he  may  be  overruled  by  a 
vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House;  and,  in  that  event,  the  bill  be- 
comes a  law  without  his  sanction.  If  his  objections  be  not  thus 
overruled,  the  subject  is  only  postponed,  and  is  referred  to 
the  States  and  the  people  for  their  consideration  and  decision. 

The  President's  pov/er  is  negative  merely,  and  not  affirnui- 
tive.  He  can  enact  no  law.  The  only  effect,  therefore,  of 
his  withholding  his  approval  of  a  bill  passed  by  Congress,  is 
to  suffer  the  existing  laws  to  remain  unchanged,  and  the  de- 
lay occasioned  is  only  that  required  to  enable  the  States  and 
the  people  to  consider  and  act  upon  the  subject  in  the  elec- 
tion of  accents  who  will  carry  out  their  wishes  and  instructions. 
Any  attempt  to  coerce  the  President  to  yield  his  sanction  to 
measures  which  he  cannot  approve,  wQuld  be  a  violation  of 
the  spirit  of  the  constitution,  palpable  and  flagrant ;  and  if 
successful,  would  break  down  the  iadependence  of  the  exec- 
utive department,  and  make  the  President,  elected  by  the 
people,  and  clothed  by  tlie  constitu'.lon  with  power  to  defend 
their  rights,  the  instrument  of  a  snajority  of  Congress.  A 
surrender,  on  his  part,  of  tlie  powe  •  with  wliich  the  constitu- 
tion has  iiivcsted  liis  oHitjc,  ^^o'aIu  c  lect  a  practical  alteration 
of  that  instrument,  without  reso;ti.:g  to  the  prescribed  pro- 
cess of  amendment. 

With  the  motives  or  considei-ations  which  may  induce  Con- 
gress to  pass  any  bill,  the  President  can  have  nothing  to  do. 
He  must  presume  tliem  to  be  as  pure  as  his  own,  and  look 
OT^'-  t<-)  tlie  practical  (uTect  of  their  measures  when  compared 
wiih  the  c!)nstitu.i()-i  or  ih",  public  good. 

But  it  has  been  urged  by  those  wlio  object  to  the  exercise 
of  this  undoubted  constitutional  power,  that  it  assails  the  rep- 
resentative principle  and  the  capacity  of  the  people  to  govern 
themselves ;  that  th«re  is  greater  safety  in  a  numerous  repre- 
.sentative  body  than  in  tlie  single  Mvecutive  created  by  the 
constitution,  and  that  tlie  executive  vs'to  is  a  '.'  one-man  pow- 
er," despotic  in  its  cha-aoter.     To  e.\[)0se  the  fallacy  of  this 


1845-9.J  LAST    MESSAGE.  813 

objection,  it  is  only  necessary  to  consider  the  frame  and  true 
character  of  our  system.  Ours  is  not  a  consoUdated  empire, 
but  a  confederated  Union.  The  States,  before  the  adoption 
of  the  constitution,  were  coordinate,  coequal,  and  separate  in- 
dependent sovereignties,  and  by  its  adoption  they  did  not  lose 
that  character.  They  clothed  the  fedei-al  government  with 
certain  powers,  and  reserved  all  others,  including  their  own 
sovereignty,  to  themselves.  They  guarded  their  own  rights 
as  States  and  the  rights  of  the  people,  by  the  very  limitations 
which  they  incorporated  into  the  federal  constitution,  whereby 
the  different  departments  of  the  general  government  were 
checks  upon  each  other.  That  the  majority  should  govern, 
is  a  general  principle,  controverted  by  none  ;  but  they  must 
govern  according  to  the  constitution,  and  not  according  to  an 
undefined  and  unrestrained  discretion,  whereby  they  may  op- 
press the  minority. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  are  not  blind  to  the  fact 
that  they  may  be  temporarily  misled,  and  that  their  represen- 
tatives, legislative  and  executive,  may  be  mistaken  or  influ- 
enced in  their  action  by  improper  motives.  They  have,  there- 
fore, interposed  between  themselves  and  the  laws  which  may 
be  passed  by  their  public  agents,  various  representations ; 
such  as  assemblies,  senates,  and  governors  in  their  several 
States  ;  a  House  of  Representatives,  a  Senate,  and  a  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  The  people  can  by  their  own  di- 
rect agency  make  no  law ;  nor  can  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, immediately  elected  by  them  ;  nor  can  the  Senate  ;  nor^*""' 
can  both  tocrether,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  President, 
or  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  houses. 

Happily  for  themselves,  the  people,  in  framing  our  admira- 
ble system  of  government,  were  conscious  of  the  infirmities  of 
their  representatives ;  and,  in  delegating  to  them  the  power 
of  legislation,  they  have  fenced  them  around  with  cliecks,  to 
guard  against  the  effects  of  hasty  action,  of  error,  of  combina- 
tion, and  of  possible  corruption.  Error,  selfishness  and  faction 
14 


314  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845-9. 

have  often  sought  to  rend  asunder  this  web  of  checks,  and 
subject  the  government  to  the  control  of  fanatic  and  sinister 
influences ;  but  these  efforts  have  only  satisfied  the  people  of 
the  wisdom  of  the  checks  which  they  have  imposed,  and  of 
the  necessity  of  preserving  them  unimpaired. 

The  true  theory  of  our  system  is  not  to  govern  by  the  acts 
or  decrees  of  any  one  set  of  representatives.  The  constitu- 
tion interposes  checks  upon  all  branches,  of  the  government, 
in  order  to  give  time  for  error  to  be  corrected  and  delusion  to 
pass  away ;  but  if  the  people  settle  down  into  a  firm  convic- 
tion different  from  that  of  their  representatives,  they  give  ef- 
fect to  their  opinions  by  changing  their  public  servants.  The 
checks  which  the  people  imposed  on  their  public  servants  in 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  are  the  best  evidence  of  their 
capacity  for  self-government.  They  know  that  the  men 
whom  they  elect  to  public  stations  are  of  like  infirmities  and 
passions  with  themselves,  and  not  to  be  trusted  Avithout  being- 
restricted  by  coordinate  authorities  and  constitutioiial  limita- 
tions. Who  that  has  witnessed  the  leo^islation  of  Confess 
for  the  last  thirty  years  will  say  that  he  knows  of  no  instance 
in  which  measures  not  demanded  by  the  public  good  have 
lieen  carried  ?  Who  will  deny  that  in  the  State  govern- 
ments, by  combinations  of  individuals  and  sections,  in  deroga- 
tion of  the  general  interest,  banks  have  been  chartered,  sys- 
tems of  internal  improvement  adopted,  and  debts  entailed 
upon  the  people,  repressing  their  growth,  and  impairing  their 
energies  for  years  to  come  ? 

After  so  much  experience,  it  cannot  be  said  that  absolute 
unchecked  power  is  safe  in  the  hands  of  any  one  set  of  rep- 
resentatives, or  that  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-gov- 
ernment, which  is  admitted  in  its  broadest  extent,  is  a  conclu- 
sive argument  to  prove  the  prudence,  wisdom,  and  integrity 
of  their  representatives. 

The  people,  by  the  constitution,  have  commanded  the  Presi- 
dent, as  much  as  they  have  commanded  the  legislative  branch 


*^: 


1845-9.  1  LAST    MESSAGE.  B15 

of  the  government,  to  execute  their  will.  They  have  said  to 
him  in  the  constitution,  which  they  require  he  shall  take  a 
solemn  oath  to  support,  that  if  Congress  pass  any  bill  which  . 
he  cannot  approve,  "  he  shall  return  it  to  the  House  in  which 
it  originated,  with  his  objections."  In  withholding  from  it 
his  approval  and  signature,  he  is  executing  the  will  of  the 
people  constitutionally  expressed,  as  much  as  the  Congress 
that  passed  it.  No  bill  is  presumed  to  be  in  accordance  with 
the  popular  will  until  it  shall  have  passed  through  all  the 
branches  of  the  government  required  by  the  constitution  to 
make  it  a  law.  A  bill  which  passes  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives may  be  rejected  by  the  Senate ;  and  so  a  bill  passed 
by  the  Senate  may  be  rejected  by  the  House.  In  each  case, 
the  respective  houses  exercise  the  veto  power  on  the  other.  . 

Congress,  and  each  House  of  Congress,  hold  under  the  con- 
stitution a  check  upon  the  President,  and  he,  by  the  power 
of  the  qualified  veto,  a  check  upon  Congress.  When  the 
President  recommends  measures  to  Congress,  he  avows,  in 
the  most  solemn  form,  his  opinions,  gives  his  voice  in  their 
favor,  and  pledges  himself  in  advance  to  approve  them  if 
passed  by  Congress.  If  he  acts  Avithout  due  consideration, 
or  has  been  influenced  by  improper  or  corrupt  motives — or 
if,  from  any  other  cause.  Congress,  or  either  House  of  Con- 
gress, shall  differ  with  him  in  opinion,  they  exercise  their  veto 
upon  his  recommendations,  and  reject  them ;  and  there  is  no 
appeal  from  then*  decision,  but  to  the  people  at  the  ballot-  % 
box.  These  are  proper  checks  upon  the  Executive  wisely  in-^ 
terposed  by  the  constitution.  None  will  be  found  to  object* 
to  them,  or  to  wish  them  removed.  It  is  equally  important 
that  the  constitutional  checks  of  the  Executive  upon  the  legis- 
lative branch  should  be  preserved. 

If  it  be  said  that  the  representatives  in  the  popular  branch 
of  Congress  are  chosen  directly  by  the  people,  it  is  answered, 
the  people  elect  the  President.  If  both  houses  represent  the 
States  and  the  people,  so  does  the  President.     The  President 


316  JAMES   KNOX  POLK.  [1845-9. 

represents  in  tlie  executive  department  the  whole  people  of 
the  United  States,  as  each  member  of  the  legislative  depart- 
ment represents  portions  of  them. 

The  doctrines  of  restriction  upon  legislative  and  executive 
power,  while  a  well-settled  public  opinion  is  enabled  within  a 
reasonable  time  to  accomplish  its  ends,  has  made  our  country 
what  it  is,  and  has  opened  to  us  a  career  of  glory  and  happi- 
ness to  which  all  other  nations  have  been  strangers. 

In  the  exercise  of  the  power  of  the  veto,  the  President  is 
responsible  not  only  to  an  enlightened  public  opinion,  but  to 
the  people  of  the  whole  Union,  who  elected  him,  as  the  rep- 
resentatives in  the  legislative  branches,  who  differ  with  him 
in  opinion,  are  responsible  to  the  people  of  particular  States, 
or  districts,  who  compose  their  respective  constituencies.  To 
deny  to  the  President  the  exercise  of  this  power,  would  be  to 
repeal  that  provision  of  the  constitution  which  confers  it  upon 
him.  To  charge  that  its  exercise  unduly  controls  the  legisla- 
tive, will,  is  to  complain  of  the  constitution  itself. 

If  the  presidential  veto  be  objected  to  upon  the  ground 
that  it  checks  and  thwarts  the  public  will,  upon  the  same 
principle  the  equality  of  representation  of  the  States  in  the 
Senate  should  be  stricken  out  of  the  constitution.  The  vote 
of  a  Senator  from  Delaware  has  equal  weight  in  deciding 
upon  the  nw3st  important  measures  with  a  vote  of  a  Senator 
from  New  York ;  and  yet  the  one  represents  a  State  contain- 
ing, according  to  the  existing  apportionment  of  representa- 
tives in  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  one  thirty-fourth 
part  of  the  population  of  the  other.  By  the  constitutional 
composition  of  the  Senate,  a  majority  of  that  body  from  the 
smaller  States  represents  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  people 
of  the  Union.  There  are  thirty  States ;  and,  under  the  exist- 
ing apportionment  of  representatives,  there  are  two  hundred 
and  thirty  members  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Six- 
teen of  the  smaller  States  are  represented  in  that  House  by 
but  fifty  members ;  and  yet  the  Senators  from  these  States 


1845-9.  J  LAST    MESSAGE.  317 

constitute  a  majority  of  the  Senate.  So  that  the  President 
may  recommend  a  measure  to  Congress,  and  it  may  receive 
the  sanction  and  approval  of  more  than  three-fourths  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  of  all  the  senators  from  the 
large  States,  containing  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  whole 
population  of  the  United  States ;  and  yet  the  measure  may 
be  defeated  by  the  votes  of  the  Senators  from  the  smaller 
States.  None,  it  is  presumed,  can  be  found  ready  to  change 
the  organization  of  the  Senate  on  this  account,  or  to  strike 
that  body  practically  out  of  existence,  by  requiring  that  its 
action  shall  be  conformed  to  the  will  of  the  more  numerous 
branch. 

Upon  the  same  principle  that  the  veto  of  the  President 
should  be  practically  abolished,  the  power  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent to  give  the  casting  vote  upon  an  equal  division  of  the 
Senate  should  be  abolished  also.  The  Vice-President  exer- 
cises the  veto  power  as  ejflectually  by  rejecting  a  bill  by  his 
casting  vote,  as  the  President  does  by  refusing  to  approve 
and  sign  it.  *I'his  power  has  been  exercised  by  the  Vice- 
President  in  a  few  instances,  the  most  important  of  which  was 
the  rejection  of  the  bill  to  recharter  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  in  1811.  It  may  happen  that  a  bill  may  be  passed  by 
a  large  majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  may 
be  supported  by  the  senators  from  the  larger  States,  and  the 
Vice-President  may  reject  it  by  giving  his  vote  with  the  sena- 
tors from  the  smaller  States  ;  and  yet  none,  it  is  presumed, 
are  prepared  to  deny  to  him  the  exercise  of  this  power  under 
the  constitution. 

But  it  is,  in  point  of  fact,  untrue  that  an  act  passed  by 
Congress  is  conclusive  evidence  that  it  is  an  emanation  of  the 
popular  Avill.  A  majority  of  the  whole  number  elected  to 
each  house  of  Congress  constitutes  a  quorum,  and  a  majority 
of  that  quorum  is  competent  to  pass  laws.  It  might  happen 
that  a  quorum  of  the  irlouse  of  Representatives,  consisting  of 
a  sino-le  member  more  than  half  of  the  whole  niunber  elected 


*rV- 


818  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9 

to  that  house,  might  pass  a  bill  by  a  majority  of  a  single 
vote,  and  in  that  case  a  fraction  more  than  one-fourtli  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  would  be  represented  by  those 
who  voted  for  it.  It  might  happen  that  the  same  bill  might 
be  passed  by  a  majority  of  one,  of  a  quorum  of  a  Senate, 
composed  of  senators  from  the  fifteen  smaller  States,  and  a 
single  senator  from  a 'sixteenth  State,  and  if  the  senators  vot- 
ing for  it  happened  to  be  from  the  eight  of  the  smallest  of 
these  States,  it  would  be  passed  by  the  votes  of  senators  from 
States  having  but  fourteen  representatives  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  containing  less  than  one-sixteenth  of  the 
whole  population  of  the  United  States.  This  extreme  case  is 
stated  to  illustrate  the  fact,  that  the  mere  passage  of  a  bill  by 
Congress  is  no  conclusive  evidence  that  those  who  passed  it 
represent  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  or 
truly  reflect  their  will.  If  such  an  extreme  case  is  not  likely 
to  happen,  cases  that  approximate  it  are  of  constant  occur- 
rence. It  is  believed  that  not  a  single  law  has  been  passed 
since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  upon  which  all  the 
members  elected  to  both  houses  have  been  present  and  voted. 
Many  of  the  most  important  acts  which  have  passed  Congress 
have  been  carried*  by  a  close  vote  in  thin  houses.  Many  in- 
stances of  this  might  be  given.  Indeed,  our  experience  proves 
that  many  of  the  most  important  acts  of  C  ongress  are  post- 
poned to  the  last  days,  and  often  the  last  hours  of  a  session, 
when  they  are  disposed  of  in  haste,  and  by  houses  but  little 
exceeding  the  number  necessary  to  form  a  quorum. 

Besides,  in  most  of  the  States  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  are  chosen  by  pluralities,  and  not  by  ma- 
jorities of  all  the  voters  in  their  respective  districts ;  and  it 
may  happen  that  a  majority  of  that  House  may  be  returned 
by  a  less  aggregate  vote  of  the  people  than  that  received  by 
minority. 

If  the  principle  insisted  on  be  sound,  then  the  constitution 
should  be  so  chanc^ed  that  no  bill  shall  become  a  law  unless 


1845-9. J  LAST    MESSAGE.  319 

it  is  voted  for  by  members  representing  in  eacli  House  a  ma- 
jority of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States.  We  must 
re-model  our  whole  system,  strike  down  and  abolish  not  only 
the  salutary  checks  lodged  in  the  executive  branch,  but  must 
strike  out  and  abolish  those  lodged  in  the  Senate  also,  and 
thus  practically  invest  the  whole  power  of  the  government  in 
a  majority  or  a  single  assembly — a  majority  uncontVoUed  and 
nb-ohitp,  and  which  may  become  despotic.  To  conform  to 
this  doctrine  of  the  right  of  majorities  to  rule,  independent, of 
the  checks  and  limitations  of  the  constitution,  we  must  re^vo- 
lutionize  our  Avhule  system.  We  must  destroy  the  constitu- 
tional compact  by  which  the  several  States  agreed  to  form  a 
federal  Union,  and  rush  into  consolidation,  w^iich  must  end  in 
monarcjiy  or  despotism.  No  one  advocates  such  a  proposi- 
tion ;  and  yet  the  doctrine  maintained,  if  carried  out,  must 
lead  to  this  result. 

One  great  object  of  the  constitution  in  conferring  upon  the 
President  a  qualified  negative  upon  the  legislation  of  Congress, 
was  to  protect  minorities  from  injustice  and  oppression  by 
majorities.  The  equality  of  their  representation  in  the  Senate, 
and  the  veto  power  of  the  President,  are  the  constitutional 
ofuaranties  which  the  smaller  States  have  that  their  rio-hts  will 
be  respected.  AVithout  these  guaranties,  all  their  interests 
would  be  at  the  mercy  of  majorities  in  Congress  representing 
the  larger  States.  To  the  smaller  and  weaker  States,  there- 
fore, the  preservation  of  this  power,  and  its  exercise  upon 
proper  occasions  demanding  it,  is  of  vital  importance.  They 
ratified  the  constitution,  and  entered  into  the  Union,  securing 
to  themselves  an  equal  representation  with  the  larger  States 
in  the  Senate ;  and  they  agreed  to  be  bound  by  all  laws 
passed  by  Congress  upon  the  express  condition,  and  none 
other,  that  they  should  be  approved  by  the  President,  or 
passed,  his  objections  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  by  a 
vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses.  Upon  this  condition  they 
have  a  right  to  insist,  as  a  part  of  the  compact  to  which  they 
gave  their  assent. 


320  JAMES    KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

A  bill  might  be  passed  by  Congress  against  tlie  ^vill  of  the 
whole  people  of  a  particular  State,  and  against  the  votes  c^f 
its  senators  and  all  its  representatives.  However  prejudicial 
it  might  be  to  the  interest  of  such  State,  it  would  be  bound 
by  it  if  the  President  shall  approve  it,  or  it  should  be  passed 
by  a  vote  of  tAvo-thirds  of  both  houses  ;  but  it  has  a  right  to 
demand  that  the  President  shall  exercise  his  constitutional 
power,  and  arrest  it,  if  his  judgment  is  against  it.  If  he  sur- 
render this  power,  or  fail  to  exercise  it  in  a  case  where  he 
cannot  approve,  it  would  make  his  formal  approval  a  mere 
mockery,  and  would  be  itself  a  violation  of  the  constitution, 
and  the  dissenting  State  Avould  become  bound  by  a  law 
which  had  not  been  passed  according  to  the  sanction  of  the 
constitution. 

The  objection  to  the  exercise  of  the  A'eto  power  is  founded 
upon  an  idea  respecting  the  popular  will  Avhich,  if  carried  out, 
would  annihilate  State  sovereignty,  and  substitute  for  the 
present  federal  government  a  consolidation,  directed  by  a  sup- 
posed numerical  majority.  A  revolution  of  the  government 
would  be  silently  effected,  and  the  States  would  be  sub- 
jected to  laws  to  which  they  had  never  given  their  constitu- 
tional consent. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  is  invested  with 
the  power  to  declare,  and  has  declared,  acts  of  Congress 
passed  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate,  the  House  of  Rep- 
presentatives,  and  the  approval  of  the  President,  to  be  uncon- 
stitutional and  void,  and  yet  none,  it  is  presumed,  can  be 
found,  who  will  be  disposed  to  strip  this  highest  judicial  trib- 
unal under  the  constitution  of  this  acknowledged  power — a 
power  necessary  alike  to  its  hidependence  and  the  rights  of 
individuals. 

For  the  same  reason  that  the  Executive  veto  should,  ac- 
cording to  the  doctrine  maintained,  be  rendered  nugatory  and 
be  practically  expunged  from  the  constitution,  this  power  of 
the  court  should  also  be  rendered  nugatory  and  be  expunged, 
because  it  ^^c^ralns  the  legislative  and  executive  will,  and  be- 


1845-9.]  '       LAST    MESSAGE.  321 

cause  the  exercise  of  sucli  a  power  by  the  court  may  be 
regarded  as  being  in  conflict  with  the  capacity  of  the  people 
to  govern  themselves.  Indeed,  there  is  more  reason  for 
striking  this  power  of  the  court  from  the  constitution  than 
there  is  that  of  the  qualified  veto  of  the  President ;  because 
the  decision  of  the  court  is  final,  and  can  never  be  reversed, 
even  though  both  houses  of  Congress  and  the  President  should 
be  unanimous  in  opposition  to  it ;  whereas  the  veto  of  the 
President  may  be  overruled  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both 
houses  of  Congress,  or  by  the  people  at  the  polls. 

It  is  obvious  that  to  preserve  the  system  established  by  the 
constitution,  each  of  the  coordinate  branches  of  the  govern- 
ment— the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial — must  be  left 
in  the  exercise  of  its  appropriate  powers.  If  the  executive 
of  the  judicial  branch  be  deprived  of  powers  conferred  upon 
either  as  checks  on  the  legislative,  the  preponderance  of  the 
latter  will  become  disproportionate  and  absorbing,  and  the 
others  impotent  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  great  objects 
for  which  they  were  established.  Organized  as  they  are  by 
the  constitution,  they  work  together  harmoniously  for  the  pub- 
lic good.  If  the  executive  and  the  judiciary  shall  be  deprived 
of  the  constitutional  powers  invested  in  them,  and  of  their  due 
proportions,  the  equilibrium  of  the  system  must  be  destroyed, 
and  consolidation,  wnth  the  most  pernicious  results,  must  en- 
sue— a  consolidation  of  unchecked,  despotic  power  exercised 
by  majorities  of  the  legislative  branch. 

The  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial,  each  constitutes  a 
separajte  coordinate  department  of  the  government,  and  each 
is  independent  of  the  others.  In  the  performance  of  their 
respective  duties  imder  the  constitution,  neither  can,  in  its 
legitimate  action,  control  the  others.  They  each  act  upon 
their  several  responsibilities  in  their  respective  spheres  ;  but 
if  the  doctrines  now  maintained  be  correct,  the  executive  must 
become  practically  subordinate  to  the  legislative,  and  the  ju- 
diciary must  become  subordinate  to  both  the  legislative  and 
14* 


322  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1845-9. 

the  executive  ;  and  thus  the  whole  power  of  the  government 
would  be  merged  in  a  single  department.  Whenever,  if  ever, 
this  shall  occur,  our  glorious  system  of  well-regulated  self- 
government  will  crumble  into  ruins  —  to  be  succeeded  first 
by  anarchy,  and  finally  by  monarchy  or  despotism.  I  am 
far  from  believing  that  this  doctrine  is  the  sentiment  of  the 
American  people ;  and  during  the  short  period  which  remains 
in  which  it  will  be  my  duty  to  administer  the  executive  de- 
partment, it  will  be  my  aim  to  maintain  its  independence,  and 
discharge  its  duties,  Avithout  infringing  upon  the  powers  or  du- 
ties of  either  of  the  other  departments  of  the  government. 

The  power  of  the  executive  veto  was  exercised  by  the  first 
and  most  illustrious  of  my  predecessors,  and  by  four  of  his 
successors  who  preceded  me  in  the  administration  of  the 
government,  and,  it  is  believed,  in  no  instance  prejudicially  to 
the  public  interests.  It  has  never  been,  and  there  i^  but  lit- 
tle danger  that  it  ever  can  be  abused.  No  President  will 
ever  desire,  unnecessarily,  to  place  his  opinion  in  opposition 
to  that  of  Congress.  He  must  always  exercise  the  power 
reluctantly,  and  only  in  cases  where  his  convictions  make  it  a 
matter  of  stern  duty,  which  he  cannot  escape.  Indeed,  there 
is  more  danger  that  the  President,  from  the  repugnance  he 
must  always  feel  to  come  in  collision  with  Congress,  may 
fail  to  exercise  it  in  cases  where  the  preservation  of  the  con- 
stitution from  infraction,  or  the  public  good  may  demand  it, 
than  that  he  will  ever  exercise  it  unnecessarily  or  wantonh^ 

During  the  period  I  have  administered  the  executive  de- 
partment of  tjie  government,  great  and  important  questions 
of  public  policy,  foreign  and  domestic,  have  arisen,*  upon 
which  it  was  my  duty  to  act.  It  may  indeed  be  truly  said 
that  my  administration  has  fallen  upon  eventful  times.  I 
have  felt  most  sensibly  the  weight  of  the  high  responsibilities 
devolved  upon  me.  With  no  other  object  than  the  public 
good,  the  enduring  fame,  and  permanent  prosperity  of  my 
country,   I  have  pursued  the  convictions    of  my  own  best 


1845-9.]       INAUGURATION    OF    HIS    SUCCESSOR.  323 

judgment.  The  impartial  arbitrament  of  enlightened  public 
opinion,  present  and  future,  will  determine  how  far  the  pub- 
lic policy  I  have  maintained,  and  the  measures  I  have  from 
time  to  time  recommended,  may  have  intended  to  advance  or 
retard  the  public  prosperity  at  home,  and  to  elevate  or  de- 
press the  estimate  of  our  national  character  abroad. 

Invoking  the  blessings  of  the  Almighty  upon  your  dehber- 
ations  at  your  present  important  session,  my  ardent  hope  is, 
that,  in  a  spirit  of  harmony  and  concord,  you  may  be  guided 
to  wise  results,  and  such  as  may  redound  to  the  happiness, 
the  honor,  and  the  glory  of  our  beloved  country." 

No  matters  of  legislation  of  general  and  permanent 
importance  were  definitely  acted  on  at  this  session.     The 
discussion  of  various  territorial  bills  for  New  Mexico  and 
California  occupied  nearly  the  whole  time,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  continued  agitation  of  the  slavery  question, 
ngne  were  passed.     The  adjournment  took  place  on  the 
third  day  of  March,  1849,  and  on  the  oth  instant — the 
4th  happening  on  Sunday — General  Taylor  was  duly 
inaugurated  as  the  successor  of  Mr.  Polk.     The  latter 
took  part  in  the  ceremonies,  and  •.rode   beside  General 
Taylor  in  the  carriage  that  conveyed  them  to  the  capitoL 
He  was,  also,  one  of  the  first  to  congratulate  him  at  the 
close  of  his  inaugural  address,  rejoicing,  meanwhile,  that 
he  was  himself  relieved  from  the  cares  and  anxieties  of 
public  life.     In  the  afternoon  of  the  5th  inst,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Polk  took  leave  of  their  friends — many  words  of 
mingled  regret  and  endearment  being  uttered  on  both  ' 
sides — and  in  the  evening  commenced  their  return  jour- 
ney to  their  home  in  Tennessee,  by  way  of  Richmond, 
Charleston,  and  New  Orleans.     • 


824  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1845~9. 

Thus  ended  the  administration  of  Mr.  Polk.  To  say 
that  it  was  an  able  one,  would  be  but  feeble  praise.  It 
was  more  important  than  any  which  had  intervened  be- 
tween it  and  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison.  It  waa 
full  of  great  events.  The  settlement  of  the  Oregon 
Question,  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  acquisition  of 
California,  will  cause  it  to  be  long  remembered.  Ages 
hence,  if  the  God  of  nations  shall  continue  to  smile  upon 
our  favored  land,  the  dweller  on  the  banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, as  lie  gazes  on  the  mighty  current  that  laves  his  feet, 
and  beholds  it  reaching  forth,  like  a  giant,  its  hundred 
arms,  and  gathering  the  produce  of  that  noble  valley  into 
its  bosom,  will  bless  the  name  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 
So,  too,  the  citizen  of  California  or  Oregon,  when  he  sees 
\-   their  harbors  filled  with  stately  argosies,  richly-freighted 

!with  golden  sands,  or  with  the  silks  and  spices  of  the  Old 
World,  will  offer  his  tribute,  dictated  by  a  grateful  heart, 
I     to  the  memory  of  James  K.  Polk. 
I         At   home,   his    administration    was    well    conducted. 
?     Though  the  war  with  Mexico  was  actively  prosecuted  for 
I     a  period  of  nearly  tM«o  years,  the  national  debt  was  not 
I     largely  or   oppressively   increased,   and   the   pecuniary 
credit  of  the  government  was  at  all  times  maintained  ; 
more  than  double  the  premiums  realized  in  the  war  of 
1812,  being  procured  for  stock  and  treasury  notes.     Com- 
merce, agriculture,  and  every  art  and  occupation  of  in- 
dustry,  flourished   during   this   period ;   happiness  and 
prosperity  dwelt  in  every  habitation.     In  the  manage- 
ment of  our  foreign  relations,  ability,  skill,  and  prudence, 
were  'displayed.     Our  rights  were  respected ;  our  honor 
defended ;  and  our  natiAial  character  elevated  still  higher 
HI  the  estimation  of  foreign  governments  and  their  people. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Return  to  Tennessee— Speech  at  Pv-ichmond— Arrival  Home— Prospects  for 
the  Future— Vanity  of  Human  Hopes  and  Expectations— His  Death- 
Funeral  Honors— Personal  Appearance  and  Character — Conclusion. 


If  Mr.  Polk  was  gratified  with  the  enthusiastic  demon- 
strations of  regard  that  attended  him  on  his  journey  to 
Washington  in  the  spring  of  1845,  to  enter  upon  the  du- 
ties of  his  administration, — he  was  far  more  sincerely 
pleased,  with  the  kindly  greetings  that  everywhere  wel- 
comed him  as  he  returned  to  his  home  in  Tennessee. 
The  one  might  have  been  selfish,  for  he  had  then  office 
and  patronage  to  bestow  ;  but  the  other  was  the  genuine 
homage  of  the  heart ;  a  voluntary  offering  to  the  man, 
and  not  to  the  President. 

At  Richmond,  he  was  complimented  with  a  public  re- 
ception by  the  citizens,  and  the  Legislature  of  Virginia, 
wliich  was  then  in  session.  In  reply  to  an  eloquent  ad- 
dress from  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  the 
ex-President  returned  his  hearty  thanks  for  the  high 
honor  accorded  to  him  by  the  legislature  of  a  State  for 
which  he  cherished  the  most  profound  veneration,  and 
from  whose  political  apostles  he  had  imbibed  his  appre- 
ciation of  the  great  principles  of  constitutional  liberty. 
He  was,  he  said,  taken  by  surprise  at  the  manner  of  his 
reception  ;  and  to  be  thus  received,  when  he  had  just  laid 


326  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  [1849. 

down  power,  and  was  no  longer  clothed  with  the  patron- 
age of  the  government,  filled  him  with  gratitude.  He 
felt  proud,  too,  that  he  was  ^'no  more  a  servant  of  the 
people,  but  had  become  a  sovereign."  He  spoke,  also, 
of  the  greatness  of  the  country,  and  of  the  value  and  im- 
portance of  the  Union.  "  Preserve  this  union,"  he  de- 
clared, "  and  the  march  of  our  country  in  prosperity  and 
greatness  will  be  rapid  beyond  comparison,  and  her 
ripened  glory  will  surpass  that  of  ancient  Rome,  the  mis- 
tress of  the  world." 

At  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  the  people  of  his  na- 
tive state  came  together  in  crowds,  to  welcome  him.  Ex- 
tensive preparations  had  been  made  for  his  reception,  and 
in  replying  to  the  orator  who  addressed  him,  he  said : 
"  You  remark  truly,  sir,  that  I  still  cherish  affection  for 
my  native  state.  I  receive  its  welcome  as  the  blessing 
of  an  houQred  parent.  North  Carolina  can  boast  of  glo- 
rious reminiscences,  and  is  entitled  to  rank  with,  or  far 
above,  many  who  make  greater  pretensions.  It  was  from 
her — her  counties  of  Mecklenburg,  New  Hanover,  and 
Bladen,  that  the  news  of  treason  in  the  colonies  first  went 
to  the  ears  of  the  British  monarch,  and  here  was  the  sph-ic 
of  independence  first  aroused." 

At  Charleston,  Savannah,  and  New  Orleans — at  every 
place  w^here  he  paused  upon  his  route — welcomes  and  con- 
gratulations were  liberally  showered  upon  his  head  ;  and 
prayers  and  blessings  innumerable  attended  him,  like 
ministering  angels,  to  the  home  from  which  he  had  gone 
forth  in  early  manhood  to  carve  out  his  destiny,  and  to 
which  he  now  returned,  with  the  harvest  of  fame  he  had 
gathered. 


1845-9.]  EMPLOYMENT    OF    HIS    TIME.  327 

Previous  to  his  return  to  Tennessee,  Mr.  Polk  had 
purchased  the  mansion  and  grounds  formerly  belonging 
to  his  friend  and  preceptor,  Mr.  Grundy,  and  situate  in 
the  heart  oJf  the  city  of  Nashville.  Here,  surrounded  by 
the  comforts  and  conveniences  which  an  ample  fortune 
enabled  him  to  procure,— in  the  sweet  companionship  of 
his  wife,  of  books,  and  of  the  friends  whom  he  loved  and 
esteemed,— he  determined  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his 
days  in  ease  and  retirement,  fulfilling  his  duty  to  j^imself 
and  to  the  world,  but  not  entering  again  into  public  life. 
He  had  discovered,  from  his  own  experience,  that  an 
''  aching  heart  was  the  price  of  a  diadem,"  and  he 
longed  to  etijoy  the  quiet  and  tranquillity  which  seemed 
to  A^oo  him  with  their  smiles.  His  constitution  appeared 
to  be  unimpaired  ;  a  life  of  strict  temperance,  approach- 
ing to  abstemiousness,  seemed  to  promise  a  continuance 
of  health  for  many  years  ;  and  nearjy  one-third  of  man's 
allotted  pilgrimage  was  yet  before  "him.. 

But  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  man  are  like  the 
mists  of  the  morning,— as  empty  and  as  fleeting.  No 
rank  or  station— no  honor  or  reputation— no  talents  or 
advantages— can  protect  him  from  his  destiny. 

'•  The  statesman's  fame 
Will  fade,  the  conqueror's  laurel  crown  grow  sear  ; 
Fame's  loudest  trump,  upon  the  ear  of  Time 
Leaves  but  a  dying  echo." 

The  year  1849  will  not  be  soon  forgotten  in  the  valley 
of  the  Mississippi ;  but  the  fearful  ravages  of  the  Asiatic 
cholera,  which  it  witnessed,  will  be  long  remembered  in 
sorrow  and  pain.  On  his  way  up  the  Mississippi  from 
New  Orleans,  in  the  month  of  March,  Mr.  Polk  had  suf- 


328  JAMES    KNOX    POLK.  fl849. 

fered  considerably  from  diarrhoea  ;  but  the  use  of  medi- 
cine, and  a  proper  attention  to  regimen,  checked  the 
attack,  and  it  seemed  entirely  to  pass  off,  leaving  him  in 
apparent  good  health.  He  was  somewhat  enervated, 
however,  by  the  fatigue  consequent  upon  his  journey,  and 
the  acknowledgment  of  the  kind  civilities  extended  to 
him ;  and  when  he  arrived  at  Nashville,  his  whole  system 
was  enfeebled. 

"  Having  taken  up  his  abode  here,"  says  one  of  his 
friends  and  neighbors,  "  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  im- 
provement of  his  grounds,  and  was  seen  every  day  about 
his  dwelling,  aiding  and  directing  the  workmen  he  had 
employed ;  now  overlooking  a  carpenter,  now  giving  in- 
structions to  a  gardener,  often  attendsd  by  Mrs.  Polk, 
whose  exquisite  taste  constituted  the  element  of  every  im- 
provement. It  is  not  a  fortnight  since  I  saw  him  on  his 
lawn,  directing  some  men  who  were  removing  decay- 
ing cedars.  I  was  b'truck  with  his  erect  and  health- 
ful bearing,  and  the  active  energy  of  his  manner,  which 
gave  promise  of  long  life.  His  flowkig  gray  locks  alone 
made  him  appear  beyond  the  middle-age  of  life.  He 
seemed  in  full  health.  The  next  day  being  rainy,  he  re- 
mained within,  and  began  to  arrange  his  large  library ; 
and  the  labor  of  reaching  books  from  the  floor  and  placing 
them  on  the  shelves,  brought  on  fatigue  and  slight  fever, 
which  the  next  day  assumed  the  character  of  disease  in 
the  form  of  chronic  diarrhoea,  which  was  with  him  a  com- 
plaint of  many  years'  standing,  and  readily  induced  upon 
his  system  by  any  over- exertion. 

"  For  the  first  three  days,  his  friends  felt  no  alarm. 
But  the  disease  baffling  the  skill  of  his  physicians,  Dr. 


1849. J  ILLNESS    AND    DEATH.  329 

Haj,  his  brother-in-law,  and  family  physician  for  twenty 
years,  was  sent  for  from  Columbia.  But  the  skill  and 
experience  of  this  gentleman,  aided  by  the  highest  medi- 
cal talent,  proved  of  no  avail.  Mr.  Polk  continued  gradu- 
ally to  sink  from  day  to  day.  The  disease  was  checked 
upon  him  four  days  before  his  death,  but  his  constitution 
was  so  weakened,  that  there  did  not  remain  recuperative 
energy  enough  in  the  system  for  healthy  reaction.  He 
sunk  away  so  slowly  and  insensibly,  that  the  heavy  death 
respirations  commenced  eight  hours  before  he  died.  He 
died  without  a  struggle,  simply  ceasing  to  breathe,  as 
when  deep  and  quiet  sleep  falls  upon  a  weary  man. 
About  half  an  hour  preceding  his  death,  his  venerable 
mother  entered  the  room,  and  kneeling  by  his  bedside, 
offered  up  a  beautiful  prayer  to  the  '  king  of  kings  and 
lord  of  lords,'  committing  the  soul  of  her  son  to  his  holy 
keeping." 

Others  beside  that  pious  mother  watched  for  the  de- 
parting of  the  spirit.  The  wife  and  the  brother  were 
there  overcome  with  grief.  But  he  had  already  taken 
leave  of  those  who  vrere  so  dear,  and,  like  Russell,  he 
could  say,  "the  bitterness  of  death  was  passed." 

The  death  of  Mr.  Polk  occurred  on  the  loth  day  of 
June,  1849,  and  in  the  54th  year  of  his  age.  The  fune- 
ral ceremonies  took  place  on  the  following  day ;  all  busi- 
ness was  suspended  in  Nashville ;  and  the  cortege  that 
accompanied  his  remains  to  their  final  resting  place,  was 
composed  of  almost  the  entire  population  of  the  city  and 
the  adjacent  country.  He  was  dressed  in  a  plain  suit  of 
l^lack,  and  a  copy  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
which  had  ever  been  the  guide  of  liis  counsels,  was 


330  JAMES  KNOX  POLK.  [1849. 

plac-^d  at  his  feet.  Upon  tlie  plate  of  his  coffin  was  a 
simple  inscription,  embracing  his  name,  and  the  date  of 
his  birth  and  of  his  decease. 

When  the  death  of  Mr.  Polk  was  announced  at  Wash- 
ington, suitable  honors  were  directed  to  be  paid  to  his 
memory  by  all  the  departments  of  the  government,  and 
by  the  army  and  navy.  Similar  manifestations  of  sor- 
row and  respect  were  witnessed  in  every  quarter  of  the 
Union. 

Mr.  Polk  had  no  children.  He  had,  however,  adopted 
a  son  of  his  brother  Marshall,  to  whom  and  to  Mrs. 
Polk,  the  greater  part  of  his  property  was  bequeathed. 

In  stature  Mr.  Polk  was  but  little  above  the  average 
height,  and  his  form  was  spare.  His  forehead  was  high, 
broad,  and  full,  and  he  had  clear  expressive  eyes.  His 
look  was  ordinarily  calm  and  thoughtful,  but  the  serious 
cast  of  his  peculiar  countenance,  which  at  times  appeared 
almost  repulsive,  was  easily  lighted  up  by  the  pleasant 
smile  that  indicated  the  warmth  of  his  heart. 

He  was  simple  and  plain  in  all  his  habits.  His  pri- 
vate life  was  upright  and  blameless.  Honesty  and  in- 
tegrity characterized  his  intercourse  with  his  fellow-men  ; 
fidelity  and  affection  his  relations  to  his  family.  In  his 
friendships  he  was  frank  and  sincere ;  and  courteous  and 
affable  in  his  disposition.  He  was  generous  and  benevo- 
lent ;  but  his  charities,  like  his  character,  were  unosten- 
tatious. He  was  pious,  too,  sincerely  and  truly;  his 
wife  was  a  member  of  the  Presbyterian  church,  but  he 
never  united  with  any  denomination,  though  on  his  dying 
bed  he  received  the  rite  of  baptism  at  the  hands  of  a 
Methodist  clergymeri,  an  old  neighbor  and  friend.     Yet, 


1849.J  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE.  331 

he  made  no  loud  professions  of  his  sentiments.  "  Relig- 
ion is  the  very  best  possession  in  the  world,  and  the  last 
to  be  spoken  of.  It  should  dwell  quietly  in  the  heart, 
and  rule  the  life  ;  not  be  hawked  about  as  a  commodity; 
nor  scoured  up  like  a  rusty  buckler  for  protection ;  nor 
be  worn  over  the  shoulders  like  a  blanket  for  defence.''* 

As  a  statesman,  he  was  firm  in  the  maintenance  of  his 
opinions,  but  not  stubborn  or  self-v>-illed.  He  possessed 
moral  courage  in  an  eminent  degree,  and  practical  good 
sense.  "  He  was  the  master  of  himself  and  of  his  emo- 
tions." He  was  cautious  and  circumspect,  prudent  and 
sagacious.  Not  inclined  to  sudden  innovations,  he  nev- 
ertheless kept  pace  with  tlie  progressive  tendency  of  the 
age,  and  sought,  so  far  as  lay  in  his  power,  to  regulate 
and  control  it  aright.  His  mind  was  clear  and  compre- 
hensive, and  well-balanced  and  well-disciplined ;  the  meas- 
ures which  he  recommended,  therefore,  were  practical, 
and  not  visionary.  He  was  a  Jeffersonian  democrat,  in 
practice  and  in  principle.  He  belonged  to  the  strict  con- 
struction school.  He  was  devotedly  attached  to  the  fed- 
eral constitution,  and  in  favor  of  a  literal  adherence  to  its 
provisions,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances  ;for, 
as  it  seemed  to  him,  the  spirit  would  not  long  remain, 
when  the  plain  letter  was  disregarded. 

His  style  as  a  writer  was  clear  and  correct,  possessing 
neither  redundancy  nor  ornament,  but  he  was  sometimes 
inclined  to  become  diffuse,  on  account  of  the  copiousness 
of  his  ideas.  His  manner  as  a  speaker  accorded  with 
the  character  of  his  audience.  On  the  stump,  or  in  ad- 
dressing a  popular  assembly,  he  was  impassioned  and  en- 

*  Bancroft. 


< 


332  JAMES   KNOX   POLK.  [1849. 

# 
thusiastic,  and  every  lineament  of  his  face  glowed  with 
animation.  But  in  addressing  a  deliberative  body,  his 
earnestness  was  tempered  with  gravity  and  dignity,  and 
he  won  the  attention,  and  captivated  the  minds,  of  those 
who  listened  to  him, 

"  With  an  eloquence, — not  like  those  rills  from  a  height, 
Which  sparkle,  and  fcam,  and  in  vapor  are  o'er ; 
But  a  current  that  works  out  its  way  into  light, 
Through  the  filtering  recesses  of  thought  and  of  lore." 

In  a  word,  he  was  "  an  upright  and  virtuous  citizen, 
whose  life,  from  the  cradle  to  the  days  of  opening  man- 
,\  hood,  from  manliood  to  the  close  of  his  earthly  career, 
had  been  constantly  marked  with  the  amiable  and  un- 
ostentatious display  of  all  those  moral  graces  which  se- 
cure repose  and  happiness  to  the  social. circle;"*  and  in 
his  public  capacity,  he  illustrated  the  sentiment  of  the 
Roman  historian,  "  Par  Jiegotiis,  neque  supra^^^-f — he 
was  equal  to  his  duty,  and  not  above  it ! 

There  is  a  moral  presented  in  the  life  and  character  of 
James  K.  Polk,  which  should  not  be  passed  over.  Born 
of  humble  but  respectable  parents,  and  favored  by  no 
adventitious  circumstances,  he  raised  himself  by  the  force 
of  his  own  merit,  by  his  talents,  his  industry,  energy, 
and  perseverance,  to  the  highest  station  in  the  land. 
And  this  was  no  idle  achievement.  It  was  something  of 
which  he  might  justly  have  been  proud  ;  and  others  might 
take  pride  in  imitating  his  example. 

Hope  and  Ambition — the  Castor  and  Pollux,  twin- 
sharers  of  immortality — these   are  the  household  gods 

*  Eulogy  of  Hon.  H.  S.  Foote.  t  Tacitus,  Annal.  vi.  39. 


1849.  J  '     CONCLUSION.  333 

which  the   young   man   should   cherish  on  his   hearth- 
stone. 

As  in  tlie  beautiful  Scandinavian  myth,  three  weird 
sisters  preserve  the  Ash  tree  from  perishing,  so  they 
must  sustain  and  support  him.  The  Past  is  his  for 
example — the  Present  is  his  for  profit — and  the  Future 
may  be  his  for  reward  ! 


APPENDIX 


SPECIAL    BIESSAGE 

ON 

INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS, 

DECEMBER   loth,  1847. 


To  the  House  of  Representatives : 

On  the  last  day  of  the  last  session  of  Congrrpss,  a  bill,  entitled  "  An 
act  to  provide  for  continuing  certain  works  in  the  Territory  of  Wis- 
consin, and  for  other  purposes,''  \>fhich  liad  passed  both  Houses,  was 
presented  to  me  for  my  approval  I  entertained  insuperable  objections 
to  its  becomincr  a  law ;  but  the  short  period  of  the  session  which  re- 
mained afforded  me  no  suliicient  opportunity  to  prepare  my  objections, 
and  comihunicaf-  liiem,  with  the  bill,  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
in  which  it  originated.  For  this  reason  the  bill  was  retained,  and  I 
deem  it  proper  now  to  state  my  objections  to  it. 

Although,  from  the  title  of  the  bill,  it  would  seem  that  its  main  object 
was  to  make  provision  for  continuing  certain  works  already  commenced 
in  the  Territory  of  Wisconsin,  it  appears,  on  examination  of  its  pro- 
visions, that  it  contains  only  a  single  appropriation  of  six  thousand 
dollars  to  be  applied  within  that  Territory,  while  it  appropriates  more 
than  half  a  million  of  dollars  for  the  improvement  of  numerous  harbors 
and  rivers  lying  within  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  several  of  the 
States  of  the  Union. 

At  the  preceding  session  of  Congress  it  became  my  duty  to  return, 
with  my  objections,  to  the  House  in  which  it  originated,  a  bill  making 
similar  appropriations,  and  involving  like  principles,  and  the  views  then 
expressed  remain  unchanged. 

The  circumstances  under  which  this  heavy  expenditure  of  public 
money  was  proposed  were  of  imposing  weight  in  determining  upon  its 
expediency.  Congress  had  recognized  the  existence  of  war  with 
Mexico,  and  to  prosecute  it  to  "a  speedy  and  successful  termination" 
had  made   appropriations  exceeding  our  ordinary  revenues     To  meet 

15 


338  SPECIAL    ftfESSAGE 


Jt^ 


the  emergency,  and  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  Government,  a 
loan  of  twenty-three  millions  of  dollars  was  authorized  at  the  same 
session,  which  has  since  been  negotiated.  The  practical  effect  of  this 
bill,  had  it  become  a  law,  would  have  been  to  add  the  whole  amount 
appropriated  by  it  to  the  national  debt.  It  would,  in  fact,  have  made 
necessary  an  additional  loan  to  that  amount,  as  effectually  as  if  in 
terms  it  had  required  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  borrow  the 
money  therein  appropriated.  The  main  question  in  that  aspect  is, 
whether  it  is  wise,  while  all  the  means  and  credit  of  the  Government 
are  needed  to  brina  the  existing  war  to  an  honorable  close,  to  impair 
thefcone  and  endanger  the  other  by  borrowing  money  to  be  expended  in 
a  system  of  internal  improvements  capable  of  an  expansion  sufficient 
to  swallow  up  the  revenues  not  only  of  our  own  country,  but  of  the 
civilized  world.  It  is  to  be  apprehended,  that,  by  entering  upon  such  a 
career  at  this  moment,  confidence,  at  home  and  abroad,  in  the  wisdom 
and  prudence  of  the  Government,  would  be  so  far  impaired  as  to  make 
it  difficult,  without  an  immediate  resort  to  heavy  taxation,  to  maintain 
the  public  credit  and  to  preserve  the  honor  of  the  nation  and  the  glory 
of  our  arms,  in  prosecuting  the  existing  war  to  a  successful  conclusion. 
Had  this  bill  become  a  law,  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that  largely  increased 
demands  upon  the  Treasury  would  have  been  made  at  each  succeed- 
ing session  of  Congress,  for  the  improvementof  numerous  other  harbors, 
bays,  inlets,  and  rivers,  of  equal  importance  with  those  embraced  by 
its  provisions.  Many  millions  would  probably  have  been  added  to  the 
necessary  amount  of  the  war  debt,  the  annual  interest  on  which  must 
also  have  been  borrowed,  and  finally  a  permanent  national  debt  been 
fastened  on  the  country  and  entailed  on  posterity. 

The  policy  bf  embarking  the  Federal  Government  in  a  general  sys- 
tem of  internal  improvements  had  its  origin  but  little  more  than  twenty 
years  ago.  In  a  very  few  years  the  applications  to  Congress  for  ap- 
propriations in  furtherance  of  such  objects  exceeded  two  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  In  this  alarming  crisis  President  Jackson  refused  to 
approve  and  sign  the  Maysville  Road  bill,  the  Wabash  River  bill,  and 
other  bills  of  similar  character.  His  interposition  put  a  check  upon 
the  new  policy  of  throwing  the  cost  of  local  improvements  upon  the 
National  Treasury,  preserved  the  revenues  of  the  nation  for  their  legiti 
mate  objects,  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  extinguish  the  then  existing 
public  debt,  and  to  present  to  an  admiring  world  the  unprecedented 
spectacle  in  modern  times  of  a  nation  free  from  debt,  and  advancing 
to  greatness  witli  unequalled  strides,  under  a  Government  which  wa 
content  to  act  within  its  appropriate  sphere  in  protecting  the  State 
and  individuals  in  "heir  own  chosen  career  of  improvement  and  of  en 
terprise.     Although  the  bill  under  consideration  proposes  no  appropria- 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.  339 

tion  for  a  road  or  canal,  it  is  not  easy  to  perceive  the  difference  in  prin- 
ciple or  mischievous  tendency  between  appropriations  for  making  roads 
and  digging  canals,  and  appropriations  to  deepen  rivers  and  improve 
harbors.  All  are  alike  within  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  the  States, 
and  rivers  and  harbors  alone  open  an  abyss  of  expenditure  sufficient 
to  swallow  up  the  wealth  of  the  nation,  and  load  it  vsrith  a  debt  which 
may  fetter  its  energies  and  tax  its  industry  for  ages  to  come. 

The  experience  of  several  of  the  States,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
United  States,  during  the  period  that  Congress  exercised  tl>e  power  of 
appropriating  the  public  money  for  internal  improvements,  is  full  of 
eloquent  warnings.  It  seems  impossible,  in  the  nature  of  the  subject, 
as  connected  with  local  representation,  that  the  several  object";  pre- 
sented for  improvement  shall  be  weighed  according  to  their  respective 
merits,  and  appropriations  confined  to  those  whose  importance  would 
justify  a  tax  on  the  whole  community  to  effect  their  accomplishment. 

In  some  of  the  States  systems  of  internal  improvements  have  been 
projected,  consisting  of  roads  and  canals,  many  of  which,  taken  sep- 
arately, were  not  of  sufficient  public  importance  to  justify  a  tax  on  the 
entire  population  of  the  State  to  effect  their  construction  ;  and  yet,  by 
a  combination  of  local  interests,  operating  on  a  majority  of  the  Lecr- 
islature,  the  whole  has  been  authorized,  and  the  States  plunged  into 
heavy  debts.  To  an  extent. so  ruinous  has  this  system  of  legislation 
been  carried  in  some  portions  of  the  Union,  that  the  people  have  found 
it  necessary  to  their  own  safety  and  prosperity  to  forbid  their  Legisla- 
tures, by  constitutional  restrictions,  to  contract  public  debts  for  such 
purposes  without  their  immediate  consent. 

If  the  abuse  of  power  has  been  so  fatal  in  the  States,  where  the 
systems  of  taxation  are  direct,  and  representatives  responsible  at  short 
periods  to  small  masses  of  constituents,  how  much  greater  dano-er  of 
abuse  is  to  be  apprehended  in  the  General  Government,  whose  revenues 
are  raised  by  indirect  taxation,  and  whose  functionaries  are  responsi- 
ble to  the  people  in  larger  masses  and  for  longer  terms  1 

Regarding  only  objects  of  improvement  of  the  nature  of  those  em- 
braced in  this  bill,  how  inexhaustible  we  shall  find  them.  Let  the 
imagination  run  along  our  coast,  from  the  river  St.  Croix  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  trace  every  river  emptying  into  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  its  source  ;  let  it  coast  along  our  lakes  and  ascend  all  their 
tributaries;  let  it  pass  to  Oregon,  and  explore  all  its  bays,  inlets,  and 
streams;  and  then  let  it  raise  the  curtain  of  the  future,  and  contemplate 
the  extent  of  this  Republic,  and  the  objects  of  improvement  it  will  em- 
brace, as  it  advances  to  its  high  destiny,  and  the  mind  will  be  startled 
at  the  immensity  and  danger  of  the  power  which  the  principle  of  this 
bill  involves. 


4 


340  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 


.  Already  our  Confederacy  consists  of  twenty-nine  States.  Other 
States  may  at  no  distant  period  be  expected  to  be  formed  on  the  west 
of  our  present  settlements.  We  own  an  extensive  country  in  Oregon, 
stretching  many  hundreds  of  miles  from  east  to  west,  and  seven  de- 
grees of  latitude  from  south  to  north.  By  the  admission  of  Texas  inta 
the  Union  we  have  recently  added  many  hundreds  of  miles  to  our  sea- 
coast.  In  all  this  vast  country,  bcwdering  on  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific, 
there  are  maiiy  thousands  of  bays,  inlets,  and  rivers  equally  entitled  to 
appropriations  for  their  improvement  with  the  objects  embraced  in  this 
bill. 

We  have  seen  in  our  States  that  the  interests  of  individuals  or  neigh- 
borhoods, combining  against  the  general  interest,  have  involved  their 
Governments  in  debts  and  bankruptcy  ;  and  when  the  system  prevailed 
in  the  General  Government,  and  was  checked  by  President  Jackson,  it 
kad  begun  to  be  considered  the  highest  merit  in  a  member  of  Congress 
to  be  able  to  procure  appropriations  ^f  public  money  to  be  expended 
within  his  district  or  State,  whatever  might  be  the  objects.  We  should' 
be  blind  to  the  experience  of  the  past  if  we  did  not  see  abundant  evi- 
dences that,  if  this  system  of  expenditure  is  to  be  indulged  in,  combina- 
tions of  individual  and  local  interests  will  be  found  strong  enough  to 
control  legislation,  absorb  the  revenues  of  the  country,  and  plunge  the 
Government  into  a  hopeless  indebtedness. 

What  is  denominated  a  harbor  by  this  system  does  not  necessarily 
mean  a  bay,  inlet,  or  arm  of  the  sea  on  the  ocean  or  on  our  lake  shores, 
on  the  margin  of  which  may  exist  a  commercial  city  or  town  engaged 
in  foreign  or  domestic  trade,  but  is  made  ta  embrace  waters  where  there 
is  not  only  no  such  city  or  town,  but  no  commerce  of  any  kind.  By  it 
a  bay  or  sheet  of  shoal  water  is  called  a  harbor,  and  appropriations 
demanded  from  Congress  to  deepen  it,  with  a  view  to  draw  commerce- 
to  it,  or  to  enable  individuals  to  build"  up  a  town  or  city  on  its  margin, 
upon  speculation,  and  for  their  own  private  advantage. 

What  is  denominated  a  river,  which  may  be  improved,  in  the  system, 
is  equally  undefined  in  its  meaning.  It  may  be  the  Mississippi,  or  it 
may  be  the  smallest  and  most  obscure  and  unimportant  stream  bearing- 
the  name  of  river  which  is  to  be  found  in  any  State  in  the  Union. 

Such  a  system  is  subject,  moreover,  to  be  perverted  to  the  accomplisli- 
ment  of  the  worst  of  political  purposes.  During  the  few  years  it  was 
in  full  operation,  and  which  immediately  preceded  the  veto  of  President 
Jackson  of  the  Maysville  Road  bill,  instances  were  numerous  of  public 
men  seeking  to  gain  popular  favor  by  holding  out  to  the  people  inter- 
ested in  particular  localities  the  promise  of  large  disbursements  of 
public  money.  Numerous  reconnoissances  and  surveys  were  made 
during  that  period  for  roads  and  canals  through  many  parts  of  the 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.  341 

Union,  and  the  people  in  the  vicinity  of  each  were  led  to  believe  that 
their  property  would  be  enhanced  in  value  and  they  themselves  be 
enriched  by  the  large  expenditures  which  they  were  promised  by  the 
advocates  of  the  system  should  be  made  from  the  Federal  Treasury  in 
their  neighborhood.  Whole  sections  of  the  country  were  thus  sought  to 
beinilu'^nced,  and  the  system  was  flist  becoming  one  not  only  of  profuse 
and  VvHsfeful  expenditure,  but  a  potent  political  engine. 

If  the  j>ower  to  improve  a  harbor  be  admitted,  it  is  not  easy  to  per- 
ceive how  the  power  to  deepen  every  inlet  on  the  ocean  or  the  lakes, 
and  make  harbors  where  there  are  none,  can  be  denied.  If  the  power 
to  clear  out  or  deepen  the  channel  of  rivers  near  their  mouths  be  ad- 
mitted, it  is  not  easy  to  perceive  how  the  power  to  improve  them  to 
their  fountain  head  and  make  them  navigable  to  their  sources  can  be 
denied.  Where  shall  the  exercise  of  the  power,  if  it  be  assumed,  stop  1 
Has  Congress  the  power,  when  an  inlet  is  deep  enough  to  admit  a 
schooner,  to  deepen  it  still  more  go  that  it  will  admit  ships  of  heavy 
burden  ;  and  has  it  not  the  power,  when  an  inlet  will  admit  a  boat,  to 
make  it  deep  enough  to  admit  a  schooner?  May  it  improve  rivers 
deep  enough  already  to  float  ships  and  steamboats,  and  has  it  no 
power  to  improve  those  which  are  navigable  only  for  flat-boats  and 
barges  1  May  the  General  Government  exercise  power  and  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  soil  of  a  State  consisting  of  rocks  and  sand-bars  in  the 
beds  of  its  rivers,  and  may  it  not  excavate  a  canal  round  its  water- falls 
or  across  its  lands  for  precisely  the  same  object  1 

Giving  to  the  subject  the  most  serious  and  candid  consideration  of 
which  my  mind  is  capable.  I  cannot  perceive  any  intermediate  grounds. 
The  power  to  improve  harbors  and  rivers  for  purposes  of  navigation, 
by  deepening  or  clearing  out,  by  dams  and  sluices,  by  locking  or 
canalling,  must  be  admitted  without  any  other  Umitation  than  the'dis- 
cretion  of  Congress,  or  it  must  be  denied  altogether.  If  it  be  admitted, 
how  broad  and  how  susceptible  of  enormous  abuses  is  the  power  thus 
vested  in  the  General  Government?  There  is  not  an  inlet  of  the 
ocean  or  the  lakes,  not  a  river,  creek,  or  streamlet  within  the  States, 
which  is  not  brought  for  this  purpose  within  the  power  and  jurisdiction 
of  the  General  Government. 

Speculation,  disguised  under  the  cloak  of  public  good,  will  call  on 
Congress  to  deepen  shallow  inlets,  that  it  may  build  up  new  cities  on 
their  shores,  or  to  make  streams  navigable  which  Nature  has  closed 
by  bars  and  rapids,  that  it  may  sell  at  a  profit  its  lands  upon  their 
banks.  To  enrich  neighborhoods  by  spending  within  it  the  moneys 
of  the  nation,  will  be  the  aim  and  boast  of  those  who  prize  their 
local  interests  above  the  good  of  the  nation,  and  milhons  upon  mil- 
iions  will  be  abstracted  by  tariffs  and  taxes  from  the  earnings  of 


342  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

the  whole  people  to  foster  speculation  and  subserve  the  objects  of 
private  ambition. 

Such  a  system  could  not  be  administered  with  any  approach  lo 
equality  among  the  several  States  and  sections  of  the  Union.  There 
is  no  equality  among  them  in  the  objects  of  expenditure,  and,  if  the 
funds  were  distributed  according  to  the  merits  of  those  objects,  some 
would  be  enriched  at  the  expense  of  their  neighbors.  But  a  greater 
practical  evil  would  be  found  in  the  art  and  industry  by  which  appro- 
priations would  be  sought  and  obtained.  The  most  artful  and  in- 
dustrious would  be  the  most  successful;  the  true  interests  of  the  coun- 
try would  be  lost  sight  of  in  an  annual  scramble  for  the  contents  of  the 
Treasury;  and  the  member  of  Congress  who  could  procure  the  largest 
appropriations  to  be  expended  in  his  district  would  claim  the  rewards 
of  victory  from  his  enriched  constituents.  The  -necessary  consequence 
would  be,  sectional  discontents  and  heartburnings,  increased  taxation, 
and  a  national  debt,  never  to  be  extinguished. 

In  view  of  these  portentous  consequences,  I  cannot  but  think  that 
this  course  of  legislation  should  be  arrested,  even  were  there  nothing 
to  forbid  it  in  the  fundamental  laws  of  our  Union.  This  conclusion  is 
fortified  by  the  fact  that  the  constitution  itself  indicates  a  process  by 
which  harbors  and  rivers  within  the  States  may  be  improved — a  pro- 
cess not  suscei>tible  of  the  abuses  necessarily  to  flow  iVo.n  the  assump- 
tion of  the  power  to  improve  them  by  the  General  Government;  just 
in  its  operation,  and  actually  practised  upon,  without  complaint  or  in- 
.  terruption,  during  more  than  thirty  years  from  the  organization  of  the 
present  Government. 

The  constitution  provides  that  "  no  State  shall,  without  the  consent 
of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage."  With  the  'consent'  of  Con- 
gress such  duties  may  be  levied,  collected,  and  expended  by  the  States. 
We  are  not  left  in  the  dark  as  to  the  objects  of  this  reservation  of 
power  to  the  States.  The  subject  was  lully  considered  by  the  con- 
vention that  framed  the  constitution.  It  appears,  in  Mr.  Madison's  re- 
port of  the  proceedings  of  that  body,  that  one  object  of  the  reservation 
was,  that  the  States  should  not  be  restricted  trom  laying  duties  of  ton- 
nage for  the  purpose  of  clearing  harbors.  Other  objects  were  named 
in  the  debates,  and  among  them  the  support  of  seamen.  Mr.  Madison, 
treating  on  this  subject  in  the  Federalist,  declares  that— 

"The  restraint  on  the  power  of  the  States  over  imports  and  exports 
is  enforced  by  all  the  arguments  which  prove  the  necessity  of  submitting 
the  regulation  of  trade  to  the  Federal  Councils.  It  is  needless  there- 
fore, to  remark  further  on  this  head,  than  that  the  manner  in  which 
the  restraint  is  qualified  seems  well  calcuated  at  once  to  secure  to  the 
States  a  reasonable  discretion  in  providing  for  the  conveniency  of  their 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.         343 

imports  and  exports,  and  to  the  United  States  a  reasonable   check 
against  the  abuse  of  this  discretion." 

The  States  may  lay  tonnage  duties  for  clearing  harbors,  improving 
rivers,  or  for  other  purposes,  but  are  restrained  from  abusing  the  power, 
because,  before  such  duties  can  take  effect,  the  "consent"  of  Congress 
must  be  obtained.  Here  is  a  safe  provision  for  the  improvement  of 
harbors  and  rivers  in  the  reserved  powers  of  the  States,  and  in  the  aid 
they  may  derive  from  duties  of  tonnage  levied  with  the  consent  of 
Congress.  Its  safeguards  are,  that  both  the  State  Legislatures  and 
Congress  have  to  concur  in  the  act  of  raising  the  funds ;  that  they 
are  in  every  instance  to  be  levied  upon  the  commerce  of  those  ports 
which  are  to  profit  by  the  proposed  improvement;  that  no  question  of 
conflicting  power  or  jurisdiction  is  involved  ;  that  the  expenditure  being 
in  the  hands  of  those  who  are  to  pay  the  money  and  be  immediately 
benefited,  will  be  more  carefully  managed  and  more  productive  of  goodj|((t^ 
than  if  the  funds  were  dravv^n  from  the  National  Treasury  and  disbursed 
by  the  officers  of  the  General  Government;  that  such  a  system  will 
carry  with  it  no  enlargement  of  Federal  power  and  patronage,  and 
leave  the  States  to  be  the  sole  judges  of  their  own  wants  and  interests, 
with  only  a  conservative  negative  in  Congress  upon  any  abuse  of  the 
power  which  the  States  may  attempt. 

Under  this  wise  system  the  improvement  of  harbors  and  rivers  was 
commenced,  or  rather  continued  from  the  organization  of  the  Govern- 
ment under  the  present  con>:titution.  Many  acts  were  passed  by  the 
several  States  levying  duties  of  tonnags;  and  many  were  passed  by 
Congress  giving  their  consent  to  those  acts.  Such  acts  have  been 
passed  by  Massachu«ftts.  P- hode  Lsland  Pennsylvania.  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  and  have 
been  sanctioned  by  the  consent  of  Congress.  VVjthout  enumerating 
thom  all,  it  may  be  instructive  to  refer  to  some  of  them  as  illustrative 
of  the  mode  of  improving  harbors  and  rivers  in  the  early  periods  of 
our  Government,  as  to  the  constitutionality  of  which  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  • 

In  January,  1790.  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  pns.^ed  a  law  levying 
a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels  arriving  in  the  port  of  Providence,  '  for  the 
purpose  of  clearing  and  deppjninff  the  channel  of  Providence  river, 
and  making  the  same  more  navigable  " 

On  the  2d  of  February,  17P'8.  the  State  of  IVIassachusetts  passed  a 
law  levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  all  vessels,  whether  employed  in  the 
r-^reign  or  coasting  trade  which  mi-jht  enter  into  the  Kennebunk  river, 
Tor  the  improvement  of  the  same,  by  '  rendering  the  passage  in  and 
'■Mt  of  said  river  less  difficult  and  dangerous." 

On  the  1st  of  April,  1805,  the  State  of  Penn.sylvania  passed  a  law 


344  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  to  remove  the  obstructions  to  the 
navigation  of  the  river  Delaware,  belowr  the  city  of  Philadelphia." 

On  the  23d  of  January,  1804,  the  State  of  Virginia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  for  improving  the  navigation  of 
James  river." 

On  the  22d  of  February,  182G,  the  State  of  Virginia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  for  improving  the  navigation  of 
James  river,  from  Warwick  to  Rockett's  Landing." 

On  the  8th  of  December,  1821,  the  State  of  Virginia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  for  "  improving  the  navigation  of 
Appomatox  river,  from  Pocahontas  bridge  to  Broadway." 

In  November,  1821,  the  State  of  North  Carolina  passed  a  law  levy- 
ing a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  for  the  purpose  of  opening  an  inlet  at 
the  lower  end  of  Albemarle  Sound,  near  a  place  called  Nag's  Head, 
and  improving  the  navigation  of  said  Sound,  with  its  branches  ;"  and 
in  November,  1828.  an  amendatory  law  was  passed. 

On  the  21st  of  December,  180-1:,  the  State  of  South  Carolina  passed 
a  law  lev3'ing  a  tonnage  duty,  for  the  purpose  of  '■'  building  a  marine 
hospital  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston;"  and  on  the  17th  of  December, 
1816,  another  law  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  that  State  for  the 
"maintenance  of  a  marine  hospital." 

On  the  10th  of  February,  1787,  the  State  of  Georgia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  all  vessels  ent  ring  into  the  port  of  Savan- 
nah, for  the  purpose  of  'clearinir"  the  Savannah  river  of  "wrecks 
and  other  obstructions"  to  the  n.ivij;  ition. 

On  the  12th  of  Decc.nber  !8')l  the  St.ife  of  Georgia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels  •  V}  h-'  applied  to  the  payment  of 
the  fees  of  the  liarbor-mister  and  health  officer  of  the  ports  of  Sa- 
vannah and  St.  Mary's  " 

In  April,  17S3,  the  State  of  Maryland  passed  a  law  laying  a  tonnage 
duly  on  vessels,  for  the  improvement  of  the  -basin"  and  "  harbor"  of 
Baltimore  and  the  "river  Patapsco." 

On  the  2')lh  of  Derembi^r  1791.  the  State  of  Maryland  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnaije  duly  on  ve.'^s^-ls,  for  the  improvement  of  the  "  harbor 
and  port  of  lialti  norc.  ' 

On  the  23th  of  Deceinbf3r  1703  the  State  of  Maryland  p-issed  a  law 
authorizing  the  appointment  of  a  health  offi.^er  for  the  port  of  Balti- 
more, and  laying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels  to  defray  the  expenses. 

Congress  has  passed  many  acts  giving  its  '•  consent"  to  these  and 
other  State  laws,  the  fir.st  of  which  is  (iati-,<I  in  17;X),  and  the  last  in 
1843.  By  the  latter  act  the  •  consent '  of  Congress  was  given  to  the 
law  of  the  Lecrislature  of  the  State  of  Mr.rylanil  laying  a  tonnage 
duty  on  vessels  lor  tb<    improvement  of  the   liarbor  of  Baltimore,  and 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.  345 

continuing  it  in  force  until  the  1st  day  of  June,  1850.  I  transQiit  here- 
with copies  of  such  of  the  acts  of  the  Legishitures  of  the  States  on 
the  subject,  and  also  the  acts  of  Congress  giving  its  •'  consent"  thereto, 
as  have  been  collated. 

That  the  power  was  constitutionally  and  rightfully  exercised  in  these 
cases  does  not  admit  of  a  doubt. 

The  injustice  and  inequality  resulting  from  conceding  the  power  to 
both  Governments  is  illustrated  by  several  of  the  acts  enumerated. 
Take  that  for  the  improvement  of  the  harbor  of  Baltimore.  That 
improvement  is  paid  for  exclusively  by  a  tax  on  the  commerce  of 
that  city,  but  if  an  appropriation  be  made  from  the  National  Treasury 
for  the  improvement  of  the  harbor  of  Boston,  it  must  be  paid  in  part 
out  of  taxes  levied  on  the  commerce  of  Baltimore.  The  result  is,  that 
the  commerce  of  Baltimore  pays  the  full  cost  of  the  harbor  improve- 
ment designed  for  its  own  benefit,  and,  in  addition,  contributes  to  the 
co^t  of  all  other  harbor  and  river  improvements  in  the  Union.  The 
facts  need  but  be  stated  to  prove  the  inequality  and  injustice  which 
cannot  but  flow  from  the  practice  embodied  in  this  bill.  Either  the 
subject  should  be  left  as  it  was  during  the  first  third  of  a  century,  or 
the  practice  of  levying  tonnage  duties  by  the  States  should  be  aban- 
doned altogether,  and  all  harbor  and  river  improvements  made  under 
the  authority  of  the  United  -Slates,  and  by  means  of  direct  appropria- 
tions. In  view  not  onl}^  of  the  constitutional  difficulty,  but  as  a  ques- 
tion of  policy,  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  whole  subject  should 
be  left  to  th&  States,  aided  by  such  tonnage  duties  on  vessels  navigat- 
ing their  waters  as  their  respective  Legislatures  may  think  proper  to 
propose  and  Congress  see  fit  to  sanction.  This  "  consent"  of  Congress 
would  never  be  refused  in  any  case  where  the  duty  proposed  to  be 
levied  by  the  State  was  reasonable,  and  where  the  object  of  improve- 
ment was  one  of  importance.  The  funds  required  for  the  improvement 
of  harbors  and  rivers  may  be  raised  in  this  mode,  as  was  done  in  the 
earlier  periods  of  the  Government,  and  thus  avoid  a  resort  to  a  strained 
construction  of  the  constitution,  not  warranted  by  its  letter.  Il  direct 
appropriations  be  made  of  the  money  in  the  Federal  Treasury  for  such 
j)urposes.  the  expenditures  will  be  unequal  and  unjust.  The  money 
in  the  Federal  Treasury  is  paid  by  a  tax  on  the  whole  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  if  applied  to  the  purposes  of  improving  harbors  and 
rivers,  it  will  be  partially  distributed,  and  be  expended  for  the  advan- 
tage of  particular  States,  sections,  or  localities,  at  the  expense  of 
others. 

By  returning  to  the  early  and  approved  construction  of  the  constitu- 
tion, and  to  the  practice  under  it,  this  inequality  and  injustice  will  be 
avoided,  and,  at  the  same  time,  all  the  really  important  improvements 

15* 


346  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

be  made,  and,  as  our  experience  has  proved,  be  better  made,  and  at 
less  cost,  than  they  would  be  by  the  agency  of  officers  of  the  United 
States.  The  interests  benefited  by  these  improvements,  too,  would' 
bear  the  cost  of  making  them,  upon  the  same  principle  that  the  expenses 
of  the  Post  Office  establishment  have  always  been  defrayed  by  those 
who  derive  benefits  from  it.  The  power  of  appropriating  money  from 
the  Treasury  for  such  improvements  was  not  claimed  or  exercised  for 
more  than  thirty  years  after  the  organization  of  the  Government  in 
1789,  when  a  more  latitudinous  construction  was  indicated,  though  it 
was  not  broadly  asserted  and  exercised  until  1825.  Small  appropria- 
tions were  first  made  in  1820  and  1821  for  surveys.  An  act  was  made 
on  the  3d  of  March,  1823,  authorizing  the  President  to  cause  an  •'  ex- 
amination and  survey  to  be  made  of  the  obstructions  between  the  har- 
bor of  Gloucester  and  the  harbor  of  Squam,  in  the  State  of  Massa- 
chusetts," and  of  "  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  of  the  port  of  Presque 
Isle,  in  Pennsylvania,"  with  a  view  to  their  removal,  and  a  small  ap- 
propriation was  made  to  pay  the  necessary  expenses.  This  appears  to 
have  been  the  commencement  of  harbor  improvements  by  Congress, 
thirty-four  years  after  the  Government  went  into  operation  under  the 
present  constitution.  On  the  30th  April,  1824,  an  act  was  passed  mak- 
ing an  appropriation  of  thirty  thousand  dollars,  and  directing  "  surveys 
and  estimates  to  be  made  of  the  routes  of  such' roads  and  canals," 
as  the  President  "  may  deem  of  national  importance,  in  a  commercial 
or  military  point  of  view,  or  necessary  for  the  transportation  of  the 
mails."  This  act  evidently  looked  to  the  adoption  of  a  general  sys- 
tem of  internal  improvements,  to  embrace  roads  and  canals  as  well  as 
harbors  and  rivers.  On  the  2Gth  May,  1824,  an  act  was  passed  mak- 
ing appropriations  for  "deepening  the  channel  leading  into  the  harbor 
of  Presque  Isle,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,'"'  and  to  "repair  Ply- 
mouth Beach,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  and  thereby  prevent  the 
harbor  at  that  place  from  being  destroyed." 

President  Monroe  yielded  his  approval  to  these  measures,  though  he 
entertained,  and  had,  in  a  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
the  4th  of  May,  1822,  expressed  the  opinion,  that  the  constitution  had 
not  conferred  upon  Congress  the  power  to  "  adopt  and  execute  a  sys- 
tem of  internal  improvements."  He  placed  his  approval  upon  the 
ground,  not  that  Congress  possessed  the  power  to  "  adopt  and  execute" 
such  a  system  by  virtue  of  any  or  all  of  the  enumerated  grants  of 
power  in  the  constitution,  but  upon  the  assumption  that  the  power  to 
make  appropriations  of  the  public  money  was  limited  and  restrained 
only  by  the  discretion  of  Congress.  In  coming  to  this  conclusion  he 
avowed  that  "in  the  more  early  stage  of  the  Government"  he  had  en- 
tertained a  different  opinion.     He  avowed  that  his  first  opinion  had 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.  347 

been,  tliat,  •''  as  the  National  Government  is  a  government  of  limited 
powers,  it  has  no  right  to  expend  money  except  in  the  performance  of 
acts  autliorized  by  the  other  specific  grants,  according  to  a  strict  con- 
struction of  their  powers;'  and  that  the  pov/er  to  make  appropriations 
gave  to  Congress  no  discretionary  authority  to  apply  the  public  money 
to  any  other  purposes  or  objects  except  tq  "carry  into  effect  the  powers 
contained  in  the  other  grants."  These  sound  views,  which  Mr.  Mon- 
roe entertained  -  in  the  early  stage  of  the  Government,"  he  gave  up  in 
1822,  and  declared  that— 

"  The  right  of  appropriation  is  nothing  more  than  a  right  to  apply 
the  public  money  to  this  or  that  purpose.  It  has  no  incidental  power, 
nor  does  it  draw  after  it  any  consequences  of  that  kind.  All  that  Con- 
gress could  do  under  it,  in  the  case  of  internal  improvements,  would  be 
to  appropriate  the  money  necessary  to  make  them.  For  any  act  re- 
quiring legislative  sanction  or  support  the  State  authority  must  be  relied 
on.  The  condemnation  of  the  land  if  the  proprietors  should  refuse  to 
sell  it,  the  establishment  of  turnpikes  and  tolls,  and  the  protection  of 
the  work  w^hen  finished,  must  be  done  by  the  State.  To  these  purposes 
the  powers  of  the  General  Government  are  believed  to  be  utterly  in- 
competent." 

But  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  on  what  principle  the  power  of  ap- 
propriating public  ifJoney  when  in  the  Treasury  can  be  construed  to 
extend  to  objects  for  which  the  constitution  does  not  authorize  Congress 
to  levy  taxes  or  imposts  to  raise  money.  The  power -of  appropriation 
is  but  the  consequence  of  the  power  to  raise  money ;  and  the  true  in- 
quiry is,  whether  Congress  has  the  right  to  levy  taxes  for  the  object 
over  which  power  is  claimed. 

During  the  four  succeeding  years  embraced  by  the  administration  of 
President  Adams,  the  power  not  only  to  appropriate  money,  but  to  ap- 
ply it,  under  the  direction  and  authority  of  the  General  Government, 
as  well  to  the  construction  of  roads  as  to  the  improvement  of  harbors 
and  rivers,  was  fully  asserted  and  exercised. 

Among  other  acts  assuming  the  power,  was  one  passed  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  May,  1821],  entitled  "  An  act  for  improving  certain  harbors  and 
the  navigation  of  certain  rivers  and  creeks,  and  for  authorizing  surveys 
to  be  made  of  certain  bays,  sounds,  and  rivers  therein  mentioned." 
By  that  act  large  appropriations  were  made,  which  were  to  be  "  applied 
under  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States"  to  numerous 
improvements  in  ten  of  the  States.  This  act,  passed  thirty-seven  years 
after  the  organization  of  the  present  Government,  contained  the  first 
appropriation  ever  made  for  the  improvement  of  a  navigable  river,  un- 
less it  be  small  appropriations  for  examinations  and  surveys  in  1820. 
During  the  residue  of  that  Administration  many  other  appropriations 


348  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

of  a  similar  character  were  made,  embracing  roads,  rivers,  harbors, 
and  canals,  and  objects  claiming  the  aid  of  Congress  multiplied  with- 
out number. 

This  was  the  first  breach  effected  in  the  barrier  which  the  universal 
opinion  of  the  framers  of  the  constitution  had  for  more  than  thirty- 
years  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  assumption  of  this  power  by  Congress, 
The  general  mind  of  Congress  and  the  country  did  not  appreciate  the 
distinction  taken  by  President  Monroe  between  the  right  to  appropriate 
money  for  an  object  and  the  right  to  apply  and  expend  it  without  the 
embarrassment  and  delay  of  applications  to  the  State  Governments. 
Probably  no  instance  occurred  in  which  such  an  application  was  made, 
and  the  flood-gates  being  thus  hoisted,  the  principle  laid  down  by  him 
was  disregarded,  and  applications  for  aid  from  the  Treasury,  virtually 
to  make  harbors  as  well  as  improve  them,  clear  out  rivers,  cut  canals, 
and  construct  roads,  poured  into  Congress  in  torrents  until  arrested  by 
the  veto  of  President  Jackson.  His  veto  of  the  Maysville  Road  bill 
was  followed  up  by  his  refusal  to  sign  the  "  act  making  appropriations 
for  building  lighthouses,  lightboats,  beacons,  and  monuments,  placing 
buoys,  improving  harbors,  and  directing  surveys;"  "an  act  authorizing 
subscription  for  stock  in  the  Louisville  and  Portland  Canal  Company  V 
"  an  act  for  the  improvement  of  certain  harbors  and  the  navigation  of 
certain  rivers;"  and  finally  ••  an  act  to  improve  th«  navigation  of  the 
Wabash  river."     In  his  objections  to  the  act  last  named  he  says  : 

"The  desire  to  embark  the  Federal  Government  in  works  of  internal 
improvement  prevailed,  in  the  highest  degree,  during  the  first  session 
of  the  first  Congress  that  I  had  the  honor  to  meet  in  my  present  situa- 
tion. When  the  bill  authorizing  a  subscription  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  for  stock  in  the  Maysville  and  Lexington  Turnpike 
Company  passed  the  two  Houses,  there  had  been  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Internal  Improvements  bills  containing  appropriations  for 
such  objects,  exclusive  of  those  for  the  Cumberland  Road,  and  for 
harbors  and  lighthouses,  to  the  amount  of  about  one  hundred  and  six 
millions  of  dollars.  In  this  amount  was  included  authority  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  subscribe  for  the  stock  of  different  com- 
panies to  a  great  extent,  and  the  residue  was  principally  for  the  direct 
construction  of  roads  by  this  Government.  In  addition  to  these  pro- 
jects, which  have  been  presented  to  the  two  Houses  under  the  sanction 
and  recommendation  of  their  respective  Committees  on  Internal  Im- 
provements, there  were  then  still  pending  before  the  con)mittees,  and 
in  memorials  to  Congress,  presented  but  not  referred,  different  projects 
for  works  of  a  similar  character,  the  expense  of  which  cannot  be  esti- 
mated with  certainty,  but  must  have  exceeded  one  hundred  millions  of 
dollars." 


ON    INTERNAL    IMPROVExMENTS.  349 

Thus,  within  the  brief  period  of  less  than  ten  years  after  the  com- 
niencement  of  internal  improvements  by  the  General  Government,  the 
sum  asked  for  from  the  Treasury  for  various  projects  amounted  to  more 
than  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  President  Jackson's  powerful 
and  disinterested  appeals  to  his  country  appear  to  have  put  down  for- 
ever the  assumption  of  power  to  make  roads  and  cut  canals,  and  to 
have  checked  the  prevalent  disposition  to  bring  all  rivers  in  any  degree 
navio-able  within  the  control  of  the  General  Government.  But  an 
immense  field  for  expending  the  public  money  and  increasing  the  power 
and  patronage  of  this  Government  was  left  open  in  the  concession  of 
even  a  limited  power  of  Congress  to  improve  harbors  and  rivers— a 
field  whfch  millions  will  not  fertilize  to  the  satisfaction  of  those  local 
and  speculating  interests  by  which  these  projects  are  in  general  gotten 
up.  There  cannot  be  a  just  and  equal  distribution  of  public  burdens 
and  benefits  under  such  a  system,  nor  can  the  States  be  relieved  from 
the  danger  of  fatal  encroachment,  nor  the  United  States  from  the  equal 
danger  of  consolidation,  otherwise  than  by  an  arrest  of  the  system, 
and  a  return  to  the  doctrines  and  practices  which  prevailed  during  the 
first  thirty  years  of  the  Government. 

How  forcibly  does  the  history  of  this  subject  illustrate  the  tendency 
of  power  to  concentration  in  the  hands  of  the  General  Government. 
The  power  to  improve  their  own  harbors  and  rivers  was  clearly  re- 
served to  the  States,  who  were  to  be'  aided  by  tonnage  duties  levied 
and  collected  by  themselves,  with  the  consent  of  Congress.  For  thirty- 
four  years  improvements  were  carried  on  under  that  system,  and  so 
careful  was  Congress  not  to  interfere,  under  any  implied  power,  with 
the  soil  or  jurisdiction  of  the  States,  that  they  did  not  even  assume  the 
power  to  erect  lighthouses  or  build  piers  without  first  purchasing  the 
ground,  with  the  consent  of  the  States,  and  obtaining  jurisdiction 
over  it.  At  length,  after  the  lapse  of  thirty-three  years,  an  act  is 
passed  providing  for  the  examination  of  certain  obstructions  at  the 
mouth  of  one  or  two  harbors  almost  unknown.  It  is  followed  by  acts 
making  small  appropriations  for  the  removal  of  those  obstructions. 
The  obstacles  interposed  by  President  Monroe,  after  conceding  the 
power  to  appropriate,  were  soon  swept  away.  Congress  virtually  as- 
sumed jurisdiction  of  the  soil  and  waters  of  the  States,  without  their 
consent,  for  the  purposes  of  internal  improvement,  and  the  eyes  of 
eager  millions  were  turned  from  the  State  Governments  to  Congress  as 
the  fountain  whose  golden  streams  were  to  deepen  their  harbors  and 
rivers,  level  their  mountains,  and  fill  their  valleys  with  canals.  To 
what  consequences  this  assumption  of  power  was  rapidly  leading  is 
ehown  by  the  veto  messnges  of  President  Jackson ;  and  to  what  end  it 


350  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

is  acrain  tending  is  witnessed  by  the  provisions  of  this  bill  and  bills  of 
similar  character. 

In  the  proceedings  and  deliates  of  the  General  Convention  which 
formed  the  constitution,  and  of  the  State  Conventions  which  adopted 
it,  nothing  is  found  to  tountenance  the  idea  that  the  one  intended  to  pro- 
pose, or  the  others  to  concede,  such  a  grant  of  power  to  the  General 
Government  as  the  building  up  and  maintaining  of  a  system  of  internal 
improvements  within  the  States  necessarily  implies.  Whatever  the 
General  Government  may  constitutionally  create,  it  may  lawfully  pro- 
tect. If  it  may  make  a  road  upon  the  soil  of  the  States,  it  may  pro- 
tect it  from  destruction  or  injury  by  penal  laws.  So  of  canal*,  rivers, 
and  harbors.  It'  it  may  put  a  dam  in  a  river,  it  may  protect  that  dam 
from  removal  or  injury,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  laws,  authorities, 
and  people  of  the  State  in  which  it  is  situated.  If  it  may  deepen  a 
harbor,  it  may  by  its  own  laws  protect  its  agents  and  contractors  from 
being  driven  from  their  work,  even  by  the  laws  and  authorities  of  the 
State.  The  power  to  make  a  road  or  canal,  or  to  dig  up  the  bottom  of 
.a  harbor  or  river,  implies  a  right  in  the  soil  of  the  State,  and  a  juris- 
diction over  it,  for  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  find  any  warrant. 

The  States  were  particularly  jealous  of  conceding  to  the  General 
Government  any  right  of  jurisdiction  over  their  soil,  and  in  the  consti- 
tution restricted  the  exclusive  legislation  of  Congress  to  such  places  as 
might  be  "purchased  with  the  consent  of  the  States  in  which  the  same 
shall  be  for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  dock-yards,  and  other 
needful  buildings."  That  the  United  States  should  be  prohibited  from 
purchasing  lands  within  the  States,  without  their  consent,  even  for 
the  most  essential  purposes  of  national  defence,  while  left  at  liberty  to 
purchase  or  seize  them  for  roads,  canals,  and  other  improvements  of 
immeasurably  less  importance,  is  not  to  be  conceived. 

A  proposition  was  made  in  the  Convention  to  provide  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  "  Secretary  of  Domestic  Affairs,"  and  make  it  his  duty, 
among  other  things,  "  to  attend  to  the  opening  of  roads  and  naviga- 
tion, and  the  facilitating  communications  through  the  United  States." 
It  was  referred  to  a  committee,  and  that  appears  to  have  been  the  last 
of  it.  On  a  subsequent  occasion  a  proposition  was  made. to  confer  on 
Congress  the  power  to  '  provide  for  the  cutting  of  canals  when  deemed 
necessary,"  which  was  rejected  by  the  strong  majority  of  eight  States 
to  three.  Among  the  reasons  given  for  the  rejection  of  this  proposi- 
tion it  was  urged  that  '  the  expense  in  such  cases  will  fall  on  the 
United  States,  and  the  benefits  accrue  to  the  places  where  the  canals 
may  be  cut." 

During  the  consideration  of  this  proposition  a  n-.otion  was  made  to 
enlarge  the  proposed  power  "for  cutting   canals"  into   a  power  "to 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.  351 

grant  charters  of  incorporation,  when  the  interest  of  the  United  States 
might  require,  and  the  legislative  provisions  of  the  individual  States 
may  be  incompetent;"  and  the  reason  assigned  by  Mr.  Madison  for  the 
proposed  enlargement  of  the  power  was,  that  it  would  '  secure  an  easy 
communication  between  the  States  which  the  free  intercourse  now  to 
be  opened  seemed  to  call  for.  The  poUtical  obstacles  being  removed, 
a  removal  of  the  natural  ones,  as  far  as  possible,  ought  to  follow." 

The  original  proposition  and  all  the  amendments  were  rejected,  after 
deliberate  discussion,  not  on  the  ground,  as  so  much  of  that  discussion 
as  !ins  been  preserved  indicates,  that  no  direct  grant  was  necessary, 
but  because  it  was  deemed  inexpedient  to  grant  it  at  all.  When  it  is 
considered  that  some  of  the  members  of  the  Convention,  who  after- 
wards participated  in  the  organization  and  administration  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, advocated  and  p:a  ■ii.se^!  upon  a  very  hberal  construction  of 
the  constitution  grasping  at  many  high  powers  as  implied  in  its  various 
provisions,  not  one  of  them,  it  is  believed,  at  that  day  claimed  the 
power  to  make  roads  and  canals,  or  improve  rivers  and  harbors,  or  ap- 
propriate money  for  that  purpose.  Among  our  early  statesmen  of  the 
strict  construction  class  the  opinion  was^universal,  when  the  subject 
was  first  broached,  that  Congress  did  not  possess  the  power,  although 
some  of  them  thought  it  desirable. 

President  Jefferson,  in  his  message  to  Congress  in  1803,  recommended 
an  amendment  of  the  constitution,  with  a  view  to  apply  an  anticipated 
surplus  in  the  Treasury  '  to  the  great  purposes  of  the  public  education, 
roads,  rivers,  canals,  and  such  other  objects  of  public  improvements 
as  it  may  be  thought  proper  to  add  to  the  constitutional  enumeration 
of  the  federal  powers;"  and  he  adds :  "  I  suppose  an  amendment  to 
the  constitution,  by  consent  of  the  States,  necessary,  because  the  ob- 
jects now  recommended  are  not  among  those  enumerated  in  the  con- 
stitution, and  to  which  it  permits  the  public  moneys  to  be  applied." 
In  1825,  he  repeated,  in  his  published  letters,  the  opinion  that  no  such 
power  has  been  conferred  upon  Congress. 

President  Madison,  in  a  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  3d  of  March,  1817,  assigning  his  objections  to  a  bill  entitled 
"  An  act  to  set  apart  and  pledge  certain  funds  for  internal  improve- 
ments." declares  that  "the  power  to  regulate  commerce  among  the 
several  States  cannot  include  a  power  to  construct  roads  and  canals, 
and  to  improve  the  navigation  of  water-courses,  in  order  to  facilitate, 
promote,  and  secure  such  commerce,  without  a  latitude  of  construc- 
tion depjl^ting  from  the  ordinary  import  of  the  terms  strengthened  by 
the  known  inconveniences  which  doubtless  led  to  the  grant  of  this  re- 
medial power  to  Congress." 

President  Monroe,  in  a  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of 


352  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

the  4th  of  May,  1822,  containing  his  objections  to  a  bill  entitled  "  An 
act  for  the  preservation  and* repair  of  the  Cumberland  road,"  declares: 

"  Comraerce  between  independent  powers  or  communities  is  univer- 
sally regulated  by  duties  and  imposts.  It  was  so  regulated  by  the 
States  before  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  equally  in  respect  to 
each  other  and  to  foreign  powers.  The  goods  and  vessels  employed 
in  the  trade  are  the  only  subjects  of  regulation.  It  can  act  on  none 
other.  A  power,  then,  to  impose  such  duties  and  imposts  in  regard  to 
foreign  nations,  and  to  prevent  any  on  the  trade  between  the  States, 
was  the  only  power  granted. 

"  If  we  recur  to  the  causes  which  produced  the  adoption  of  this  con- 
stitution, we  shall  find  that  injuries  resulting  from  the  regulation  of 
trade  by  the  States  respectively,  and  the  advantages  anticipated  from 
the  transfer  of  the  power  to  Congress,  were  among  those  which  had 
the  most  weight.  Instead  of  acting  as  a  nation  in  regard  to  foreign 
powers,  the  States,  individually,  had  commenced  a  system  of  restraint 
on  each  other,  whereby  the  interests  of  foreign  powers  were  promoted 
at  their  expense.  If  one  State  imposed  high  duties  on  the  goods  or 
vessels  of  a  foreign  power  t* countervail  the  regulations  of  such  power, 
the  next  adjoining  States  imposed  lighter  duties  to  invite  those  articles 
into  their  ports,  that  they  might  be  transferred  thence  into  the  other 
States,  securing  the  duties  to  themselves.  This  contracted  policy  in 
some  of  the  States  was  soon  counteracted  by  others.  Restraints  were 
immediately  laid  on  such  commerce  by  the  suffering  States :  and  thus 
had  grown  up  a  state  of  affairs  disorderly  and  unnatural,  the  tendency 
of  which  was  to  destroy  the  Union  itself,  and  with  it  all  hope  of  realiz- 
ing those  blessings  which  we  had  anticipated  from  the  glorious  revolu- 
tion which  had  been  so  recently  achieved.  From  this  deplorable  di- 
lemma, or  rather  certain  ruin,  we  were  happily  rescued  by  the  adoption 
of  the  constitution. 

"  Among  the  first  and  most  important  effects  of  this  great  revolution 
was  the  complete  abolition  of  this  pernicious  policy.  The  States  were 
brought  together  by  the  constitution,  as  to  commerce,  into  one  com- 
munity, equally  in  regard  to  foreign  nations  and  each  other.  The  reg- 
ulations that  were  adopted  regarded  us  in  both -respects  as  one  people. 
The  duties  and  imposts  that  were  laid  on  the  vessels  and  merchandise 
of  foreign  nations  were  all  uniform  throughout  the  United  States,  and 
in  the  intercourse  between  the  States  themselves  no  duties  of  any  kind 
were  imposed  other  than  between  different  ports  and  counties  within 
the  same  State.  * 

«'  This  view  is  supported  by  a  series  of  measures,  all  of  a  marked 
character,  preceding  the  adoption  of  the  constitution.  As  early  as  the 
year  1781  Congress  recommended  it  to  the  States  to  vest  in  the  United 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.         353 

States  a  power  to  levy  a  duty  of  five  per  cent,  on  all  goods  imported 
from  foreign  countries  into  the  United  States  for  the  term  of  fifteen 
years.  In  1783  this  recommendation,  with  alterations  as  to  the  kind 
of  duties  and  an  extension  of  this  term  to  twenty-five  years,  was  re- 
peated and  more  earnestly  urged.  In  1784  it  was  recommended  to  the 
States  to  authorize  Congress  to  prohibit,  under  certain  modifications, 
the  importation  of  goods  from  foreign  powers  into  the  United  States 
for  fifteen  years.  In  1785  the  consideration  of  the  subject  was  re- 
sumed, and  a  proposition  presented  in  a  new  form,  with  an  address  to 
the  States  explaining  fully  the  principles  on  which  a  grant  of  the 
power  to  regulate  trade  was  deemed  indispensable.  In  1786  a  meet- 
ing took  place  at  Annapolis  of  delegates  from  several  of  the  States  on 
this  subject,  and  on  their  report  the  convention  was  formed  at  Phila- 
delphia the  ensuing  year  from  all  the  States,  to  whose  deliberations 
we  are  indebted  for  the  present  constitution. 

"  In  none  of  these  measures  was  the  subject  of  internal  improve- 
ment mentioned  or  even  glanced  at.  Those  of  1781,  5,  6,  and  7,  lead- 
ing step  by  step  to  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  had  in  view  only 
the  obtaining  of  a  power  to  enable  Congress  to  regulate  trade  with 
foreign  powers.  It  is  manifest  that  the  regulation  of  trade  with  the 
several  States  was  altogether  a  secondary  object,  suggested  by  and 
adopted  in  connection  with  the  other.  If  the  power  necessary  to  this 
system  of  improvement  is  included  under  either  branch  of  this  grant, 
I  should  suppose  that  it  was  the  first  rather  than  the  second.  The 
pretension  to  it,  however,  under  that  branch  has  never  been  set  up.  In 
support  of  the  claim  under  the  second  no  reason  has  been  assigned 
which  appears  to  have  the  least  weight." 

Such  is  a  brief  history  of  the  origin,  progress,  and  consequences  of 
a  system  which  for  more  than  thirty  years  after  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution  was  unknown.  The  greatest  embarrassment  upon  the 
subject  consists  in  the  departure  which  has  taken  place  from  the  early 
construction  of  the  constitution  and  the  precedents  which  are  found  in 
the  legislation  of  Congress  in  later  years.  President  Jackson,  in  his 
veto  of  the  Wabash  River  bill,  declares  that  "  to  inherent  embarrass- 
ments have  been  added  others,  from  the  course  of  our  legislation  con- 
cerning it."  In  his  vetoes  on  the  Maysville  Road  bill,  the  Rockville 
Road  bill,  the  Wabash  Rivsir  bill,  and  other  bills  of  like  character,  he  re- 
versed the  precedents  which  existed  prior  to  that  time  on  the  subject 
of  internal  improvements.  When  our  experience,  observation,  and  re- 
flection have  convinced  us  that  a  legislative  precedent  is  either  unwise 
or  unconstitutional,  it  should  not  be  followed. 

No  express  grant  of  this  power  is  found  in  the  constitution.  Its  ad- 
vocates have  differed  among  themselves  as  to  the  source  from  which  it 


354  SPECIAL    MESSAGE 

is  derived  as  an  incident.  In  the  progress  of  the  discussions  upon  this 
subject  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  seems  now  to  be  chiefly  relied 
upon,  especially  in  reference  to  the  improvement  of  harbors  and  rivers. 
In  relation  to  the  regulation  of  commerce,  the  language  of  the  grant 
in  the  constitution  is,  '•  Congress  shall  have  power  to  regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations  and 'among  the  several  States,  and  with  the 
Indian  t?ribes."  That  "  to  regulate  commerce"  does  not  mean  to  make 
a  road,  or  dig  a  canal,  or  clear  out  a  river,  or  deepen  a  harbor,  would 
seem  to  be  obvious  to  the  common  understanding.  To  '•  regulate"  ad- 
mits or  affirms  the  pre-existence  of  the  thing  to  be  regulated.  In  this 
case  it  presupposes  the  existence  of  commerce,  and  of  course  the 
means  by  which,  and  the  channels  through  which,  commerce  is  carried 
on.  It  confers  no  creative  power;  it  only  assumes  control  over  that 
which  may  have  been  brought  into  existence  through  other  agencies, 
such  as  State  legislation,  and  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  individuals. 
If  the  definition  of  the  word  "  regulate"  is  to  include  the  provision  of 
means  to  carry  on  commerce,  then  have  Congress  not  only  power  to 
deepen  harbors,  clear  out  rivers,  dig  canals,  and  make  roads,  but  also 
to  build  ships,  railroad  cars,  and  other  vehicles,  all  of  which  are  neces- 
sary to  commerce.  There  is  no  middle  ground.  If  the  power  to  regu- 
late can  be  legitimately  construed  into  a  povsrer  to  create  or  facilitate, 
then  not  only  the  bays  and  harbors,  but  the  roads  and  canals,  and  ull 
the  means  of  transporting  merchandise  among  the  several  States,  are 
put  at  the  disposition  of  Congress.  This  power  to  regulate  commerce 
was  construed  and  exercised  immediately  after  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
stitution, and  has  been  exercised  to  the  present  day,  by  prescribincr 
general  rules  by  which  commerce  should  be  conducted.  With  foreign 
nations  it  has  been  regulated  by  treaties,  defining  the  rights  of  citizens 
and  subjects,  as  well  as  by  acts  of  Congress  imposing  duties  and  re- 
strictions, embracing  vessels,  seamen,  cargoes,  and  passengers.  It  has 
been  regulated  among  the  States  by  acts  of  Congress  relating  to  the 
coasting  trade,  and  the  vessels  employed  therein,  and  for  the  better 
security  of  passengers  in  vessels  propelled  by  steam,  and  by  the  re- 
moval of  all  restrictions  upon  internal  trade.  It  has  been  regulated 
with  the  Indian  tribes  by  our  intercourse  laws,  prescribing  the  manner 
in  which  it  shall  be  carried  on.  Thus  each  branch  of  this  grant  of 
power  was  exercised  soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and 
has  continued  to  be  exercised  to  the  present  day.  If  a  more  extended 
construction  be  adopted,  it  is  impossible  for  the  human  mind  to  fix  on 
a  limit  to  the  exercise  of  the  power  other  than  the  will  and  discretion 
of  Congress.  It  sweeps  into  tlie  vortex  of  national  power  and  juris- 
diction not  only  harbors  and  inlets,  rivers  and  little  streams,  but  canals, 
turnpikes,  and  railroads — every  species  of  improvement  which  caa 


ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS.         355 

facilitate  or  create  trade  and  intercourse  "  with  foreign  nations,  among 
the  several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes." 

Should  any  great  object  of  improvement  exist  in  our  widely-extended 
country,  which  cannot  be  effected  by  means  of  tonnage  duties,  levied 
by  the  States,  with  the  concurrence  of  Congress,  it  is  safer  and  wiser 
to  apply  to  the  States,  in  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  constitution,  for  an 
amendment  of  that  instrument,  whereby  the  powers  of  the  Genera 
Government  may  be  enlarged,  with  such  limitations  and  restrictions  as 
experience  has  shown  to  be  proper,  than  to  assume  and  exercise  a 
power  which  has  not  been  granted,  or  which  may  be  regarded  as 
doubtful  in  the  opinion  of  a  large  portion  of  our  constituents.  This 
course  has  been  recommended  successively  by  Presidents  Jefferson, 
Madison,  Monroe,  and  Jackson,  and  I  fully  concur  with  them  in  opin- 
ion. If  an  enlargement  of  power  should  be  deemed  proper,  it  will  un- 
questionably be  granted  by  the  States ;  if  otherwise,  it  will  be  with- 
held ;  and,  in  either  case,  their  decision  should  be  final.  In  the  mean 
time,  I  deem  it  proper  to  add  that  the  investigation  of  this  subject  has 
impressed  me  more  strongly  than  ever  with  the  solemn  conviction  that 
the  usefulness  and  permanency  of  this  Government,  and  the  happiness 
of  the  millions  over  whom  it  spreads  its  protection,  will  be  best  pro- 
moted by  carefully  abstaining  from  the  exercise  of  all  powers  not 
clearly  granted  by  the  constitution. 


SECOND   ANNUAL   MESSAGE. 

DECEMBER  8th,  1846. 


Fellow- Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  of  Die  House  of  Representatives: 

In  resumkig  your  labors  in  the  service  of  the  people,  it  is  a  subject 
of  congratulation  that  there  has  been  no  period  in  our  past  history, 
when  all  the  elements  of  national  prosperity  have  been  so  fully  developed. 
Since  your  last  ^ssion.  no  aiilicting  dispensation  has  visited  our  coun- 
try;  general  good  health  has  prevailed  ;  abundance  has  crowned  the 
toil  of  the  husbandman  ;  and  labor  in  all  its  branches  is  receiving  an 
ample  reward,  while  education,  science,  and  the  arts  are  rapidly  en- 
larging the  means  of  social  happiness.  The  progress  of  our  country  in 
her  career  of  greatness,  not  only  in  the  vast  extension  of  our  territorial 
limits,  and  the  rapid  increase  of  our  population,  but  in  resources  and 
wealth,  and  in  the  happy  condition  of  our  people,  is  without  example  in 
the  history  of  nations. 

As  the  wisdom,  strength,  and  beneficence  of  our  free  institutions  are 
unfolded,  every  day  adds  fresh  motives  to  contentment,  and  fresh  incen- 
tives to  patriotism. 

Our  devout  and  sincere  acknowledgments  are  due  to  the  gracious 
Giver  of  all  good,  for  the  numberless  blessings  which  our  beloved 
country  enjoys. 

It  is  a  source  of  high  satisfaction  to  know  that  the  relations  of  the 
United  States  with  all  other  nations,  with  a  single  exception,  are  of 
the  most  amicable  character.  Sincerely  attached  to  the  policy  of  peace, 
early  adopted  and  steadily  pursued  by  this  government,  I  have  anxiously 
desired  to  cultivate  and  cherish  friendship  and  commerce  with  every 
foreign  power.  The  spirit  and  habits  of  the  American  people  are  favor- 
able to  the  maintenance  of  such  international  harmony.  In  adhering 
to  this  wise  policy,  a  preliminary  and  paramount  duty  obviously  con- 
sists in  the  protection  of  our  national  interests  from  encroachment  or 
sacrifice,  and  our  national  honor  from  reproach.    These  must  be  main- 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  357 

tained  at  any  hazard.  They  admit  of  no  compromise  or  neglect,  and 
must  be  scrupulously  and  constantly  guarded.  In  their  vigilant  vindi- 
cation, collision  and  conHict  with  foreign  powers  may  sometimes  become 
unavoidable.  Such  has  been  our  scrupulous  adherence  to  the  dictates 
of  justice,  in  all  our  foreign  intercourse,  that,  though  steadily  and 
rapidly  advancing  in  prosperity  and  povycr,  we  have  given  no  just  cause 
of  complaint  to  any  nation,  and  have  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  peace 
for  more  than  thirty  years.  From  a  policy  so  sacred  to  humanity,  and 
so  salutary  in  its  effects  upon  our  political  system,  we  should  never 
be  induced  voluntarily  to  depart. 

The  existing  war  with  Mexico  was  neither  desired  nor  provoked  by 
the  United  States.  On  the  contrary,  all  honorable  means  were  resorted 
to  to  avert  it.  After  years  of  endurance  of  aggravated  and  unredressed 
wrongs  on  our  part,  Mexico,  in  violation  of  solemn  treaty  stipulations, 
and  of  every  principle  of  justice  recognized  by  civilized  nations,  com- 
menced hostilities ;  and  thus,  by  her  own  act,  forced  the  war  upon  us. 
Long  before  the  advance  of  our  army  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
we  had  ample  cause  of  war  against  Mexico  ;  and  had  the  United  States 
resorted  to  this  extremity,  we  might  have  appealed  to  the  whole  civilized 
world  for  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

I  deem  it  to  he  my  duty  to  present  to  you.  on  the  present  occasion,  a 
condensed  review  of  the  injuries  we  had  sustained,  of  the  causes  which 
led  to  the  war,  and  of  its  progress  since  its  commencement.  This  is 
rendered  the  more  necessary  because  o[  the  misapprehensions  which 
have  to  some  extent  prevailed,  as  to  its  origin  and  true  chai'acter.  The 
war  has  been  represented  as  unjust  and  unnecessary,  and  as  one  of 
aggression  on  our  part  upon  a  weak  and  injured  enemy.  Such  errone- 
ous views,  though  entertained  by  but  few,  have  been  widely  and  ex- 
tensively circulated,  not  only  at  home,  but  have  been  spread  throughout 
Mexico  and  the  whole  world.  A  more  effectual  means  could  not  have 
been  devised  to  encourage  the  enemy  and  protract  the  war,  than  to 
advocate  and  adhere  to  their  cause,  and  thus  give  them  '•  aid  and 
comfort." 

It  is  a  source  of  national  pride  and  exultation,  that  the  great  body  of 
our  people  have  thrown  no  such  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  government 
in  prosecuting  the  war  successfully,  but  have  shown  themselves  to  be 
eminently  patriotic,  and  ready  to  vindicate  their  country's  honor  and 
interest  at  any  sacrilice.  The  alacrity  and  promptness  with  which  our 
volunteer  forces  rushed  to  the  field  on  their  country's  call,  prove  not 
only  their  patriotism,  but  their  deep  conviction  that  our  cause  is  just. 

The  wrongs  which  we  have  suffered  from  Mexico  almost  ever  since 
she  became  an  indepen<lpnt  power,  and  the  patient  endurance  with 
which  we  have  borne  them,  are  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of 


358  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

modern  civilized  nations.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that,  if  these 
wrongs  had  been  resented  and  resisted  in  the  first  instance,  the  present 
war  might  have  been  avoided.  One  outrage,  hovvever,  permitted  to 
pass  with  impunity,  almost  necessarily  encquraged  the  perpetration  of 
another,  until  at  last  Mexico  seemed  to  attribute  to  weakness  and  inde- 
cision, on  our  part,  a  forbearance  which  was  the  offspring  of  magna- 
nimity, and  of  a  sincere  desire  to  preserve  friendly  relations  with  a 
sister  republic. 

Scarcely  had  Mexico  achieved  her  independence,  which  the  United 
States  v/ere  the  first  among  the  nations  to  acknowledge,  when  she  com- 
menced the  system  of  insult  and  spoliation,  which  she  has  ever  since 
pursued.  Our  citizens  engaged  in  lawful  commerce  were  imprisoned, 
their  vessels  seized,  and  our  fiag  insulted  in  her  ports.  If  money  was 
wanted,  the  lawless  seizure  and  confiscation  of  our  merchant  vessels 
and  their  cargoes  was  a  ready  resource ;  and  if,  to  accomplish  their 
purposes,  it  became  necessary  to  imprison  the  owners,  captains,  and 
crew,  it  was  done.  Rulers  superseded  rulers  in  Mexico  in  rapid  suc- 
cession, but  still  there  was  no  change  in  this  system  of  depredation. 
The  Government  of  the  United  States  made  repeated  reclamations  on 
behalf  of  its  citizens,  but  these  were  answered  by  the  perpetration  of 
new  outrages.  Promises  of  redress  made  by  Mexico  in  the  most  soleriin 
forms  were  postponed  or  evaded.  The  files  and  records  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  contain  conclusive  proofs  of  numerous  lawless  acts 
perpetrated  upon  the  properly  and  persons  of  our  citizens  by  Mexico, 
and  of  wanton  insult  to  our  national  flag.  The  interposition  of  our 
Government  to  obtain  redress  was  again  and  again  invoked  unde/  cir- 
cumstances which  no  nation  ought  to  disregard. 

It  was  hoped  that  these  outrages  would  cease,  and  that  Mexico 
would  be  restrained  by  the  laws  which  regulate  the  conduct  of  civil- 
ized nations  in  their  intercourse  with  each  other  after  the  treaty  of 
amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,  of  the  5th  of  April,  1831,  was  con- 
cluded between  two  republics;  but  this  hope  soon  proved  to  be  vain. 
The  course  of  seizure  and  confiscation  of  the  property  of  our  citizen^;, 
the  violation  of  their  persons,  and  the  insults  to  our  flag,  pursued  by 
IMexico  previous  to  that  time,  were  scarcely  suspended  for  even  a  brief 
period,  although  the  treaty  so  clearly  defines  the  rights  and  duties  of 
the  respective  parties,  that  it  is  impossible  to  misunderstand  or  mistako 
them.  In  less  than  seven  years  atler  the  conclusion  of  that  treaty  our 
grievances  had  become  so  intolerable,  that,  in  the  opinion  of  President 
Jackson,  they  should  no  longer  be  endured.  In  his  Message  to  Con- 
gress in  February,  1837,  he  presented  them  to  the  consideration  of 
that  body,  and  declared  that  "  The  length  of  time  since  some  of  the 
injuries  had  been  committed,  the  repeated  and  unavailing  application.* 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  359 

for  redress,  the  wanton  character  of  some  of  the  outrages  upon  the  prop- 
erty and  persons  of  our  citizens,  upon  the  officers  and  flag  of  the 
United  States,  independent  of  recent  insults  to  this  government  and 
people  by  the  late  extraordinary  Me*x;ican  Minister,  would  justify,  in  the 
eyes  of  all  nations,  immediate  war."  In  a  spirit  of  kindness  and  for- 
bearance, however,  he  recommended  reprisals  afe  a  milder  mode  of 
redress.  He  declared  that  war  should  not  be  used  as  a  remedy  "by 
I'ust  and  generous  nations,  confiding  in  their  strength,  for  injuries  com- 
mitted, if  it  can  be  honorably  avoided  ;"  and  added,  "It  has  occurred 
to  me  that,  considering  the  present  embarrassed  condition  of  that  coun- 
try, we  should  act  with  both  wisdom  and  moderation,  by  giving  to 
Mexico  one  more  opportunity  to  atone  for  the  past,  before  we  take, 
redress  into  our  own  hands.  To  avoid  all  misconception  on  the  part 
of  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  protect  our  own  national  character  from 
reproach,  this  opportunity  should  be  given,  with  the  avowed  design  and 
full  preparation^ to  take  immediate  satisfaction,  if  it  should  not  be  ob- 
tained on  a  repetition  of  the  demand  for  it.  To  this  end,  I  recommend 
that  an  act  be  passed  authorizing  reprisals,  and  the  use  of  the  naval 
force  of  the  United  States,  by  the  Executive,  against  Mexico,  to  enforce 
them  in  the  event  of  a  refusal  by  the  Mexican  Government  to  come  to 
an  amicable  adjustment  of  the  matters  in  controversy  between  us,  upon 
another  demand  thereof  made  from  On  board  one  of  our  vessels  of  war 
upon  the  coa.st  of  Mexico." 

Committees  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  to  which  this  Message  of 
this  President  was  referred,  fully  sustained  his  views  of  the  character 
of  the  wrongs  which  we  had  suffered  from  Mexico,  and  recommended  that 
another  demand  for  redress  should  be  made  before  authorizing  war  or 
reprisals.  The  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  of  the  Senate,  in  their 
report,  say:  '-After  such  a  demand,  should  prompt  justice  be  refused 
by  the  Mexican  Government,  we  may  appeal  to  all  nations,  not  only 
for  the  equity  and  moderation  with  which  we  sliall  have  acted  toward 
a  sister  republic,  but  for  the  necessity  which  will  then  compel  us  to 
seek  redress  for  our  wrongs,  either  by  actual  war  or  by  reprisals.  The 
subject  will  then  be  presented  before  Congress,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  next  session,  in  a  clear  and  distinct  form ;  and  the  Committee 
cannot  doubt  but  that  such  measures  will  be  immediately  adopted  a« 
may  be  necessary  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  the  country,  and  insure 
ample  reparation  to  our  injured  citizens." 

The  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
made  a  similar  recommendation.  In  their  report,  they  say  that  "they 
fully  concur  with  the  President,  that  ample  cause  exists  for  taking 
redress  into  our  own  hands,  and  believe  that  we  should  be  justified  in 
the  opinion  of  other  nations  for  taking  such  a  step.     But  they  are  will- 


% 

360  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

ing  to  try  the  experiment  of  another  demand,  made  in  the  most  solemn 
form,  upon  the  justice  of  the  Mexican  Government,  before  any  fur- 
ther proceedings  arc  adopted." 

No  difference  of  opinion  upon  the  subject  is  beheved  to  have  existed 
in  Congress  at  that  time;  the  Executive  and  Legislative  departments 
concurred ;  and  yet  such  has  been  our  forbearance,  and  desire  to  pre- 
serve peace  with  Mexico,  that  the  wrongs  of  which  we  then  comphiined, 
and  wliich  gave  rise  to  these  solemn  proceedings,  not  only  remained 
unredressed  to  this  day,  but  additional  causes  of  complaint,  of  an 
aggravated  character,  have  ever  since  been  accumulating. 

Shortly  after  these  proceedings,  a  special  messenger  was  despatched 
to  Mexico,  to  make  a  final  demand  for  redress ;  and  on  the  tw^entieth  of 
July,  1837,  the  demand  was  made.  The  reply  of  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment bears  date  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  the  same  month,  and  contains 
assurances  of  the  'anxious  wi.sh"  of  the  Mexican  Government  "  not 
to  delay  the  moment  of  that  final  and  equitable  adjustment,  which  is 
to  terminate  the  existing  difficulties  between  the  two' governments ;" 
that  "nothing  should  be  left  undone,  which  may  contribute  to  the 
most  speedy  and  equitable  determination  of  the  subjects  which  have  so 
seriously  engaged  the  attention  of  tlie  American  Government;"  that 
the  '-Mexican  Government  would  adopt,  as  the  only  guides  for  its  con- 
duct, the  plainest  principles  of  public  right,  the  sacred  obligations  im- 
posed by  international  law.  and  tiie  religious  faith  of  treaties ;"  and  that 
"  whatever  reason  and  justice  may  dictate  respecting  each  case  will  be 
done.".  The  assurance  was  further  given,  that  the  decision  of  the 
jMexican  Government  upon  each  cause  of  complaint,  for  which  redress 
had  been  demanded,  should  be  communicated  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  by  the  Mexican  Minister  at  Washington. 

These  solemn  assurances,  in  answer  to  our  demand  for  redress,  were 
disregarded.  By  making  them,  however.  Mexico  obtained  further 
delay.  President  Van  Buren,  in  his  annual  Message  to  Congress,  of 
the  5th  of  December,  IS'M,  states,  that  '■  although  the  larger  number" 
of  our  demands  for  redress,  and  "many  of  them  aggravated  cases  of 
personal  wrongs,  have  been  now  for  years  before  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment, and  some  of  the  causes  of  national  complaint,  and  those  of  the 
most  oifensive  character,  admitted  of  immediate,  simple,  and  satisfac- 
tory replies,  it  is  only  within  a  few  days  past  that  any  specific  com- 
munication in  answer  to  our  last  demand,  made  five  months  ago,  has 
been  received  from  the  Mexican  Minister;"  and  that  '•  for  not  one  of 
our  public  complaints  has  satisfaction  been  given  or  offered ;  that  but 
one  of  the  cases  of  personal  wrong  has  been  lavorably  considered,  and 
that  but  four  cases  of  both  descriptions,  out  of  all  those  formally  pre- 
sented, and  earnestly  pressed,  have  as  yet  been   decided  upon   by  the 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAXSE.  361 

Mexican  Government."  President  Van  Buren,  believing  that  it  would 
be  vain  to  make  any  further  attempt  to  obtain  redress,  by  the  ordinary  ' 
means  within  the  power  of  the  Executive,  communicated  this  opinion 
to  Congress,  in  the  Message  referred  to,  in  which  he  said :  "  On  a  care- 
ful and  dehberate  examination  of  the  contents,"  (of  the  correspondence 
with  the  Mexican  Government)  "  and  considering  the  spirit  manifested 
by  the  Mexican  Government,  it  has  become  my  painful  duty  to  return 
the  subject  as  it  now  stands,  to  Congress,  to  whom  it  belongs  to  decide 
upon  the  time,  the  mode,  and  the  measure  of  redress."  Had  the  United 
States  at  that  time  adopted  compulsory  measures,  and  taken  redress 
into  their  own  hands,  all  our  difficulties  with  Mexico  would  probably 
have  been  long  since  adjusted,  and  the  existing  war  have  been 
averted.  Magnanimity  and  moderation  on  our  part  only  had  the  effect 
to  complicate  these  difficulties,  and  reader  an  amicable  settlement  of 
them  more  embarrassing.  That  such  measures  of  redress,  under  similar 
provocations,  committed  by  any  of  the  powerful  nations  of  Europe, 
would  have  been  promptly  resorted  to  liy  the  United  States,  cannot  be 
doubted.  The  national  honor,  and  the  preservation  of  the  national 
character  throughout  the  world',  as  well  as  our  own  self-respect,  and 
the  protection  due  to  our  own  citizens,  would  have  rendered  such  a 
resort  indispensable.  The  history  of  no  civilized  nation  in  modern 
times  has  presented  within  so  brief  a  period  so  many  wanton  attacks 
upon  the  honor  of  its  flag,  and  upon  the  property  and  persons  of  its 
citizens,  as  had  at  that  time  been  borne  by  the  United  States  from  the 
Mexican  authorities  and  people.  But  Mexico  was  a  sister  republic,  on 
the  North  American  continent,  occupying  a  territory  contiguous  to  our 
own,  and  was  in  a  feeble  and  distracted  condition ;  and  these  con- 
siderations, it  is  presumed,  induced  Congress  to  forbear  still  longer. 

Instead  of  taking  redress  into  our  own  hands,  a  new  negotiation  was 
entered  upon,  with  fair  promises  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  but  with  the 
real  purpose,  as  the  event  has  proved,  of  indefinitely  postponing  the 
reparation  which  we  demanded,  and  which  was  so  justly  due.  This 
negotiation,  after  more  than  a  year's  delay,  resulted  in  the  Convention 
of  the  eleventh  of  April,  1839,  "  for  the  adjustment  of  claims  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  of  America  upon  the  Government  of  the  Mexican 
Repubhc."  The  joint  board  of  Commissioners  created  by  this  Conven- 
tion, to  examine  and  decide  upon  these  claims,  was  not  organized  until 
the  month  of  August,  1840,  and  under  the  terms  of  the  Convention  they 
were  to  terminate  their  duties  within  eighteen  months  from  that  time. 
Four  of  the  eighteen  months  were  consumed  in  preUminary  discussions 
on  frivolous  and  dilatory  points  raised  by  the  Mexican  Commissioners ; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  month  of  December,  1840,  that  they  com- 
menced the  examination  of  the  claims  of  our  citizens  upon  Mexico. 

16 


362  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE, 

Fourteen  months  only  remained  to  examine  and  decide  upon  thesa 
numerous  and  complicated  cases.  In  the  month  of  February,  1842, 
the  term  of  the  commission  expired,  leaving  many  claims  undisposed  of 
for  want  of  time.  The  claims  which  were  allowed  by  the  board,  and 
by  the  umpire  authorized  by  the  Convention  to  decide  in  case  of  dis- 
agreement between  the  Mexican  and  American  Commissioners, 
amounted  to  two  millions  twenty-six  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
nine  dollars  and  thirty-eight  cents.  There  were  pending  before  the 
umpire,  when  the  commission  expired,  additional  claims  which  had 
been  examined  and  awarded  by  the  American  Commissioners,  and  had 
not  been  allowed  by  the  Mexican  Commissioners,  amounting  to  nine 
hundred  and  twenty-eight  thousand  six  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
dollars  and  eighty-eight  cents,  upon  which  he  did  not  decide,  alleging 
that  his  authority  had  ceased  with  the  termination  of  the  joint  com- 
mission. Besides  these  claims,  there  were  others  of  American  citizens, 
amounting  to  three  million  three  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  thirty-seven  dollars  and  five  cents,  which  had  been 
submitted  to  the  board,  and  upon  which  they  had  not  time  to  decide 
before  their  final  adjournment. 

The  sum  of  two  million  twenty-six  thousand  One  hundred  and  thirty- 
nine  dollars  and  sixty-eight  cents,  which  had  been  awarded  to  the 
claimants,  was  a  liquidated  and  ascertained  debt  due  by  Mexico,  about 
which  there  could  be  no  dispute,  and  which  she  was  bound  to  pay 
according  to  the  terms  of  the  Convention.  Soon  after  the  final  awards 
for  this  amount  had  been  made,  the  Mexican  Government  asked  for  a 
postponement  of  the  time  of  making  payment,  alleging  that  it  would  be 
inconvenient  to  make  the  payment  at  the  time  stipulated.  In  the  spirit 
of  forbearing  kindness  toward  a  sister  republic,  which  Mexico  has  so 
long  abused,  the  United  States  promptly  complied  with  her  request. 
A  second  convention  Avas  accordingly  concluded  between  the  two 
Governments,  on  the  thirtieth  of  January,  1843,  which,  upon  its  face, 
declares  that  "  this  new  arrangement  is  entered  into  for  the  accom- 
modation of  Mexico."  By  the  terms  of  this  Convention,  all  the  interest 
due  on  the  awards  which  had  been  made  in  favor  of  the  claim- 
ants under  the  convention  of  the  eleventh  of  April,  1839,  was  to  be 
paid  to  them  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  1843,  and  "the  principal  of  the 
said  awards,  and  the  interest  accruing  thereon,"  was  stipulated  to  "  be 
paid  in  five  years,  in  equal  instalments  every  three  months."  Notwith- 
standing this  new  convention  was  entered  into  at  the  request  of  Mexico, 
and  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  her  from  embarrassment,  the  claimants 
have  only  received  the  interest  due  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  1843,  and 
three  of  the  twenty  instalments.  Although  the  payment  of  the  sum 
thus  liquidated,  and  confessedly   due    by  Mexico  to  our  citizens  as 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE..  363 

indemnity  for  acknowledged  acts  of  outrage  and  wrong,  was  secured  by 
treaty,  the  obligations  of  which  are  ever  held  sacred  by  all  just  nations, 
yet  Mexico  has  violated  this  solemn  engagement  by  failing  and  refusing 
to  make  the  payment.  The  two  instalments  due  in  April  and  July, 
1844,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  connected  with  them,  have  been 
assumed  by  the  United  States  and  discharged  to  the  claimants,  but 
they  are  still  due  by  Mexico.  But  this  is  not  all  of  which  we  have  ju.st 
cause  of  complaint.  To  provide  a  remedy  for  the  claimants  whose 
cases  were  not  decided  by  the  joint  commission  under  the  convention 
of  April  the  eleventh,  1839,  it  was  expressly  stipulated  by  the  sixth 
article  of  the  Convention  of  the  thirtieth  of  January,  1843.  that  "  a  new 
convention  shall  be  entered  into  for  the  settlement  of  all  claims  of  the 
government  and  citizens  of  the  United  States  against  the  republic  of 
Mexico,  which  were  not  finally  decided  by  the  late  commission,  which 
met  in  the  city  of  Washington,  and  of  all  claims  of  the  government  and 
citizens  of  Mexico  against  the  United  States." 

In  conformity  with  this  stipulation,  a  third  Convention  was  concluded 
and  signed  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  on  the  twentieth  of  November,  1843, 
by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  two  Governments,  by  which  provision 
was  made  for  ascertaining  and  paying  these  claims.  In  January.  1844, 
this  convention  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  of  the  .United  States  with 
two  amendments,  which  were  manifestly  reasonable  in  their  character. 
Upon  a  reference  of  the  amendments  proposed  to  the  Government  of 
jMexico,  the  same  evasions,  difficulties,  and  delays  were  interposed, 
which  have  so  long  marked  the  policy  of  that  Government  toward  the 
United  States.  It  has  not  even  yet  decided  whether  it  would  or  would 
not  accede  to  them,  although  the  subject  has  been  repeatedly  pressed 
upon  its  consideration. 

Mexico  has  thus  violated  a  second  time  the  faith  of  treaties,  by 
failing  or  refusing  to  carry  into  effect  the  sixth  article  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  January,  1843. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  wrongs  which  we  have  suffered  and 
patiently  endured  from  Mexico,  through  a  long  series  of  years.  So  far 
from  affording  reasonable  satisfaction  for  the  injuries  and  insults  we 
had  borne,  a  great  aggravation  of  them  consists  in  the  fact,  that  while 
the  United  States,  anxious  to  preserve*  a  good  understanding  with 
Mexico,  have  been  constantly,  but  vainly,  employed  in  seeking  redress 
for  past  wrongs,  new  outrages  were  constantly  occurring,  which  have 
continued  to  increase  our  causes  of  complaint,  and  to  swell  the  amount 
of  our  demands.  While  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  were  con- 
ducting a  lawful  commerce  with  Mexico,  under  the  guaranty  of  a 
treaty  of  "  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,"  many  of  them  have  suf- 
fered all  the  injuries  which  would  have  resulted  from  open  war.     This 


364  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

treaty,  instead  of  affording  protection  to  our  citizens,  has  been  the 
means  of  inviting  them  into  the  ports  of  Mexico,  that  they  might  be,  as 
ihey  have  been  in  numerous  instances,  plundered  of  their  property  and 
deprived  of  their  personal  hberty,  if  they  dared  insist  on  their  rights. 
Had  the  unlawful  seizures  of  American  property,  and  the  violation  of 
the  personal  liberty  of  our  citizens,  to  say  nothing  of  the  insults  to  ou*" 
flag  which  have  occurred  in  the  ports  of  Mexico,  taken  place  on  the  higb 
seas,  they  would  themselves  long  since  have  constituted  a  state  of  actua/ 
war  between  the  two  countries.  In  so  long  suflering  Mexico  to  violate 
her  most  solemn  treaty  obligations,  plunder  our  citizens  of  their  prop- 
erty, and  imprison  their  persons  without  aflb.-ding  ihem  any  redress, 
we  have  failed  to  perform  one  of  the  first  and  highest  duties  which 
every  government  owes  to  its  citizens;  and  the  consequence  has  been, 
that  many  of  them  have  been  reduced  from  a  state  of  affluence  to 
bankruptcy.  The  proud  name  of  American  citizen,  which  ought  to 
protect  all  who  hear  it  from  insult  and  injury  throughout  the  world, 
has  afforded  no  such  protection  to  our  citizens  in  Mexico.  We  had 
ample  cause  of  war  against  Mexico  long  before  the  breaking  out  of 
hostilities.  But  even  then  we  forhore  to  take  redress  into  our  own 
hands,  until  Mexico  herself  became  the  aggressor,  by  invading  our  soil 
in  hostile  array,  and  shedding  the  blood  of  our  citizens. 

Such  are  the  grave  causes  of  complaint  on  Hhe  part  of  the  United 
States  against  Mexico — causes  which  existed  loVig  before  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  to  the  American  Union  ;  and  yet,  animated  by  the  love 
of  peace,  and  a  magnanimous  moderation,  we  did  not  adoj)!  those 
measures  of  redress  which,  under  such  circumstances,  are  the  justified 
resort  of  injured  nations. 

The  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  constituted  no  just 
cause  of  offence  to  Mexico.  The  pretext  that  it  did  so  is  wholly  inconsist- 
ent, and  irreconcilable  with  well-authenticated  facts  connected  with  the 
revolution  by  which  Texas  became  independent  of  Mexico.  That  this 
may  be  the  more  manifest,  it  may  be  proper  to  advert  to  the  causes  and 
to  the  history  of  the  principal  events  of  that  revolution. 

Texas  constituted  a  portion  of  the  ancient  province  of  Louisiana, 
ceded  to  the  United  States  by  France  in  the  year  1803.  In  the  year 
1819,  the  United  States,  by  the  Florida  treaty,  ceded  to  Spain  all  that 
part  of  Louisiana  within  the  present  limits  of  Texas;  and  Mexico,  by 
the  revolution  which  separated  her  from  Spain,  and  rendered  her  an 
independent  nation,  succeedeii  to  the  rights  of  the  mother  country  over 
this  territory.  In  the  year  1821,  Mexico  established  a  federal  consti- 
tution, under  which  the  IMexican  republic  was  composed  of  a  number 
of  sovereign  States,  confederated  together  in  a  federal  union  similar  to 
our  own.     Each  of  these  States  had  its  own  executive,  legislature,  and 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  365 

judiciary,  and,  for  all  except  federal  purposes,  was  as  independent  of 
the  general  government,  and  that  of  the  other  states,  as  is  Pennsyl- 
vania or  Virginia  under  our  constitution.  Texas  and  Coaeuila  united 
and  formed  oneof  these  Mexican  States.  The  state  constitution  which 
they  adopted,  and  which  was  approved  by  the  Mexican  contederacy, 
asserted  that  they  were  "  free  and  independent  of  the  other  Mexican 
United  States,  and  of  every  other  power  and  dominion  whatsoever;" 
and  proclaimed  the  great  principle  of  human  liberty,  that  "the  sover- 
eignty of  the  State  resides  origiiially  and  essentially  in  the  general  mass 
of  the  individuals  who  compose  it."  To  the  government  under  this 
constitution,  as  well  as  to  that  under  the  federal  constitution,  the  people 
of  Texas  owed  allegiance. 

Emigrants  from  foreign  countries,  including  the  United  States,  were 
invited  by  the  colonization  laws  of  the  State  and  of  the  federal  gov- 
ern uient.  to  settle  in  Texas.  Advantageous  terms  were  offered  to 
induce  them  to  leave  their  own  country  ^nd  become  Mexican  citizens. 
This  invitation  was  accepted  by  many  of  our  citizens,  in  the  full  faith 
that  in  their  new  home  they  would  be  governed  by  laws  enacted  by 
representatives  elect(?d  by  themselves,  and  that  their  lives,  liberty,  and 
property  would  be  protected  by  constitutional  guarantees  similar  to 
those  which  existed  in  the  republic  they  had  left.  Under  a  govern- 
ment thus  organized,  they  continued  until  the  year  1835,  when  a  mili- 
tary revolution  broke  out  in  the  city  of  Alexico,  which  entirely  sub- 
verted the  federal  and  state  constitutions,  and  placed  a  military  dic- 
tator at  the  head  of  the  government. 

By  a  sweeping  decree  of  a  Congress  subservient  to  the  will  of  the 
dictator,  the  several  state  constitutions  were  abolished,  and  the  States 
themselves  converted  into  mere  departments  of  the  Central  Government. 
The  people  of  Texas  were  unwilling  to  submit  to  this  usurpation. 
Resistance  to  such  tyranny  became  a  high  duty.  Texas  was  fully  ab- 
solved from  all  allegiance  to  the  Central  Government  of  Mexico  from 
the  moment  that  government  had  abolished  her  state  constitution,  and 
in  its  place  substituted  an  arbitrary  and  despotic  Central  Government. 

Such  were  the  principal  causes  of  the  Texan  revolution.  The  people 
of  Texas  at  once  determined  upon  resistance,  and  flew  to  arms.  In 
the  midst  of  these  important  and  exciting  events,  however,  they  did  not 
omit  to  place  their  liberties  upon  a  secure  and  permanent  foundation. 
They  elected  members  to  a  convention,  who,  in  the  month  of  March, 
183G,  issued  a  formal  declaration  that  their  "  political  connection  with 
the  Mexican  nation  has  forever  ended,  and  that  the  people  of  Texas <lo 
now  constitute  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  republic,  and 
are  fully  invested  with  all  the  rights  and  attributes  which  properly  belong 
to  independent  nations."     They  also  adopted   for  their  government  a 


366  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

liberal  republican  constitution.  About  the  same  time,  Santa  Anna, 
then  the  dictator  of  IMexico,  invaded  Texas  with  a  numerous  army,  for 
the  purpose  of  subduing  the  people,  and  enforcing  obedience  to  his 
arbitrary  and  despotic  government.  On  the  twenty-first  of  April,  1836, 
he  was  met  by  the  Texan  citizen  soldiers,  and  on  that  day  was  achieved 
by  them  the  memorable  victory  of  San  Jacinto,  by  which  they  con- 
quered their  independence.  Considering  the  numbers  engaged  on  the 
respective  sides,  histor}'-  does  not  record  a  more  brilliant  achievement. 
Santa  Anna  himself  was  among  the  captives. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1836,  Santa  Anna  acknowledged,  by  a  treaty 
with  the  Texan  ^thorities,  in  the  most  solemn  form,  "  the  lull,  entire, 
and  perfect  independence  of  the  republic  of  Texas."  It  is  true  he  was 
then  a  prisoner  of  war,  but  it  is  equally  true  that  he  had  failed  to  re- 
conquer Texas,  and  had  met  with  signal  defeat;  that  his  authority 
had  not  been  revoked,  and  that  by  virtue  of  this  treaty  he  obtained 
his  personal  release.  By  it  hostilities  were  suspended,  and  the  araiy 
which  had  invaded  Texas  under  his  command  returned  in  pursuance 
of  this  arrangement,  unmolested,  to  Mexico. 

From  the  day  that  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  was  fought  until  the 
present  hour,  JMexico  has  never  possessed  the  power  to  reconquer 
Texas.  In  the  language  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States,  in  a  despatch  to  our  minister  in  Mexico,  under  date  of  the 
eighth  of  July,  1842,  "  Mexico  may  have  chosen  to  consider,  and  may 
still  choose  to  consider  Texas  as  having  been  at  all  times  since  1835, 
and  as  still  continuing,  a  rebelliou3*proviace  ;  but  the  world  has  been 
obliged  to  take  a  very  different  view  of  the  matter.  From  the  time  of 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  April,  1836,  to  the  present  moment,  Texas 
has  exhibited  the  same  external  signs  of  national  in,dependence  as 
Mexico  herself,  and  with  quite  as  much  stability  of  government.  Prac- 
tically free  and  independent,  acknowledged  as  a  political  sovereignty 
by  the  principal  powers  of  the  world,  no  hostile  foot  finding  rest  within 
her  territory  for  six  or  seven  years,  and  Mexico  herself  refraining  for 
all  that  period  from  any  further  attempt  to  re-establish  her  own  author- 
ity over  that  territory,  it  cannot  but  be  surprising  to  find  Mr.  de  Boca- 
negra"  (the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Mexico)  "  complaining 
that  for  that  whole  period  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  its  Govern- 
ment, have  been  favoring  the  rebels  of  Texas,  and  supplying  them 
with  vessels,  ammunition,  and  money,  as  if  the  war  for  the  reduction  of 
the  province  of  Texas  had  been  constantly  prosecuted  by  Mexico,  and 
her  success  prevented  by  these  influences  from  abroad."  In  the  same 
despatch  the  Secretary  of  State  afRrms  that  "  since  1837  the  United 
States  have  regarded  Texas  as  an  independent  sovereignty,  as  much 
as  Mexico ;  and  that  trade  and  commerce  with  citizens  of  a  govern- 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  367 

ment  at  war  with  Mexico  cannot,  on  that  account,  be  regarded  as  an 
intercourse  by  which  assistance  and  succor  are  given  to  Mexican 
rebels.  The  whole  current  of  Mr.  de  Bocanegra's  remarks  runs  in 
the  same  direction,  as  if  the  independence  of  Texas  Iiad  not  been 
acknowledged.  It  has  been  acknowledged  —  it  was  acknowledged 
in  1837,  against  the  remonstrance  and  protest  of  Mexico ;  and  most 
of  the  acts,  of  any  importance,  of  which  Mr.  de  Bocanegra  com- 
plains, flow  necessarily  from  that  recognition.  He  speaks  of  Texas  as 
still  being  '  an  integral  part  of  the  territory  of  the  Mexican  republic;' 
but  he  cannot  but  understand  that  the  United  Stales  do  not  so  regard 
it.  The  real  complaint  of  Mexico,  therefore,  is,  in  substance,  neither 
more  nor  less  than  a  complaint  against  the  recognition  of  Texan  inde- 
pendence. It  may  be  thought  rather  late  to  repeat  that  complaint, 
and  not  quite  just  to  confine  it  to  the  United  States,  to  the  exemption 
of  England,  France,  and  Belgium,  unless  the  United  States,  having 
been  the  first  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Mexico  herself,  are 
to  be  blamed  for  setting  an  example  for  the  recognition  of  that  of 
Texas."  And  he  added,  that  "the  constitution,  public  treaties,  and 
the  laws  oblige  the  President  to  regard  Texas  as  an  independent  State, 
and  its  territory  as  no  part  of  the  territory  of  Mexico."  Texas  had 
oeen  an  independent  State,  with  an  organized  government,  defying 
the  power  of  Mexico  to  overthrow  or  reconquer  her,  for  more  than  ten 
years  before  Mexico  commenced  the  present  war  against  the  United 
States.  Texas  had  given  such  evidence  to  the  wt)rld  of  her  ability  to 
maintain  her  separate  existence  as  an  independent  nation,  that  she 
had  been  formally  recognized  as  such,  not  only  by  the  United  States 
but  by  several  of  the  principal  powers  of  Europe.  These  powers  had 
entered  into  treaties  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation  with  her. 
They  had  received  and  accredited  her  ministers  and  other  diplomatic 
agents  at  their  respective  courts,  and  they  had  commissioned  ministers 
and  diplomatic  agents  on  their  part  to  the  government  of  Texas.  If 
JMexico,  notwithstanding  all  this,  and  her  utter  inability  to  subdue  or 
reconquer  Texas,  still  stubbornly  refused  to  recognize  her  as  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  she  was  none  the  less  so  on  that  account.  Mexico 
herself  had  been  r<rcognized  as  an  independent  nation  by  the  United 
States,  and  by  other  powers,  many  years  before  Spain,  of  which,  be- 
fore her  revolution,  she  l)a<l  been  a  colony,  would  agree  to  recognize 
her  as  such,  and  yet  Mexico  was  at  that  time,  in  the  estimation  of  the 
civilized  world,  and  in  fact,  none  the  less  an  independent  power,  be- 
cause Spain  still  claiaied  her  as  a  colony.  If  Spain  had  continued 
until  the  present  period  to  Hssert  that  Mexico  was  one  of  her  colonies, 
in  rebellion  against  her.  this  would  not  have  made  her  so,  or  chanired 
the  fact  of  her  independent  existence.     Texas,  at  the  period  of  her  an- 


368  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

nexation  to  the  United  States,  bore  the  same  relation  to  Mexico  that 
Mexico  had  borne  to  Spain  for  many  years  before  Spain  acknowledged 
her  independence,  with  this  important  difference — that,  before  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  to  the  United  States  was  consummated.  Mexico  her- 
self, by  a  formal  act  of  her  government,  had  acknowledged  the  inde- 
pendence of  Texas  as  a  nation.  It  is  true,  that  in  the  act  of  recogni- 
tion she  prescribed  a  condition,  which  she  had  no  power  or  authority 
to  impose,  that  Texas  should  not  annex  herself  to  any  other  power: 
but  this  could  not  detract  in  any  degree  from  the  recognition  wliich 
Mexico  then  made  of  her  actual  independence.  Upon  this  plain  state- 
ment of  facts,  it  is  absurd  fur  Mexico  to  allege  as  a  pretext  for  com- 
mencing hostilities  against  the  United  States,  that  Texas  is  still  a  part 
of  her  territory. 

But  there  are  those  who.  conceding  all  this  to  be  true,  assume  the 
ground  that  the  true  western  boundary  of  Texas  is  the  Nueces,  instead 
of  the  Rio  Grande;  and  that,  therefore,  in  marching  our  army  to  the 
east  bank  of  the  latter  river,  we  passed  the  Texan  line,  and  invaded 
the  territory  of  Mexico.  A  simple  statement  of  facts,  known  to  exist, 
will  conclusively  refute  such  an  assumption.  Texas,  as  ceded  to  the 
United  States  by  France,  in  1803,  has  been  cilways  claimed  as  extend- 
ing west  to  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio  Bravo.  This  fact  is  established  by 
the  authority  of  our  most  eminent  statesmen  at  a  period  when  the 
question  vi^as  as  well  if  not  better  understood  than  it  is  at  present. 
During  Mr.  Jeflerson's  aduiinistration  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinckney, 
who  had  been  sent  on  a  special  mission  to  Madrid,  charged,  among 
other  things^  with  the  adjustment  of  boundary  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, in  a  note  addressed  to  the.  Spanish  Minister  of  Foreign  Aflairs, 
under  date  of  the  twenty-eighth  of  January,  1805,  assert  that  the 
boundaries  of  Louisiana,  as  ceded  to  the  United  States  by  France, 
"are  the  river  Perdido  on  the  east,  and  the  river  Bravo  on  the  west;" 
and  they  add,  that  "the  facts  and  principles  which  justify  this  conclu- 
sion are  so  satisfactory  to  our  Government  As  to  convince  it  that  the 
United  States  have  not  a  better  right  to  the  ishmd  of  New  Orleans, 
under  the  cession  referred  to  than  they  have  to  the  whole  district  of 
territory  which  is  above  described." 

Down  to  the  conclusion  of  t!ie  Florida  treaty  in  February,  ISlO,  oy 
which  this  territory  was  ceded  to  Spain,  the  United  Stales  assertec' 
and  maintained  their  territorial  rights  to  tins  e.\tfnt.  In  the  month  of 
June,  1818,  during  Mr.  Monroe's  administration  information  having 
been  received  that  a  nuinbrr  of  foreign  adventurers  hnd  landed  at  Gal- 
veston, with  the  avowed  purpose  of  forming  a  settlement  in  that  vicinity, 
a  special  messenger  was  despatched  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  with  instructions  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  warn  them  to 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  369 

desist,  should  they  be  found  there  '-or  any  other  place  north  of  the 
Rio  Bravo,  and  within  the  territory  chiimed  by  the  United  States."  He 
was  instructed,  should  they  be  found  in  the  country  north  of  that  river, 
to  make  known  to  them  "  the  surprise  with  which  the  President  has 
seen  possession  thus  taken,  without  authority  from  the  United  States, 
of  a  place  within  their  territorial  limits,  and  upon  which  no  lawful 
settlement  can  be  made  without  their  sanction."  He  was  instructed 
to  call  upon  them  to  "  avow  under  what  national  authority  they  pro- 
fess to  act,"  and  to  give  them  due  warning  -'that  the  place  is  within 
the  United  States,  who  will  sutler  no  permanent  settlement  to  be  made 
there,  under  any  authority  other  than  their  own."  As  late  as  the 
eighth  of  July,  1842,  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  in  a 
note  addressed  to  our  minister  in  Mexico,  maintains  that,  by  the  Florida 
treaty  of  1819,  the  territory  as  far  west  as  the  Rio  Grande  was  con- 
firmed to  Spain.  In  that  note  he  states  that,  "  by  the  treaty  of  the 
twenty-second  of  February,  1819,  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  the  Sabine  was  adopted  as  the  line  of  boundary  between  the 
two  powers.  Up  to  that  period,  no  considerable  colonization  had  been 
effected  in  Texas ;  but  the  territory  between  tne  Sabine  and  the  Rio 
Grande  being  confirmed  to  Spain  by  tlie  treaty,  applications  were  made 
to  that  power  for  grants  of  land,  and  such  grants,  or  permissions  of 
settlement,  were  in  fact  made  by  the  Spanish  authorities  in  favor  of 
citizens  of  t'lo  United  States  proposing  to  emigrate  to  Texas  in  numer- 
ous faniil.cs,  bpfrii-o  the  declaration  of  independence  by  Mexico." 

The  Texas  which  was  ceded  to  Spain  by  the  Florida  treaty  of  1819 
embraced  all  the  country  now  claimed  by  the  State  of  Texas  between 
the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande.  The  repubhc  of  Texas  always 
claimed  this  river  as  her  western  boundary,  and  in  her  treaty  made 
with  Santa  Anna,  in  May,  183G,  he  recognized  it  as  such. 

By  the  Constitution  which  Texas  adopted  in  March,  1836,  senatorial 
and  representative  districts  were  organized  extending  vilest  of  the 
Nueces.  The  Congress  of  Texas,  on  the  nineteenth  of  December,  1836, 
j)assed  an  "  Act  to  define  the  boundaries  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,"  in 
which  they  declared  the  Rio  Grande  from  its  mouth  to  its  source  to  be 
their  boundary,  and  by  the  said  act  they  extended  their  ••  civil  and  political 
jurisdiction"  over  the  country  up  to  that  boundary.  During  a  period 
of  more  than  nine  years,  which  intervened  between  the  adoption  of  her 
Constitution  and  her  annexation  as  one  of  the  States  of  our  Union, 
Texas  asserted  and  exercised  many  acts  of  sovereignty  and  jurisdiction 
over  the  territory  and  inhabitants  west  of  the  Nueces.  She  organized 
and  defined  the  limits  of  counties  extending  to  the  Rio  Grande.  She 
established  courts  of  justice,  and  extended  her  judicial  system  over  the 
territory.  She  established  a  custom-house,  and  collected  duties  and 
16^ 


370  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

also  post-offices  and  post- roads  in  it.  She  established  a  land  office, 
and  issued  numerous  grants  for  land  within  its  limits.  A  Senator  and 
Representative  residing  in  it  were  elected  to  the  Congress  of  the  repub- 
lic, and  served  as  such  before  the  act  of  annexation  took  place.  In 
both  the  Congress  and  Convention  of  Texas,  which  gave  their  assent 
to  the  terms  of  annexation  to  the  United  States,  proposed  by  our  Con- 
gress, were  representatives  residing  west  of  the  Nueces,  who  took  part 
in  the  act  of  annexation  itself.  This  was  the  Texas  which,  by  the  act 
of  our  Congress  of  the  twenty-ninth  of  December,  1845,  was  admitted 
as  one  of  the  States  of  our  Union.  That  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  understood  the  State  of  Texas  which  they  admitted  into  the 
Union  to  extend  beyond  the  Nueces  is  apparent  from  the  fact,  that  on 
the  thirty-first  day  of  December,  1845,  only  two  days  after  the  act  of 
admission,  they  passed  a  law  "to  establish  a  collection  district  in  the 
State  of  Texas,"  by  which  they  created  a  port  of  dehvery  at  Corpus 
Christi,  situated  west  of  the  Nueces,  and  being  the  same  point  at  which 
the  Texas  custom-house,  under  the  laws  of  that  republic,  had  been 
located,  and  directed  that  a  surveyor  to  collect  the  revenue  should  be 
appointed  for  that  port  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate.  A  surveyor  was  accordingly  nominated,  and 
confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  has  been  ever  since  in  the  performance 
of  his  duties.  All  these  acts  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  and  of  our  Con- 
gress, preceded  the  orders  for  the  advance  of  our  army  to  the  east  bank  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  Subsequently,  Congress  passed  an  act  "  establishing 
certain  post  routes,"  extending  west  of  the  Nueces.  The  country 
west  of  that  river  now  constitutes  a  part  of  one  of  the  Congressional 
'districts  of  Texas,  and  is  represented  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
The  Senators  from  that  State  were  chosen  by  a  legislature  in  which  the 
country  west  of  that  river  was  represented,  fln  view  of  all  these  facts, 
it  is  difficult  to  conceive  upon  what  grounds  it  can  be  maintained  that, 
in  occupying  the  country  west  of  the  Nueces  with  our  army,  with  a 
view  solely  to  its  security  and  defence,  we  invaded  the  territory  of 
Mexico.  But  it  would  have  been  still  more  difficult  to  justify  the  Ex- 
ecutive, whose  duty  it  is  to  see  that  the  law  be  faithfully  executed,  if, 
in  the  face  of  all  these  proceedings,  both  of  the  Congress  of  Texas  and 
of  the  United  States,  he  had  assumed  the  responsibility  of  yielding  up 
the  territory  west  of  the  Nueces  to  Mexico,  or  of  refusing  to  protect  and 
defend  this  territory  and  its  inhabitants,  including  Corpus  Christi,  as 
well  as  the  remainder  of  Texas,  against  the  threatened  Mexican 
invasion^ 

But  Mexico  herself  has  never  placed  the  war  which  she  has  waged 
upon  the  ground  that  our  army  occupied  the  intermediate  territory 
between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande.     Her  refuted  pretension,  that 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  371 

Texas  was  not  an  independent  State,  but  a  rebellious  province,  was 
obstinately  persevered  in  ;  and  her  avowed  purpose  in  commencing 
a  war  with  the  United  States  was  to  reconquer  Texas,  and  to  restore 
Mexican  authority  over  the  whole  territory — not  to  the  Nueces  alone, 
but  to  the  Sabine.  In  view  of  the  proclaimed  menaces  of  Mexico*  to 
this  eflect,  I  deemed  it  my  duty,  as  a  measure  of  precaution  and  defence, 
to  order  our  army  to  occupy  a  position  on  our  frontier  as  a  military 
post,  from  which  our  troops  could  best  resist  and  repel  any  attempted 
invasion  which  Mexico  might  make. 

Our  army  had  occupied  a  position  at  Corpus  Christi,  west  of  the 
Nueces,  as  early  as  August,  1845,  without  complaint  from  any  quarter. 
Had  the  Nueces  been  regarded  as  the  true  western  boundary  of  Texas, 
that  boundary  had  been  passed  by  our  army  many  months  before  it  ad- 
vanced to  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  In  my  annual  Mes- 
sage of  December  last,  I  informed  Congress  that,  upon  the  invitation  of 
both  the  Congress  and  Convention  of  Texas,  I  had  deemed  it  proper 
to  order  a  strong  squadron  to  the  coast  of  Mexico,  and  to  concentrate 
an  efficient  military  force  on  the  western  frontier  of  Texas,  to  protect 
and  defend  the  inhabitants  against  the  menaced  invasion  of  Mexico. 
In  that  Message  I  informed  Congress  that  the  moment  the  terms  of 
annexation  offered  by  the  United  States  were  accepted  by  Texas,  the 
latter  became  so  far  a  part  of  our  own  country  as  to  make  it  our  duty 
to  afford  such  protection  and  defence;  and  that  for  that  purpose  our 
squadron  had  been  ordered  to  the  Gulf,  and  our  army  to  '•  take  a  posi- 
tion between  the  Nueces  and  the  Del  Norte,"  or  Rio  Grande,  and  •  to 
repel  any  invasion  of  the  Texan  territory  which  might  be  attempted  by 
the  Mexican  forces." 

It  was  deemed  proper  to  issue  this  order,  because  soon  after  the 
President  of  Texas,  in  April,  1845.  had  issued  his  proclamation  con- 
vening the  Congress  of  that  Republic,  for  the  purpose  of  submitting  to 
tliat  body  the  terms  of  annexation  proposed  by  the  United  States, 
the  Government  of  Mexico  made  serious  threats  of  invading  the  Texan 
territory. 

These  threats  became  more  imposing  as  it  became  more  apparent,  in 
the  progress  of  the  question,  that  the  people  of  Texas  would  decide  in 
favor  of  accepting  the  terms  of  annexation ;  and,  finally,  they  had  as- 
sumed such  a  formidable  character,  as  induced  both  the  Congress  and 
Convention  of  Texas  to  request  that  a  military  force  should  be  sent  by 
the  United  States  into  her  territory,  for  the  purpose  of  protection  and 
defending  her  against  the  threatened  invasion.  It  would  have  been  a 
violation  of  good  faith  toward  the  people  of  Texas  to  have  refused  to 
afford  the  aid  which  they  desired  against  a  threatened  invasion,  to 
which  they  had  been  exposed  by  their  free  determination  to  annex 


372  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

themselves  to  our  Union,  in  compliance  with  the  overture  made  to  them 
by  the  joint  resolution  of  our  Congress. 

Accordingly,  a  portion  of  the  army  was  ordered  to  advance  into 
Texas.  Corpus  Christi  was  the  position  selected  by  General  Taylor. 
He  encamped  at  that  place  in  August,  1845,  and  the  army  remained  in 
that  position  until  the  11th  of  March,  1840,  when  it  moved  westward, 
and  on  the  28th  of  that  month,  reached  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  opposite  to  Matamoras.  This  movement  was  made  in  pursu- 
ance of  orders  from  the  War  Department,  issued  on  the  l3th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1846.  Before  these  orders  were  issued,  the  despatch  of  our 
Minister  in  Mexico,  transmitting  the  decision  of  the  Council  of  Gov- 
ernment of  Mexico,  advising  that  he  should  not  be  received,  and  also 
the  despatch  of  our  consul  residing  in  the  city  of  Mexico — the  former 
bearing  date  on  the  17th,  and  the  latter  on  the  18th  of  December,  1845, 
copies  of  both  of  which  accompanied  my  Message  to  Congress  of  the 
11th  of  May  last — were  received  at  the  Department  of -State.  These 
communications  rendered  it  highly  probable,  if  not  absolutely  certain, 
that  our  Minister  would  not  be  received  by  the  Gtivernment  of  General 
Herrera.  It  was  also  well  known  that  but  little  hope  could  be  enter- 
tained of  a  different  result  from  General  Paredes,  in  case  the  revolu- 
tionary movement  which  he  was  prosecuting  should  prove  successful, 
as  was  highly  probable.  The  partisans  of  Paredes,  as  our  Minister,  in 
the  despatch  referred  to,  states,  breathed  the  ^fiercest  hostility  against 
the  United  States,  denounced  the  proposed  negotiation  as  treason,  and 
openly  called  upon  the  troops  and  the  people  to  put  down  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Herrera  by  force.  The  re-conquest  of  Texas  and  war  with 
the  United  States  were  openly  threatened.  These  were  the  circum- 
stances existing,  when  it  was  deemed  proper  to  order  the  army  under 
the  command  of  General  Taylor  to  advance  to  the  western  frontier  of 
Texas,  and  occupy  a  position  on  or  near  the  Rio  Grande. 

The  apprehensions  of  a  contemplated  Mexican  invasion  have  been 
since  fully  justified  by  the  event.  The  determination  of  Mexico  to 
rush  into  hostilities  with  the  United  States  was  afterward  manifested, 
from  the  whole  tenor  of  the  note  of  the  Mexican  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  to  our  Minister,  bearing  date  on  the  l'2th  of  March,  1846. 
Paredes  had  then  revolutionized  the  Government,  and  his  Minister, 
after  referring  to  the  resolution  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  which  had 
been  adopted  by  our  Congress  in  March,  1845,  proceeds  to  declare  that 
"  a  fact  such  as  this,  or,  to  speak  with  greater/exactness,  so  notable  an 
act  of  usurpation,  created  an  imperious  necessity  that  Mexico,  for  her 
own  honor,  should  repel  it  with  proper  firmness  and  dignity.  The  Su- 
preme Government  had  beforehand  declared  that  it  would  look  upon 
such  an  act  as  a  casus  belli,  and,  as  a  consequence  of  this  declaration, 


e£>^" 


SECOND  an;cual  message.  373 

iipcTotiation  was,  by  its  very  nature,  at  an  end,  and  war  was  the  only 
rt-.'ourse  of  the  Mexican  Government." 

Jt  appears,  also,  that  on  the  4th  of  April  followincr.  General  Paredes, 
throu-jh  his  Minister  of  War,  issued .  orders  to  the  Mexican  general  in 
comnrmd  on  the  Texan  frontier,  to  'attack"  our  army  "by  every 
means  which  war  permits."  To  this  General  Paredes  had  been  pledged 
to  the  army  and  people  of  Mexico  during  tlie  military  revolution  which 
had  brou.rht  him  into  power.  On  the  18th  of  April,  18 if,,  General 
Paredes  iiddressed  a  letter  to  the  commander  on  that  frontier,  in  which 
he  stated  to  him,  '^  at  the  present  date,  I  suppose  vou  at  the  head  of 
that  vali:-uit  army,  either  fighting  already,  or  preparing  for  the  opera- 
tions of  a  campaign;"  and.  ^'supposing  you  already  on  the  theatre  of 
operations,  and  with  all  the  forces  assembled,  "it  is  indispensable 
that  hostiliiies  be  commenced  yourself  taking  the  initiative  a<Tainst  the 
enemv."  ° 

The  movement  of  our  army  to  the  Rio  Grande  was.  made  by  the 
commanding  general,. under  positive  orders  to  abstain  from  all  ag- 
gressive acts  toward  Mexico,  or  Mexican  citizens,  and  to  regard  the 
relations  between  the  two  countries  as  peaceful,  unless  Mexico  should 
declare  war,  or  commit  acts  of  hostility  indicative  of  a  slate  of  war:  and 
these  orders  he  faithfully  executed.  Whilst  occupying  his  position  on 
the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  within  the  limits  of  Texas,  then  re- 
cently admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of  our  Union,  the  commanding 
general  of  the  Mexican  forces,  whe^  in  pursuance  of  the  orders  of  his 
Government,  had  collected  a  large  army  on  the  opposite  shore  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  crossed  the  river,  invaded  our  territory,  and  commenced 
hostilities  by  attacking  our  forces. 

Thus,  after  ail  the  injuries  which  we  had  received  and  borne  from 
Mexico  and  after  she  had  insultingly  rejected  a  Minister  sent  to  her 
on  a  mission  of  peace,  and  whom  she  had  solemnly  agreed  to  receive 
she  consummated  her  long  course  of  outrage  against'our  country  by 
commencing  an  offensive  war,  and  shedding  the  blood  of  our  own 
citizens  on  eur  own  soil. 

The  United  States  never  attempted  to  acquire  Texas  by  conquest. 
On  the  contrary,  at  an  early  period  after  the  people  of  Texas-  had 
achieved  their  independence,  they  sought  to  be  annexed  to  the  United 
States.  At  a  general  election  in  September,  1835,  they  decided  with 
great  unanimity  in  favor  of  "annexation;"  and  in  November  follow- 
ing, the  Congress  of  the  Republic  authorized  the  appointment  of  a 
Minister,  to  bear  their  request  to  this  Government.  The  Government, 
however,  having  remained  neutral  between  Texas  and  Mexico  durinc^ 
the  war  between  them,  and  considering  it  due  to  the  honor  of  our 
country,  aad  our  fair  fame  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  that  we 


374  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

should  not  at  this  early  period  consent  to  annexation,  nor  until  it 
rhould  be  manifest  to  the  whole  world  that  the  reconquest  of  Texas  by- 
Mexico  was  impossible,  refused  to  accede  to  the  overtures  made  by- 
Texas.  On  the  twelfth  of  April,  1844,  and  after  more  than  seven  years 
had  elapsed  since  Texas  had  established  her  independence,  a  treaty 
was  concluded  for  the  annexation  of  that  republic  to  the  United  States, 
which  was  rejected  by  the  Senate.  Finally,  on  the  first  of  March,  1845, 
Congress  passed  a  joint  resolution  for  annexing  her  to  the  United 
States,  upon  certain  preliminary  conditions  to  which  her  assent  was 
required.  The  solemnities  which  characterized  the  deliberations  and 
conduct  of  the  Government  and  people  of  Texas,  on  the  deeply  inter- 
esting questions  presented  by  these  resolutions,  are  known  to  the  world. 
The  Congress,  the  Executive,  and  the  people  of  Texas,  in  a  Conven- 
tion elected  foi:  that  purpose,  accepted  with  great  unanimity  the  pro- 
posed terras  of  annexation  ;  and  thus  consummated,  on  her  part,  the 
great  act  of  restoring  to  our  federal  Union  a  vast  territory  which  had 
been  ceded  to  Spaiji  by  the  Florida  treaty,  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  befare. 

After  the  joint  resolution  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United 
States  had  been  passed  by  our  Congress,  the  Mexican  Minister  at 
Washington  addressed  a  note  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  bearing  date 
on  the  sixth  of  March,  1845,  protesting  against  it  as  "  an  act  of  aggres- 
sion, the  most  unjust  which  can  be  found  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
modern  history ;  namely,  that  of  despoiling  a  friendly  nation,  like 
Mexico,  of  a  considerable  portion  of  her  territory;"  and  protesting 
against  the  resolution  of  annexation,  as  being  an  act  ••  whereby  the 
province  of  Texas,  an  integral  portion  of  the  Mexican  territory,  is 
agreed  and  admitted  into  the  American  Union;"  and  he  announced 
that,  as  a  consequence,  his  mission  to  the  United  States  had  terminated, 
and  demanded  his  passports,  which  were  granted.  It  was  upon  the 
absurd  pretext,  made  by  Mexico,  (herself  indebted  for  her  independ- 
ence to  a  successful  revolution,)  that  the  republic  of  Texas  still  con- 
tinued to  be,  notwithstanding  all  that  had  passed,  a  province  of  Mexico, 
that  this  step  was  taken  by  the  Mexican  Minister. 

Every  honorable  effort  has  been  used  by  me  to  avoid  the  war  which 
followed,  but  all  have  proved  vain.  All  our  attempts  to  preserve  peace 
have  been  met  by  insult  and  resistance  on  the  part  of  Mexico.  My 
efforts  to  this  end  commenced  in  the  note  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  10th  of  March,  1815,  in  answer  to  that  of  the  Mexican  Minister. 
Whilst  declining  to  reopen  a  discussion  which  had  already  been  ex- 
hausted, and  proving  again  what  was  known  to  the  whole  world,  that 
Texas  had  long  since  achieved  her  independence,  the  Secretary  of 
State  expressed  the  regret  of  this  Government  that  Mexico  should  have 


SRCOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  375 

taken  ofFence  at  the  resolution  of  annexation  passed  by  Congress,  and 
gave  assurance  that  "  our  most  strenuous  efforts  shall  be  devoted  to 
the  amicable  adjustment  of  every  cause  of  complaint  between  the  two 
Governments,  and  to  the  cultivation  of  the  kindest  and  most  friendly 
relations  between  the  sister  republics." 

That  I  have  acted  in  the  spirit  of  this  assurance,  will  appear  from 
the  events  which  have  since  occurred.  Notwithstanding  Mexico  had 
abruptly  terminated  all  diplomatic  intercourse  with  the  United  States, 
and  ought,  therefore,  to  have  been  the  first  to  ask  for  its  resumption, 
yet,  waiving  all  ceremony,  I  embraced  the  earliest  favorable  opportu- 
nity "  to  ascertain  from  the  Mexican  Government  whether  they  would 
receive  an  envoy  from  the  United  States  intrusted  with  full  power  to 
adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute  between  the  two  Governments."  In 
September,  1845,  I  believed  the  propitious  moment  for  such  an  overture 
had  arrived.  Texas,  by  the  enthusiastic  and  almost  unanimous  will 
of  her  people,  had  pronounced  in  favor  of  annexation.  Mexico  her- 
self had  agreed  to  acknowledore  the  independence  of  Texas  subject  to 
a  condition,  it  is  true;  which  she  had  no  right  to  impose,  and  no  power 
to  enforce.  The  last  lingering  hope  of  Mexico,  if  she  still  could  have 
retained  an}'^,  that  Texas  would  ever  again  become  one  of  her  prov- 
inces, must  have  been  abandoned. 

The  consul  of  the  United  States  at  the  city  of  ^Ipxico  was,  thei-e- 
fore,  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  fifteenth  of  Septem- 
ber, 1845,  to  make  the  inquirv  of  the  Mexican  Government.  The  in- 
quiry was  made,  and  on  the  Afteent'i  o."  October,  1845.  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Mexl  tan  (iovernnent  ia  a  note  addressed  to 
our  consul,  gave  a  fcivor;ibl-i  respons;;.  r^qui■stinff,  at  the  same  time, 
that  our  naval  force  might  b-  witlilriwn  frDii  Vera  Cruz  while  nego- 
tiations should  be  pending.  Up'.Mi  the  r^cd'tpt  of  this  note,  our  naval 
force  v/as  promptly  withdrawn  from  Vera  Cruz.  A  Minister  was  im- 
mediately appointed,  and  departed  to  Mexico.  Everything  bore  a 
promising  aspect  for  a  speed\'  and  peaceful  adjustment. of  all  our  dirli- 
cullies.  At  the  date  of  my  annu.il  mess  i-tr  to  Con:x'"ess,  in  December 
last,  no  doubt  was  entertained  but  that  he  would  be  received  by  the 
JMexican  Government,  and  the  Iiope  was  ch.'ri.shed  that  ail  cau.>=e  of 
misunderstanding  between  the  twa  count rres  would  be  sppedilv  re- 
moved. In  the  confident  hi)pe  that,  siir-h  would  he  the  result  of  hi^ 
mission,  I  informed  Conrrress  that  I  iorimrc;  nt  that  time  to  '■  recommend 
such  ulterior  measures  of  redress  for  the  wrongs  and  injuries  we  had 
so  long  borne,  as  it  would  havp  been  proper  to  make  had  no  such  ne- 
gotiation been  instituted."  To  my  surpri.-e  and  regret,  the  Mexican 
Government,  though  solemnly  pledgf^d  to  do  so  up'in  the  arrival  of  our 
Minister  in  Mexico,  reiused  in  receive  am]   accredit   him.     When   he 


376  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

reached  Vera  Cruz,  on  the  thirteenth  of  November.  1845,  he  found 
that  the  aspect  of  affairs  had  undergone  an  unhappy  change.  The 
government  of  General  Herrera,  who  was  at  that  time  President  of 
the  republic,  was  tottering  to  its  fall.  General  Paredes  (a  military 
leader)  had  manifested  his  determination  to  overthrow  the  government 
of  Herrera  by  a  military  revolution  ;  and  one  of  the  principal  means 
which  he  employed  to  effect  his  purpose,  and  render  the  government 
of  Herrera  odious  to  the  army  and  the  people  of  Mexico,  was  by 
loudly  condemning  its  determination  to  receive  a  minister  of  peace 
from  the  United  States,  alleging  that  it  was  the  intention  of  Herrera, 
by  a  treaty  with  the  United  States,  to  dismember  the  territory  of  Mex- 
ico, by  ceding  away  the  department  of  Texas.  The  government  of 
Herrera  is  believed  to  have  been  well  disposed  to  a  pacific  adjustment 
of  existing  difficulties ;  but,  probably  alarmed  for  its  own  security,  and 
in  order  to  ward  off  the  danger  of  the  revolution  led  by  Paredes.  vio- 
lated its  solemn  agreement,  and  refused  to  receive  or  accredit  our  Min- 
ister; and  this,  although  informed  that  he  had  been  invested  with  full 
power  to  adjust  all  questions  in  dispute,  between  fhe.two  Governments. 
Among  the  frivolous  pretexts  for  this  refusal,  the  principal  one  vi'as  that 
our  Minister  had  not  gone  upon  a  special  mission,  confined  to  the  ques- 
tion of  Texas  alone,  leaving  all  the  outrages  upon  our  flag  and  our 
citizens  unredressed.  The  JMexican  Government  well  knew  that  both 
our  national  honor  and  the  protection  di^r^.  to  our  citizens  imperatively 
required  that  the  twb  questions  of  boumi  try  and  indemnity  should  be 
treated  of  together,  as  natural Ily  and  inseparably  blended,  and  they 
ought  to  have  seen  that  this  coiirs';  whs  It^-st  calculated  tcf  enable  the 
United  Stotes  to  extend  to  them  ti)e  n-.ost  liberal  justice.  On  the 
thirtieth  of  December  1815  General  Henera  resigned  the  presidency, 
and  yielded  up  the  Government  to  General  Paredes  without  a  struggle. 
Thus  a  revolution  was  accomplished  solely  by  the  army  commanded 
by  Paredes,  and  the  supreme  power  in  Mexico  passed  into  the  hands 
of  a  military  usurper,  who  was  known  to  be  bitterly  hostile  to  the 
United  States. 

Although  the  prosp'^ct  of  a  pnrific  adjustment  with  the  new  Govern- 
ment was  unproutisiiig  fi..  ..  tl\e  known  hostility  of  its  head  to  the 
United  States  yet.  determined  that  nothing  should  be  left  undone  on 
our  part  to  restore  friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries  pirr 
IMinister  was  instructed  to  present  his  credentials  to  the  new  Govern- 
ment, and  ask  to  be  accredited  by  it  in  t'le  diplomatic  character  in* 
which  he  had  been  comuiissioned.  Thesi-  i.-i'^tructions  he  executed  by 
his  note  of  the  first  of  March.  1846  ad.ire  s"d  to  the  Mexican  IMinister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  but  his  request  was  iis^uitingly  refused  "oy  tliat 
Minister  in  his  answer  of  the  twelfth  of  the  :?ame  month.     No  alferna- 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  377 

live  remained  for  our  Minister  but  to  demand  his  passports,  and  return 
to  the  United  States. 

Thus  was  the  extraordinary  spectacle  presented  to  the  civihzed  world, 
of  a  Government,  in  violation  of  its  own  express  agreement,  having 
twice  rejected  sa  minister  of  peace,  invested  with  full  powers  to  adjust 
all  the  existing  differences  between  the  two  countries  in  a  manner  just 
and  honorable  to  both.  I  am  not  aware  that  modern  history  presents 
a  parallel  case,  in  which,  in  timeof  peace,  one  nation  has  refused  even 
to  hear  propositions  from  another  for  terminating  existing  difficulties 
between  them.  Scarcely  a  hope  of  adjusting  our  difficulties,  even  at 
a  remote  day,  or  of  preserving  peace  with  Mexico,  could  be  cherished 
while  Paredes  remained  at  the  head  of  the  Government.  He  had  ac- 
quired the  supreme  power  by  a  military  revollation.  and  upon  the  most 
solemn  pledges  to  wage  war  against  the  United  States,  and  to  recon- 
quer Texas,  which  he  claimed  as  a  revolted  province  of  Mexico.  He 
had  denounced  as  guilty  of  treason,  all  those  Mexicans  who  considered 
Texas  as  no  longer  constituting  a  part  of  the  territory  of  Mexico,  and 
who  were  friendly  to  the  cause  of  peace.  The  duration  of  the  war 
which  he  waged  against  the  United  States  was  indefinite,  because"  the 
end  which  he  proposed,  of  the  reconquest  of  Texas,  was  hopeless. 
Besides,  there  was  good  reason  to  believe,  from  all  his  conduct,  that  it 
w^?s  his  intention  lo  convert  the  republic  of  Mexico  into  a  monarchy, 
and  to  call  a  foreign  European  prince  to  the  throne.  Preparatory  to 
this  end.  he  had,  during  his  short  rule,  destroyed  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  tolerating  that  portion  of  it  only  which  openly  advocated  the 
establishment  of  a  monarchy.  The  better  to  secure  the  success  of  his 
ultimate  designs,  he  had.  by  an  arbitrary  decree,  convoked  a  Congress 
— not  to  be  elected  by  the  free  voice  of  the  people,  but  to  be  chosen  in 
a  manner  to  make  them  subservient  to  his  will,  and  to  give  him  abso- 
lute control  over  their  deliberations. 

Under  all  these  circumstances,  it  was  beheved  that  any  revolution  in 
Mexico,  founded  upon  opposition  to  the  ambitious  projects  of  Paredes, 
would  tend  to  promote  the  cause  of  peace  as  well  as  to  prevent  and  at- 
tempted European  interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  North  American 
continent— both  objects  of  deep  interest  to  the  United  States.  Any 
such  foreign  interference,  if  attempted,  must  have  been  resisted  by  the 
United  States.  My  views  upon  that  subject  were  fully  communicated 
to  Congress  in  my  last  annual  message.  In  any  event,  it  was  certain 
that  no  change  whatever  in  the  Government  of  Mexico  which  would 
deprive  Paredes  of  power  could  be  for  the  worse,  so  far  as  the  United 
States  were  concenj|d,  while  it  was  highly  probable  that  any  change 
must  be  for^  the  better.  This  was  the  state  of  affairs  existing  when 
Congress  on  the  thirteenth  of  May  last,  recognized  the  existence  of  the 


378  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

war  which  had  been  commenced  by  the  government  of  Parades,  and 
it  became  an  object  of  much  importance,  with  a  view  to  a  speedy  set- 
tlement of  our  difficulties  and  the  restoration  of  an  honorable  peace, 
that  Paredes  should  not  retain  power  in  Mexico. 

Before  that  time  there  were  symptoms  of  a  revolution  in  Mexico, 
favored,  as  it  was  understood  to  be,  by  the  more  liberal  party,  and 
especially  by  those  who  were  opposed  to  foreign  interference  and  to 
the  monarchical  form  of  government.  Santa  Anna  was  then  in  exile  in 
Havana,  having  been  expelled  from  power  and  banished  from  his 
country  by  a  revolution  which  occurred  in  December,  1844 ;  but  it  was 
known  that  he  had  still  a  considerable  party  in  his  favor  in  Mexico. 
It  was  also  equally  well  known  that  no  vigilance  which  could  be  ex- 
erted by  our  squadron  would,  in  all  probability,  have  prevented  him 
from  effecting  a  landing  somewhere  on  the  extensive  gulf  coast  of 
JMexico,  if  he  desired  to  return  to  his  country.  He  had  openly  pro- 
fessed an  entire  change  of  policy ;  had  expressed  his  regret  that  he 
had  subverted  the  federal  constitution  of  1824,  and  avowed  that  he 
was  now  in  favor  of  its  restoration.  He  had  publicly  declared  his  hos- 
tility, in  the  strongest  terms,  to  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy,  and 
to  European  interference  in  the  affairs  of  his  country. 

Information  to  this  effect  had  been  received,  from  sources  believed  to 
be  rehable,  at  the  date  of  the  recognition  of  the  existence  of  the  war 
by  Congress,  and  was  afterwards  fully  confirmed  by  the  receipt  of  the 
despatch  of  our  consul  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  with  the  accompanying 
documents,  which  are  herewith  transmitted.  Besides,  it  was  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  he  must  see  the  ruinous  consequences  to  Mexico  of  a 
war  with  the  United  States,  and  that  it  would  be  his  interest  to  favor 
peace. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  and  upon  these  considerations  that 
it  was  deemed  expedient  not  to  obstruct  his  return  to  Mexico,  should  he 
attempt  to  do  so.  Our  object  was  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  with 
that  view,  no  reason  was  perceived  why  we  should  take  part  with  Pa- 
redes, and  aid  him,  by  means  of  our  blockade,  in  preventing  the  return 
of  his  rival  to  Mexico.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  believed  that  the  intes- 
tine divisions  which  ordinary  sagacity  could  not  but  anticipate  as  the 
fruit  of  Santa  Anna's  return  to  Mexico,  and  his  contest  with  Paredes, 
might  strongly  tend  to  produce  a  disposition  with  both  parties  to  restore 
and  preserve  peace  with  the  United  States.  Paredes  was  a  soldier  by 
profession,  and  a  monarchist  in  principle.  He  had  but  recently  before 
been  successful  in  a  military  revolution,  by  which  he  had  obtained 
power.  He  was  the  sworn  enemy  of  the  United  S#tes,  with  which  he 
had  involved  his  country  in  the  existing  war.  Santa  Anna  had  been 
expelled  from  power  by  the  army,  was  known  to  be  in  open  hostiUty  to 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  379 

Paredes,  and  publicly  pledged  against  foreign  intervention,  and  the 
restoration  of  monarchy  in  Mexico.  In  view  of  these  facts  and  cir- 
cumstances it  was,  that,  when  orders  were  issued  to  the  commander  of 
our  naval  forces  in  the  Gulf,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  May  last,  only  two 
days  after  the  existence  of  the  war  had  been  recognized  by  Congress, 
to  place  the  coasts  of  Mexico  under  blockade,  he  was  directed  not  to 
obstruct  the  passage  of  Santa  Anna  to  Mexico,  should  he  attempt  to 
return. 

A  revolution  took  place  in  Mexico  in  the  early  part  of  August  fol- 
lowing by  which  the  power  of  Paredes  was  overthrown,  and  he  has 
since  been  banished  from  the  country,  and  is  now  in  exile.  Shortly 
afterwards  Santa  Anna  returned.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  his 
return  may  not  yet  prove  to  be  favorable  to  a  pacific  adjustment  of  the 
existing  difficulties,  it  being  manifestly  his  interest  not  to  persevere  in 
the  prosecution  of  a  v/ar  commenced  by  Paredes,  to  accomplish  a  pur- 
pose so  absurd  as  the  reconquest  of  Texas  to  the  Sabine.  Had  Pa- 
redes remained  in  power,  it  is  morally  certain  that  any  pacific  adjust- 
ment would  have  been  hopeless. 

Upon  the  commencement  of  hostilities  by  Mexico  against  the  United 
States,  the  indignant  spirit  of  the  nation  v/as  at  once  roused.  Con- 
gress promptly  responded  to  the  expectations  of  the  country,  and,  by 
the  act  of  the  thirteenth  of  May  last,  recognized  the  foct  that  war  ex- 
isted, by  the  act  of  Mexico,  between  the  United  States  and  that  repub- 
lic, and  granted  the  means  necessary  for  its  vigorous  prosecution.  Be- 
ing involved  in  a  war  thus  commenced  by  Mexico,  and  for  the  justice 
of  which  on  our  part  we  may  confidently  appeal  to  the  whole  world,  I 
resolved  to  prosecute  it  with  the  utmost  vigor,  xlccordingly  the  ports 
of  Mexico  on  the  Gulf  and  on  the  Pacific  have  been  placed  under 
blockade,  and  her  territory  invaded  at  several  important  points.  The 
report  from  the  Departments  of  War,  and  the  Navy,  will  inform  you 
more  in  detail  of  the  measures  adopted  in  the  emergency  in  which  our 
country  was  placed,  and  of  the  gratifying  results  which  have  been  ac- 
complished. 

The  various  columns  of  the  army  have  performed  their  duty  under 
great  disadvantages,  with  the  most  distmguished  skill  and  courage. 
The  victories  of  Palo  Alto,  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  and  of  Monterey, 
won  against  greatly  superior  numbers,  and  against  most  decided  ad- 
vantages in  other  respects  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  were  brilliant  in 
their  execution,  and  entitle  our  brave  officers  and  soldiers  to  the  grate- 
ful thanks  of  their  country.  The  nation  deplores  the  loss  of  the  brave 
officers  and  men  who  have  gallantly  fallen  while  vindicating  and  de- 
fending their  country's  rights  and  honor. 

It  is  a  subject  of  pride  and  satisfaction  that  our  volunteer  citizen 


380  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE, 

soldiers,  who  so  promptly  responded  to  their  country's  call,  with  an  ex- 
perience of  the  discipline  of  a  camp  of  only  a  few  weeks,  have  borne 
their  part  in  the  hard-fought  battle  of  Monterey  with  a  constancy  and 
courage  equal  to  that  of  veteran  troops,  and  worthy  of  the  highest  ad- 
miration. The  privations  of  long  marches  through  the  enemy's  coun- 
try, and  through  a  wilderness,  have  been  borne  without  a  murmur. 
By  rapid  movements  tl)e  province  of  New  Mexico,  with  Santa  Fe,  its 
capital,  has  been  captured  without  bloodshed.  The  navy  has  co-oper- 
ated with  the  army,  and  rendered  important  services;  if  not  so  brilliant, 
it  is  because  the  enemy  had  no  force  to  meet  them  on  their  own  ele- 
ment, and  because  of  the  defences  which  nature  has  interposed  in  the 
difficulties  of  the  navigation  on  the  Mexican  coast.  Our  squadron  in 
the  Pacific,  with  the  co-operation  of  a  gallant  officer  of  the  army,  and 
a  small  force  hastily  collected  in  that  distant  country,  have  acquired 
bloodless  possession  of  the  Californias,  and  the  American  flag  has  been 
raised  at  every  important  point  in  that  province. 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  success  which  has  thus  attended  our  mili- 
tary and  naval  operations.  In  less  than  seven  months  after  Mexico 
commenced  hostilities,  at  a  time  selected  by  herself,  we  have  taken  pos- 
session of  many  of  her  principal  ports,  driven  back  and  pursued  her 
invading  army,  and  acquired  military  possession  of  the  Mexican  prov- 
inces of  New  Mexico,  New  Leon,  Coahuila,  Tamaulipas,  and  the 
Californias,  a  territory  larger  in  extent  than  that  embraced  in  the  orig- 
inal thirteen  States  of  the  Union,  inhabited  by  a  considerable  popula* 
tion,  and  much  of  it  more  than  a  thousand  miles  from  the  points  at 
which  we  had  to  collect  our  forces  and  commence  our  movements.  By 
the  blockade  the  import  and  export  trade  of  the  enemy  has  been  cut  off. 
"Well  may  the  American  people  be  proud  of  the  energy  and  gallantry 
of  our  regular  and  volunteer  officers  and  soldiers.  The  events  of  these 
few  months  afford  a  gratifying  proof  that  our  country  can,  under  any 
emergency,  confidently  rely  for  tlie  maintenance  of  her  honor,  and  the 
defence  of  her  rights,  on  an  effective  force,  ready  at  all  times  volunta- 
rily to  relinquish  the  comforts  of  home  for  the  perils  and  privations  of 
the  camp.  And  though  such  a  force  may  be  for  the  time  expensive,  it 
is  in  the  end  economical,  as  the  ability  to  command  it  removes  the  ne- 
cessity of  employing  a  large  standing  army  in  time  of  peace,  and  proves 
that  our  people  love  their  institutions,  and  are  ever  ready  to  defend 
and  protect  them. 

Whilst  the  war  was  in  a  course  of  vigorous  and  successful  prosecu- 
tion, being  still  anxious  to  arrest  its  evils,  and  considering  that,  after 
the  brilliant  victories  of  our  arms  on  the  eighth  and  ninth  of  May  last, 
the  national  honor  could  not  be  compromitted  by  it,  another  overture 
was  made  to  Mexico,  by  my  direction,  on  the  27th  of  July  last,  to  ter- 


•    SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  381 

minate  hostilities  by  a  peace  just  and  honorable  to  both  countries.  On 
the  thirtv-first  of  August  following,  the  Mexican  Government  declined 
to  accept  this  friendly  overture,  but  referred  it  to  the  decision  of  a  Mex- 
ican Congress,  to  be  assembled  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  month. 
I  communicate  to  you  herewith  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  proposing  to  reopen  negotiations,  of  the  answer  of  the  Mexican 
Government,  and  of  the  reply  thereto  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 

The  war  will  continue  to  be  prosecuted  with  vigor,  as  the  best  means 
of  securing  peace.  It  is  hoped  that  the  decision  of  the  Mexican  Con- 
gress, to  which  our  last  overture  has  been  referred,  may  result  in  a 
speedy  and  honorable  peace.  With  our  experience,  however,  of  the 
unreasonable  course  of  the  Mexican  authorities,  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom 
not  to  relax  in  the  energy  of  our  military  operations  until  the  result  is 
made  known.  In  this  view,  it  is  deemed  important  to  hold  military 
possession  of  all  the  provinces  which  have  been  taken,  until  a  definitive 
treaty  of  peace  shall  have  been  concluded  and  ratified  by  the  two 
countries. 

The  war  has  not  been  waged  with  a  view  to  conquest ;  but  having 
been  commenced  by  Mexico,  it  has  been  carried  into  the  enemy's  coun- 
try, and  will  be  vigorously  prosecuted  there,  with  a  view  to  obtain  an 
honorable  peace,  and  thereby  secure  ample  indemnity  for  the  expenses 
of  the  war.  as  well  as  to  our  much-injured  citizens,  who  hold  large 
pecuniary  demands  against  Mexico. 

By  the  laws  of  nations  a  conquered  territory  is  subject  to  be  governed 
by  the  conqueror  during  his  military  possession,  and  until  there  is  either 
a  treaty  of  peace,  or  he  shall  voluntarily  withdraw  from  it.  The  old 
civil  Government  being  necessarily  superseded,  it  is  the  right  and  duty 
of  the  conqueror  to  secure  his  conquest,  and  to  provide  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  civil  order  and  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants.  This  right  has 
been  exercised,  and  this  duty  performed,  by  our  military  and  naval 
commanders,  by  the  establishment  of  temporary  governments  in  some 
of  the  conquered  provinces  in  Mexico,  a,ssimilating  them  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable to  the  free  institutions  of  our  own  country.  In  the  provinces 
of  New  Mexico,  and  of  the  Californias,  little  if  any  further  resistance 
is  apprehended  from  the  inhabitants  to  the  temporary  governments 
which  have  thus,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  according  to  the 
laws  of  war,  been  established.  It  may  be  proper  to  provide  for  the 
security  of  these  important  conquests  by  making  an  adequate  appro- 
priation for  the  purpose  of  erecting  fortifications,  and  defraying  the  ex- 
penses necessarily  incident  to  the  maintenance  of  our  possession  and 
authority  over  them. 

Near  the  close  of  your  last  session,  for  reasons  communicated  to 
Congress,  I  deemed  it  important,  as  a  measure  for  securing  a  speedy 


382  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

peace  with  Mexico,  that  a  sum  of  money  should  be  appropriated,  and 
placed  in  the  power  of  the  Executive,  similar  to  that  which  had  been 
made  upon  two  former  occasions,  during  the  administration  of  Presi- 
dent Jefferson. 

On  the  twentj'-sixth  of  February,  1803,  an  appropriation  of  two  mill- 
ions of  dollars  was  made,  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  President. 
Its  object  is  well  known.  It  was  at  that  time  in  contemplation  to  ac- 
quire Louisiana  from  France,  and  it  was  intended  to  be  applied  as  a 
part  of  the  consideration  which  might  be  paid  for  that  territory.  On 
the  thirteenth  of  February,  1S03,  the  same,  sum  was  in  like  manner 
appropriated,  with  a  view  to  the  purchase  of  the  Floridas  from  Spain. 
These  appropriations  were  made  to  facilitate  negotiations,  and  as  a 
means  to  enable  the  President  to  accomplish  the  important  objects  in 
view.  Though  it  did  not  become  necessary  for  the  President  to  use 
these  appropriations,  ytt  a  state  of  things  might  have  arisen  in  which 
it  would  have  been  highly  important  for  him  to  do  so,  and  the  wisdom 
of  making  them  cannot  be  doubted.  It  is  believed  that  the  measure 
recommended  at  your  last  session  met  v/ith  the  approbation  of  decided 
majorities  in  both  houses  of  Congress.  Indeed,  in  different  forms,  a 
bill  making  an  appropriation  of  two  millions  of  dollars  passed  each 
House,  and  it  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  it  did  not  become  a  law. 
The  reasons  which  induced  me  to  recommend  the  measure  at  that  ti.'ne 
still  exist;  and  I  again'submit  the  subject  for  your  consideration,  and 
suggest  the  importance  of  early  action  upon  it.  Should  the  appropria- 
tion be  made,  and  be  not  needed,  it  will  remain  in  the  treasury;  should 
it  be  deemed  proper  to  apply  it  in  whole  or  in  part,  it  will  be  accounted 
for  as  other  public  expenditures. 

Immediately  after  Congress  had  recognized  the  existence  of  the  war 
with  Mexico,  my  attention  was  directed  to  the  danger  that  privateers 
might  be  fitted  out  in  the  ports  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  to  prey  upon 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States;  and  I  invited  the  special  attention 
of  the  Spanish  Government  to  'the  fourteenth  article  of  our  treaty  with 
that  power  of  the  twentieth  of  October,  1795,  under  which  the  citizens 
and  subjects  of  either  nation  who  shall  take  commissions  or  letters  of 
marque  to  act  as  privateers  against  the  other  "  shall  be  punished  as 
pirates." 

It  affords  me  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  I  have  received  assurances 
from  the  Spanish  Government  that  this  article  of  the  treaty  shall  be 
faithfully  observed  on  its  part.  Orders  for  this  purpose  were  immedi- 
ately transmitted  from  that  Government  to  the  authorities  of  Cuba  and 
Porto  Rico  to  exert  their  utmost  vigilance  in  preventing  any  attempts 
to  fit  out  privateers  in  those  islands  against  the  United  States.  From 
the  good  faith  of  Spain  I  am  fully  satisfied  that  this  treaty  will  be  exe- 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  383 

cuted  in  its  spirit  as  well  as  its  letter ;  whilst  the  United  States  will, 
on  their  part,  taithfuUy  perform  all  the  obligations  which  it  imposes  on 
them. 

Information  has  been  recently  received  at  the  Department  of  State 
that  the  Mexican  Government  has  sent  to  Havana  blank  commis- 
sions to  privateers,  and  blank  certificates  of  naturalization,  signed  by 
General  Sa^as,  the  present  head  of  the  Mexican  Government.  There 
is  also  reason  to  apprehend  that  similar  documents  have  been  trans- 
mitted to  other  parts  of  the  world.  Copies  of  these  papers,  in  transla- 
tii-:i   nre  herewith  transmitted. 

As  the  piciiuiinaries  respecting  the  practice  of  civilized  nations  com- 
missioning privateers  and  regulating  their  conduct  apptiar  not  to  have 
been  observed,  and  as  these  commissions  are  in  blank  to  be  filled  up 
with  the  names  of  ciuzi-ijs  ami  subjects  of  all  nations  who  may  be 
willing  to  purchase  them,  the  whole  proceeding  can  only  be  construed 
as  an  invitation  to  all  the  freebooters  upon  earth,  who  are  willing  to 
pay  for  the  privilege,  to  cruisa  against  American  commerce.  It  will  be 
for  our  courts  of  justice  to  decide  whether,  under  such  circumstances, 
these  Mexican  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  shall  protect  those  who 
accept  them,  and  commit  robberies  upon  the  high  seas  under  their 
authority,  from  the  pains  and  penalties  of  piracy. 

If  the  certificates  of  naturalization  thus  granted  be  intended,  by 
Mexico  to  shield  Spanish  subjects  trom  the  guilt  and  punishment  of 
pirates,  under  our  treaty  with  Spain,  they  will  certainly  prove  un- 
availing. Such  a  subterfuge  would  be  but  a  weak  device  to  defeat  the 
provisions  of  a  solemn  treaty. 

I  recommend  that  Congress  should  immediately  provide  by  law  for 
the  trial  and  punishment,  as  pirates,  of  Spanish  subjects  who,  escaping 
the  vigilance  of  their  Government,  shall  be  found  guilty  of  privateering 
against  the  United  States.  I  do  not  apprehend  serious  danger  from 
these  privateers.  Our  navy  will  be  constantly  on  the  alert  to  protect 
our  commerce.  Besides,  in  case  prizes  should  be  made  of  American 
vessels,  the  utmost  vigilance  will  be  exerted  by  our  blockading  squad- 
ron, to  prevent  the  captors  from  taking  them  into  Mexican  ports,  and 
it  is  not  apprehended  that  any  nation  will  violate  its  neutrahty  by 
suffering  such  prizes  to  be  condemned  and  sold  within  its  jurisdiction. 

I  recommend  that  Congress  should  immediately  provide  by  law  tor 
granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  against  vessels  under  the  Mexi- 
can flag.  It  is  true  that  there  are  but  few,  if  any,  commercial  vessels 
of  Mexico  upon  the  high  seas;  and  it  is,  therefore,  not  probable  that 
many  American  privateers  would  be  fitted  out,  in  case  a  law  should 
pass  authorizing  this  mode  of  warfare.  It  is,  notwithstanding,  certain 
that  such  privateers  may  render  good  service  to  the  commercial  interests 


384  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

of  the  country  by  recapturing  our  merchant  ships,  should  any  be  taken 
by  armed  vessels  under  the  Mexican  flag,  as  well  as  by  capturing  these 
vessels  themselves.  Every  means  w^ithin  our  power  should  be  ren- 
dered available  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  exhibit  a 
detailed  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  finances.  The  imports  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  on  the  thirteenth  of  June  last,  were  of  the  value 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  million  six  hundred  and  ninety-one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-seven  dollars;  of  which  the  amount 
exported  was  eleven  million  three  hundred  and  forty-six  thousand 
six  hundred  and  twenty-three  dollars,  leaving  the  amount  retained  in 
the  country  for  domestic  consumption  one  hundred  and  ten  million 
three  hundred  and  forty-five  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy-four 
dollars.  The  value  of  the  exports  for  the  same  period"  was  one  hun- 
dred and  thirteen  million  four  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand  five 
hundred  and  sixteen  dollars;  of  which  one  hundred  and  two  million 
one  hundred  and  forty-one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety-three 
dollars  consisted  of  domestic  productions,  and  eleven  million  three 
hundred  and  forty-six  thousand  six  hundred  and  twenty-three  dollars 
of  foreign  articles. 

The  receipts  into  the  Treasury  for  the  same  year  were  twenty-nine 
millions  four  hundred  ^nd  ninety-nine  thousand  two  hundred  and 
forty-seven  dollars  and  six  cents;  of  which  there  was  derived  from  cus- 
toms twenty-six  million  seven  hundred  and  twelve  thousand  six  hundred 
and  sixty-seven  dollars  and  eighty-seven  cents  ;  from  sales  of  public 
lands,  two  million  six  hundred  and  ninety-five  thousand  four  hundred 
and  fifty-two  dollars  and  forty-eight  cents,  and  from  incidental  and 
miscellaneous  resources  ninety-two  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  dollars  and  seventy-one  cents.  The  expenditures  for  the  same  period 
were  twenty-eight  million  thirt\^-one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  four- 
teen dollars  and  twenty  cents,  and  the  balance  in  the  Treasury  on  the 
first  day  of  July  last  was  nine  million  one  hundred  and  twenty-six 
thousand  four  hundred  and  thirty-nine  dollars  and  eight  cents. 

The  amount  of  the  public  debt,  including  treasury  notes,  on  the  first 
of  the  present  month,  was  twenty- four  million  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
six  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-four  dollars  and  sixty  cents ;  of 
which  the  sum  of  seventeen  million  seven  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-nine  dollars  and  sixty-two  cents 
was  outstanding  on  the  fourth  of  March,  1845,  leaving  the  amount  in- 
curred since  that  time,  six  million  four  hundred  and  sixty-seven  thou- 
sand six  hundred  and  ninety-four  dollars  and  ninety-eight  cents. 

In  order  to  prosecute  the  war  with  Mexico  with  vigor  and  energy,  as 
the  best  means  of  bringing  it  to  a  speedy  and  honorable  termination, 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  385 

a  further  loan  will  be  necessary,  to  meet  the  expenditures  for  the  present 
and  the  next  fiscal  years.  If  the  war  should  be  continued  until  the 
thntieth  of  June,  1818 — being  the  end  of  the  next  fiscal  year — it  is 
estimated  that  an  additional  loan  of  twenty-three  millions  of  dollars 
will  6c  required.  This  estimate  is  made  upon  the  assumption,  that  it 
will  be  necessary  to  retain  constantly  in  the  Treasury  four  millions  of 
dollars,  to  guard  against  contingencies.  If  such  surplus  were  not  re- 
quired to  be  retained,  then  a  loan  of  nineteen  millions  of  dollars  would 
be  sufficient.  If,  however,  Congress  should,  at  the  present  session,  im- 
pose w  revenue  duty  on  the  principal  articles  now  embraced  in  the  free 
list,  it  is  estimated  that  an  additional  annual  revenue  of  about  two  mil- 
lions and  a  half,  amounting,  it  is  estimated,  on  the  thirtieth  of  June, 
1S43,  to  four  millions  of  dollars,  would  be  derived  from  that  source;  and 
the  loan  required  would  be  reduced  by  that  amount.  It  is  estimated, 
also,  that  should  Congress  graduate  and  reduce  the  price  of  such  of  the 
public  lands  as  have  been  long  in  the  market,  the  additional  revenue 
derived  from  that  source  would  be  annually,  for  several  years  to  come, 
between  half  a  million  and  a  million  of  dollars;  and  the  loan  required 
may  be  reduced  by  that  amount  also.  Should  these  measures  be 
adopted,  the  loan  required  would  not  probably  exceed  eighteen  or 
nineteen  millions  of  dollars — leaving  in  the  Treasury  a  constant  surplus 
of  four  millions  of  dollars.  The  loan  proposed,  it  is  estimated,  will  be 
sufficient  to  cover  the  necessary  expenditures,  both  fpr  the  war  and  for 
all  other  purposes,  up  to  the  thirtieth  of  June,  1848;  and  an  amount 
of  this  loan,  not  exceeding  one  half,  may  be  required  during  the  present 
fiscal  year,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder  during  the  first  half 
of  the  fiscal  year  succeeding. 

In  order  that  timely  notice  may  be  given,  and  proper  measures  taken 
to  effect  the  loan,  or  such  portion  of  it  as  may  be  required,  it  is  im- 
portant that  the  authority  of  Congress  to  make  it  be  given  at  an  early 
period  of  your  present  session.  It  is  suggested  that  the  loan  should  be 
contracted  for  a  period  of  twenty  years,  with  authority  to  purchase  the 
stock  and  pay  it  off,  at  an  earlier  period,  at  its  market  value,  out  of 
any  surplus  which  may  at  any  time  be  in  the  Treasury  applicable  to 
that  purpose.  After  the  establishment  of  peace  with  Mexico,  it  is  sup- 
posed that  a  considerable  surplus  will  exist,  and  that  the  debt  may  be 
extinguished  in  a  much  shorter  period  than  that  for  which  it  may  be 
contracted.  The  period  of  twenty  years  as  that  for  which  the  proposed 
loan  may  be  contracted,  in  preference  to  a  shorter  period,  is  suggested, 
because  all  experience,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  has  shown  that  loans 
are  effected  upon  much  better  terms  upon  long  time,  than  when  they 
are  reimbursed  at  short  dates. 

Necessary  as  this  measure  is,  to  sustain  the  honor  and  interest  of  the 
17 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

country,  eni^aged  in  a  foreign  war.  it  is  not  doubted  bat  that  Congress 
will  promptly  authorize  it. 

The  balance  in  the  Trea.sury  on  tlie  first  of  July  last  exceeded  nine 
millions  of  dollars,  notwithstanding  considerable  expenditures  had  been 
made  for  the  war  during  the  months  of  May  and  June  preceding.  But 
for  the  war,  the  whcje  public  debt  could  and.  would  have  been  ex- 
tinguished within  a  short  period;  and  it  was  a  part  of  my  settled 
policy  to  do  so,  and  thus  relieve  the  people  from  its  burden,  and  place 
the  Government  in  a  position  which  would  enable  it  to  reduce  the  pub- 
lic expenditures  to  that  economical  standard  which  is  most  consistent 
with  the  general  welfare,  and  the  pure  and  wholesome  progress  of  our 
institutions. 

Among  our  just  causes  of  complaint  against  Jlexico,  arising  out  of 
her  refusal  to  treat  for  peace,  as  well  before  as  since  the  war  so  un- 
justly commenced  on  her  part,  are  the  extraordinary  expenditures  in 
which  we  have  been  involved.  Justice  to  our  own  people  will  make 
it  proper  that  Mexico  should  be  held  responsible  for  these  expen- 
ditures. 

Economy  in  the  public  expenditures  is  at  all  times  a  high  duty 
which  all  public  functionaries  of  the  Government  owe  to  the  people. 
This  duty  becomes  the  more  imperative  in  a  period  of  war,  when  large 
and  extraordinary  expenditures  become  unavoidable.  During  the  ex- 
istence of  the  war  with  Jlexico  all  our  resources  should  be  husbanded, 
and  no  appropriations  made  except  such  as  are  absolutely  necessary  for 
its  vigorous  prosecution  and  the  due  administration  of  the  Government. 
Objects  of  appropriation  which  in  peace  may  be  deemed  useful  or 
proper,  but  which  are  not  indispensable  for  the  public  service,  may, 
when  the  country  is  engaged  in  a  foreign  war,  be  well  postponed  to  a 
future  period.  By  the  observance  of  this  policy  at  our  present  session, 
large  amounts  may  be  saved  to  the  Treasury,  and  applied  to  objects  of 
pressing  and  urgent  necessity,  and  thus  the  creation  of  a  correspond- 
ing amount  of  public  debt  may  be  avoided. 

It  is  not  meant  to  recommend  that  the  ordinary  and  necessary  ap- 
propriations for  the  support  of  Government  should  be  withheld,  but  it 
is  well  known  that  at  every  session  of  Congress,  appropriations  are 
■»^[  propesed  for  numerous  objects  which  may  or  may  not  be  made,  with- 
out materially  affecting* the  public  interests;  and  these  it  is  recom- 
mended should  not  be  granted. 

The  act  passed  at  your  last  session,  "  reducing  the  duties  on  imports," 
not  having  gone  into  operation  until  the  first  of  the  present  month,  there 
has  not  been  time  for  its  practical  effect  upon  the  revenue,  and  the 
business  of  the  country,  to  be  developed.  It  is  not  doubted,  however, 
that  the  just  policy  which  it  adopts  will  add  largely  tp  our  foreign 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  387 

trade,  and  promote  the  general  prosperity.  Although  it  cannot  be 
certainly  foreseen  what  amount  of  revenue  it  will  yield,  it  is  estimated 
that  it  will  exceed  that  produced  by  the  act  of  1842,  which  it  super- 
seded. The  leading  principles  established  by  it  are,  to  levy  the  taxes 
with  a  view  to  raise  revenue,  and  to  impose  them  upon  the  articles 
imported  according  to  their  actual  value. 

The  act  of  1842,  by  the  excessive  rates  of  duty  which  it  imposed  on 
many  articles,  either  totally  excluded  them  from  importation,  or  greatly 
reduced  the  amount  imported,  and  thus  diminished  instead  of  producing 
revenue.  By  it  the  taxes  were  imposed  not  for  the  legitimate  purpose 
of  raising  revenue,  but  to  afford  advantages  to  favored  classes  at  the 
expense  of  a  large  majority  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Those  employed  in 
agriculture,  mechanical  pursuits,  commerce, and  navigation,  were  com- 
pelled to  contribute  from  their  substance  to  swell  the  profits  and 
overgrown  wealth  of  the  comparatively  few  who  had  invested  their 
capital  in  manufactures.  The  taxes  were  not  levied  in  proportion  to 
the  value  of  the  articles  upon  which  they  were  imposed ;  but,  widely 
departing  from  this  just  rule,  the  lighter  taxes  were,  in  many  cases, 
levied  upon  articles  of  luxury  and  high  price,  and  the  heavier  taxes  on 
those  of  necessity  and  low  price,  consumed  by  the  great  mass  of  the 
people.  It  was  a  system  the  inevitable  effect  of  which  was  to  relieve 
favored  classes  and  the  wealthy  few  from  contributing  their  just  pro- 
portion for  the  support  of  Government,  and  to  lay  the  burden  on  the 
labor  of  the  many  engaged  in  other  pursuits  than  manufactures. 

A  system  so  unequal  and  unjust  has  been  superseded  by  the  existing 
law,  which  imposes  duties  not  lor  the  benefit  or  injury  of  classes  or  pur- 
suits, but  distributes,  and,  as  far  as  practicable,  equalizes  the  public 
burdens  among  all  classes  and  occupations.  The  favored  classes,  who, 
under  the  unequal  and  unjust  system  which  has  been  repealed,  have 
heretofore  realized  large  profits,  and  many  of  them  amassed  large 
fortunes,  at  the  expense  of  many  who  have  been  made  tributary  to 
them,  will  have  no  reason  to  complain,  if  they  shall  be  required  to  bear 
their  just  proportion  of  the  taxes  necessary  for  the  support  of  Govern- 
ment. So  far  from  it,  it  will  be  perceived,  by  an  examination  of  the 
existing  law,  that  discriminations  in  the  rates  of  duty  imposed,  within 
the  revenue  principle,  have  been  retained  in  their  favor. 

The  incidental  aid  against  foreign  competition  which  they  still  enjoy 
gives  them  an  advantage  which  no  other  pursuits  possess  ;  but  of  this 
none  others  will  complain,  because  the  duties  levied  are  necessary  for 
revenue.  These  revenue  duties,  including  freights  and  charges,  which 
the  importer  mu.st  pay  before  he  can  come  in  competition  with  the 
home  manufacturer  in  our  markets,  amount,  on  nearly  all  our  leading 
branches  of  manufacture,  to  more  than  one  third  of  the  value  of  the 


# 


388  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

imported  article,  and  in  some  cases  to  almost  one  half  its  value,  Wit& 
sach  advantages  it  is  not  doubted  that  our  domestic  manufactur- 
ers will  continue  to  prosper,  realizing  in  well-conducted  establish- 
ments even  greater  profits  than  can  be  derived  from  any  other  regular 
business.  Indeed,  so  far  from  requiring  the  protection  of  even  inci- 
dental revenue  duties,  our  manufacturers  in  several  leading  branches 
are  extending  their  business,  giving  evidence  of  great  ingenuity  and 
skill  and  of  their  ability  to  compete,  with  increased  prospect  of  success, 
for  the  open  market  of  the  world.  Domestic  manufactures,  to  the 
value  of  several  millions  of  dollars,  which  cannot  find  a  market  at 
home,  are  annually  exported  to  foreign  countries.  ~VVith  such  rates  of 
duty  as  those  established  by  the  existing  law,  the  system  will  probably 
be  permanent ;  and  capitalists,  who  have  made,  or  shall  hereafter  make, 
their  investments  in  manufactures,  will  know^  upon  what  to  rely.  The 
country  will  be  satisfied  with  these  rates,  because  the  advantages 
which  the  manufacturers  still  enjoy  result  necessarily  from  the  collec- 
tion of  revenue  for  the  support  of  Government.  High  protective  duties^ 
from  their  unjust  operation  upon  the  masses  ©■f  the  people,  cannot  fail 
to  give  rise  to  extensive  dissatisfaction  and  complaint,  and  to  constant- 
efforts  to  change  or  repeal  them,  rendering  all  investments  in  manufac- 
tures uncertain  and  precarious.  Lower  and  more  permanent  rates  of 
duty,  at  the  same  time  that  they  will  yield  to  the  manufacturer  fair  and 
remunerating  profits,  will  secure  him  against  the  danger  o^f  frequent 
'ichanges  in  the  system,  which  cannot  fail  to  ruinously  affect  hj»  interest. 
Simultaneously  with  the  relaxation  of  th£  restrictive  policy  by  the 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  from  whose  example  we  derived  tbe  sys- 
tem, has  relaxed  hers.  She  has  modified  her  corn  laws,  and  redweet! 
nia^  other  duties  to  moderate  revenue  rates.  After  ages*  of  experience^ 
the  statesmen  of  that  country  have  been  constrained  by  a  stern  neces- 
fiity,  and  by  a  pubhe  opinion  having  its  deep  foundation  in  the  suffer- 
ings and  wants  of  impoverished  millions,  to  abandon  a  system,  the 
effect -of  which  was  to  build  up  immense  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  the 
few,  and  io  reduce  the  laboring  millions  to  pauperism  and  misery. 
Nearly  in  the  same  ratio  that  labor  was  depressed,  capital  was  in- 
creased and  concentrated  by  the  British  protective  policy. 
/  Thi^jfip^s  of  the  system  in  Great  Britain  were  at  length  rendered  in- 
tolera^|l%  and  it  has  been  abandoned,  but  not  without  a  severe  strug- 
gle on  the  part  of  the  protected  and  favored  classes  to  retain  the  un- 
just advantages  which  they  have  so  long  enjoyed.  It  was  to  be 
.expected  that  a -similar  8tru2:e:le  would  be  made  !ty  the  same  classes  in 
■the  United  States,  whenever  an  attempt  was  made  to  modify  or  abolish 
Xhe  same  unjust  system  here.  The  protective  policy  had  been  in  opera- 
tion in  the  United  Statee  for  a  mucli  shorter  period,  and  its  pernicious 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  389 

effects  were  not,  therefore,  so  clearly  perceived  and  felt.  Enough, 
however,  was  known  of  these  effects  to  induce  its  repeal. 

It  would  be  strange  if,  in  the  face  of  the  example  of  Great  Britain, 
our  principal  foreign  customer,  and  of  the  evils  of  a  system  rendered 
manifest  in  that  country  by  long  and  painful  experience,  and  in  the 
face  of  the  immense  advantages  which,  under  a  more  Uberal  commer- 
cial policy  we  are  already  deriving,  and  must  continue  to  derive,  by 
supplying  her  starving  population  with  food,  the  United  States  should 
restore  a  policy  which  she  has  been  compelled  to  abandon,  and  thus 
diminish  her  ability  to  purchase  from  us  the  food  and  other  articles 
which  she  so  much  needs,  and  we  so  much, desire  to  sell.  By  the  sim- 
ultaneous abandonment  of  the  protective  policy  by  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  new  and  important  markets  have  already  been 
opened  for  our  agricultural  and  other  products ;  commerce  and  naviga- 
tion have  received  a  new  impulse  ;  labor  and  trade  have  been  released 
from  the  artificial  trammels  which  have  so  long  fettered  them ;  and  to 
a  great  extent  reciprocity,  in  the  exchange  of  commodities,  has  been 
introduced  at  the  same  time  by  both  countries,  and  greatly  for  the 
benefit  of  both.  Great  Britain  has  been  forced,  by  the  pressure  of 
circumstances  at  home,  to  abandon  a  policy  which  has  been  upheld 
for  ages,  and  to  open  her  markets  for  our  immense  surplus  of  bread- 
stuffs  ;  and  it  is  confidently  believed  that  other  powers  of  Europe  will 
ultimately  see  the  wisdom,  if  they  be  not  compelled  by  the  pauperism 
and  sufferings  of  their  crowded  population,  to  pursue  a  similar  pohcy. 

Our  farmers  are  more  deeply  interested  in  maintaining  the  just  and 
liberal  policy  of  the  existing  law  than  any  other  class  of  our  citizens. 
They  constitute  a  large  majority  of  our  population ;  and  it  is  well 
known  that  when  they  prosper,  all  other  pursuits  prosper  also.  They 
have  heretofore  not  only  received  none  of  the  bounties  or  favors  of  Gov- 
ernment, but,  by  the  unequal  operations  of  the  protective  policy,  have 
been  made,  by  the  burdens  of  taxation  which  it  imposed,  to  contribute 
to  the  bounties  which  have  enriched  others. 

When  a  foreign  as  well  as  a  home  market  is  opened  to  them,  they 
must  receive,  as  they  are  now  receiving,  increased  prices  for  their  pro- 
ducts. They  will  find  a  readier  sale,  and  at  better  prices,  for  their 
wheat,  flower,  rice,  Indian  corn,  beef,  pork,  lard,  butter,  cheese,  and 
other  articles,  which  they  produce.  The  home  market  alone  is  inade- 
quate to  enable  them  to  dispose  of  the  immense  surplus  of  food  anj 
other  articles  which  they  are  capable  of  producing,  even  at  the  most 
reduced  prices,  for  the  manifest  reason  that  they  cannot  be  consumed 
in  the  country.  The  United  States  can,  from  their  immense  surplus, 
supply  not  only  the  home  demand,  but  the  deficiencies  of  food  required 
by  the  whole  world.  ^ 


390  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

That  the  reduced  production  of  some  of  the  chief  articles  of  food 
in  Great  Britain,  and  other  parts  of  Europe,  may  have  contributed  to 
increase  the  demand  for  our  breadstuff's  and  provisions,  is  not  doubted  ; 
but  that  the  great  and  efficient  cause  of  this  increased  demand,  and  of 
increased  prices,  consists  in  the  removal  of  artificial  restrictions  hereto- 
fore imposed,  is  deemed  to  be  equally  certain.  That  our  exports  of 
food,  already  increased  and  increasing  beyond  former  example,  under 
the  more  liberal  poUcy  which  has  been  adopted,  will  be  still  vastly  en- 
larged, unless  they  be  checked  or  prevented  by  a  restoration  of  the 
protective  policy,  cannot  be  doubted.  That  our  commercial  and  navi- 
gating interests  will  be  enlarged  in  a  corresponding  ratio  with  the  in- 
crease of  our  trade  is  equally  certain  ;  while  our  manufacturing  interests 
will  still  be  the  favored  interests  of  the  country,  and  receive  the  inci- 
dental protection  aff'orded  them  by  revenue  duties;  and  more  than  this 
they  cannot  justly  demand. 

In  my  annual  message  of  December  last  a  tariff"  of  revenue  duties 
based  upon  the  principles  of  the  existing  law,  was  recommended,  and 
I  have  seen  no  reason  to  change  the  opinions  then  expressed.  In  view 
of  the  probable  beneficial  eff'ects  of  that  law,  I  recommend  that  the 
policy  established  by  it  be  maintained.  It  has  but  just  commenced  to 
operate ;  and  to  abandon  or  modify  it  without  giving  it  a  fair  trial, 
would  be  inexpedient  and  unwise.  Should  defects  in  any  of  its  de- 
tails be  ascertained  by  actual  experience  to  exist,  these  may  be  here- 
after corrected ;  but  until  such  defects  shall  become  manifest,  the  act 
should  be  fairly  tested. 

It  is  submitted  for  your  consideration  whether  it  may  not  be  proper, 
as  a  war  measure,  to  impose  revenue  duties  on  some  of  the  articles 
now  embraced  in  the  free  list.  Should  it  be  deemed  proper  to  impose 
such  duties,  with  a  view  to  raise  revenue  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the 
war  with  Mexico,  or  to  avoid  to  that  extent  the  creation  of  a  public 
debt,  they  may  be  repealed  when  the  emergency  which  gave  rise  to 
them  shall  cease  to  exist,  and  constitute  no  part  of  the  permanent 
policy  of  the  country. 

'  The  act  of  the  sixth  of  August  last,  "  to  provide  for  the  better  or- 
ganization of  the  Treasury,  and  for  the  collection,  safekeeping,  transfer, 
and  disbursement  of  the  public  revenue,"  has  been  carried  into  execu- 
tion as  rapidly  as  the  delay  necessarily  arising  out  of  the  appointment 
of  new  officers,  taking  and  approving  their  bonds,  and  preparing  and 
securing  proper  places  for  the  safe  keeping  of  the  public  money,  would 
permit.  It  is  not  proposed  to  depart  in  any  respect  from  the  principles 
or  policy  on  which  this  great  measure  is  founded.  There  are,  however, 
defects  in  the  details  of  the  measure,  developed  by  its  practical  opera- 
tion which  are  fully  set  forth  in  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  391 

Treasury,  to  which  the  attention  of  Congress  is  invited.  These  defects 
would  impair,  to  some  extent,  the  successful  operation  of  the  law  at  all 
times,  but  are  especially  embarrassing  when  the  country  is  engaged  in 
a  war,  when  the  expenditures  are  greatly  increased,  when  loans  are 
to  be  effected,  and  the  disbursements  are  to  be  made  at  points  many 
hundred  miles  distant,  in  some  cases,  from  any  depository,  and  a  large 
portion  of  tl\em  in  a  foreign  country.  The  modifications  suggested  in 
the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  are  recommended  to  your 
favorable  consideration. 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  I  invite  your  attention  to  the  impor- 
ance  of  establishing  a  branch  of  the  mint  of  the  United  States  at 
New  York.  Two  thirds  of  the  revenue  derived  from  customs  being 
collected  at  that  point,  tile  demand  for  specie  to  pay  the  duties,will  be 
large  ;  and  a  branch  mint,  where  foreign  coin  and  bullion  could  be  im- 
mediately converted  into  American  coin,  would  greatly  facilitate  the 
transaction  of  the  public  business,  enlarge  the  circulation  of  gold  and 
silver,  and  be,  at  the  same  time,  a  safe  depository  of  the  public  money. 

The  importance  of  graduating  and  reducing  the  price  of  such  of  the 
public  lands  as  have  been  long  offered  izi  the  market,  at  the  minimum 
rate  authorized  by  existing  laws,  and  remain  unsold,  induces  me  again 
to  recommend  the  subject  to  your  favorable  consideration.  Many  mil- 
lions of  acres  of  these  lands  have  been  offered  in  the  market  for  more 
than  thirty  years,  and  large  quantities  for  more  than  ten  or  twenty 
years ;  and  being  of  an  inferior  quality,  they  must  remain  unsalable 
for  an  indefinite  period,  unless  the  price  at  which  they  may  be  pur- 
chased shall  be  reduced.  To  place  a  price  upon  them  above  their 
real  value  is  not  only  to  prevent  their  sale,  and  thereby  deprive  the 
Treasury  of  any  income  from  that  source,  but  is  unjust  to  the  States  in 
which  they  lie,  because  it  retards  their  growth  and  increase  of  popula- 
tion, and  because  they  have  no  power  to  levy  a  tax  upon  tliem  as  upon 
other  lands  within  their  limits,  held  by  other  proprietors  than  the  United 
States,  for  the  support  of  their  local  governments. 

The  beneficial  effects  of  the  graduation  principle  have  been  realized 
by  some  of  the  States  owning  the  lands  within  their  limits,  in  which  it 
has  been  adopted.  They  have  been  demonstrated  also  by  the  United 
States  acting  as  the  trustee  of  the  Chickasaw  tribe  of  Indians  in  the 
sale  of  their  lands  lying  within  the  States  of  Mississippi  and  Alabama. 
The  Chickasaw  lands,  which  would  not  command  in  the  market  the 
minimum  price  established  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  sale 
ot^  their  lands,  were,  in  pursuance  of  the  treaty  of  1834  with  that  tribe, 
subsequently  offered  for  sale  at  graduated  and  reduced  rates  for  Umited 
periods.-    The  result  was,  that  large  quantities  of  these  lands  were  pur- 


392  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

chased,  which  would  otherwise  have  remained  unsold.  The  lands 
were  disposed  of  at  their  real  value,  and  many  persons  of  limited  means 
were  enabled  to  purchase  small  tracts,  upon  which  they  have  settled 
with  their  families.  That  similar  results  would  be  produced  by  the 
adoption  of  the  graduation  policy  by  the  United  States,  in  all  the 
States  in  which  they  are  the  owners  of  large  bodies  of  lands  which 
have  been  long  in  the  market,  cannot  be  doubted.  I*^  cannot  be  a 
sound  policy  to  withhold  large  quantities  of  the  public  lands  from  the 
use  and  occupation  of  our  citizens,  by  fixing  upon  them  prices  which 
experience  has  shown  they  will  not  command.  On  the  contrary,  it 
is  a  wise  poUcy  to  afford  facilities  to  our  citizens  to  become  the  owners 
at  low  and  moderate  rates,  of  freeholds  of  their  own,  instead  of  being 
the  tenants  and  dependents  of  others.  If  it  be  apprehended  that  these 
lands,  if  reduced  in  price,  would  be  secured  in  large  quantities  by  spec- 
ulators or  capitalists,  the  sales  may  be  restricted,  in  limited  quantities, 
to  actual  settlers  or  persons  purchasing  for  purposes  of  cultivation. 

In  my  last  annual  message,  I  submitted  for  the  consideration  of  Con- 
gress, the  present  system  of  managing  the  mineral  lands  of  the  United 
States,  and  recommended  that  they  should  be  brought  into  market  and 
sold,  upon  such  terms  and  under  such  restrictions  as  Congress  might 
prescribe.  By  the  act  of  the  eleventh  of  July  last,  "the  reserved  lead 
mines  and  contiguous  lands  in  the  States  of  Illinois  and  Arkansas,  and 
Territories  of  Wisconsin  and  lov/a,"  were  authorized  to  be  sold.  The 
act  is  confined,  in  its  operation,  to  "lead  mines  and  contiguous  lands.'' 

.4  large  portion  of  the  public  lands  containing  copper  and  other  ores, 
is  represented  to  be  very  valuable  ;  and  I  recommend  that  provision  be 
made  authorizing  the  sale  of  these  lands,  upon  such  terms  and  condi- 
tions as  their  supposed  value  may,  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  be 
deemed  advisable,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  such  of  our 
citizens  as  may  be  located  upon  them. 

It  will  be  important,  during  your  present  session,  to  estabhsh  a  terri- 
torial government,  and  to  extend  the  jurisdiction  and  laws  of  the  United- 
States  over  the  Territory  of  Oregon.  Our  laws  regulating  trade  and 
intercourse  with  the  Indian  tribes  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  should 
be  extended  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  executing 
them,  and  preserving  friendly  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes  within 
our  limits,  an  additional  number  of  Indian  agencies  will  be  required, 
and  should  be  authorized  by  law.  The  establishment  of  custom- 
houses, and  of  post-offices  and  post-roads,  and  provision  for  the  trans- 
portation of  the  mail  on  such  routes  as  the  public  convenience  will  sug- 
gest, require  legislative  authority.  It  will  be  proper,  also,  to  establish 
a  surveyor-generars  office  in  that  territory,  and  to  make  the  necea* 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE.  393 

■sary  provision  for  surveying  the  public  lands,  and  bringing  them 
into  market.  As  our  citizens  who  now  reside  in  that  distant  region 
have  been  subjected  to  many  hardships,  privations,  and  sacrifices  in 
their  emigration,  and  by  their  improvements  have  enhanced  the  value 
of  the  public  lands  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  settlements,  it  is  recom- 
mended that  liberal  grants  be  made  to  them,  of  such  portions  of  these 
lands  as  they  may  occupy,  and  that  similar  grants  or  rights  of  pre-emp- 
tion be  made  to  all  who  may  emigrate  thither  within  a  limited  period, 
to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  contains  detailed  information 
relative  to  the  several  branches  of  the  public  service  connected  with 
that  department.  The  operations  of  the  army  have  been  of  a  satisfac- 
tory and  highly  gratifying  character. 

I  rec&mmend  to  your  early  and  favorable  consideration  the  measures 
proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  for  speedily  filling  up  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  regular  army,  for  its  greater  efficiency  in  the  field,  and  for 
raising  an  additional  force  to  serve  during  the  war  v/ith  Mexico. 

Embarrassment  is  likely  to  arise  for  want  of  legal  provision  authoriz- 
ing compensation  to  be  made  to  the  agents  employed  in  the  several 
States  and  Territories  to  pay  the  revolutionary  and  other  pensioners 
the  amounts  allow^ed  them  by  law.  Your  attention  is  invited  to  the 
recommendations  of  the  Secretary  of  War  on  this  subject.  These 
agents  incur  heavy  responsibiUties  and  perform  important  duties,  and 
no  reason  exists  why  they  should  not  be  placed  on  the  same  footing, 
as  to  compensation,  with  other  disbursing  ofScers. 

Our  relations  with  the  various  Indian  tribes  continue  to  be  of  a  pa- 
cific character.  The  unhappy  dissensions  which  have  existed  among 
the  Cherokees  for  many  years  past  have  been  healed.  Since  my  last 
annual  message  important  treaties  have  been  negotiated  with  some  of 
the  tribes,  by  which  the  Indian  title  to  large  tracts  of.  valuable  land 
within  the  limits  of  the  States  and  Territories  has  been  etinguish  ed, 
and  arrangements  made  for  removing  them  to  the  country  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  Between  three  and  four  thousand,  of  different  tribes,  have 
been  removed  to  the  country  provided  for  them  by  treaty  stipulations, 
and  arrangements  have  been  made  for  others  to  follow. 

In  our  intercourse  with  the  several  tribes,  particular  attention  has 
been  given  to  the  important  subject  of  education.  The  number  of 
schools  established  among  them  has  been  increased,  and  additional 
means  provided,  not  only  for  teaching  them  the  rudiments  of  educa- 
tion; but  of  instructing  them  in  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts. 

I  refer  you  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  for  a  satisfac- 
tory view  of  the  operations  of  the  department  under  his  charge  during 

17* 


394  SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

the  past  year.  It  is  gratifying  to  perceive,  that  while  the  war  witfi 
Mexico  has  rendered  it  necessary  to  employ  an  unusual  number  of  our 
armed  vessels  on  her  coasts,  the  protection  due  to  our  commerce  in 
other  quarters  of  the  world  has  not  proved  insufficient.  No  means  will 
be  spared  to  give  efficiency  to  the  naval  service  in  the  prosecution  of 
,the  war;  and  I  am  happy  to  know  that  the  officers  and  men  anxiously 
desire  to  devote  themselves  to  the  service  of  their  country  in  any  enter- 
prise, however  difficult  of  execution. 

I  recommend  to  your  favorable  consideration  the  proposition  to  add 
to  each  of  our  foreign  squadrons  an  efficient  sea  steamer,  and,  as  es- 
pecially demanding  attention,  the  estabUshment  at  Pensacola  of  the 
necessary  means  of  repairing  and  refitting  the  vessels  of  the  navy  em- 
ployed in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

There  are  other  suggestions  in  the  report  which  deserve,  and,  I 
doubt  not,  will  receive  your  consideration. 

The  progress  and  condition  of  the  mail  service  for  the  past  year  are 
fully  presented  in  the  report  of  the  Postmaster  General.  The  revenue 
for  the  year  ending  on  the  thirtieth  of  June  last  amounted  to  three 
million  four  hundred  and  eighty-seven  thousand  one  hundred  and 
ninety-nine  dollars,  which  is  eight  hundred  and  two  thousand  six  hun- 
dred and  forty-two  dollars  and  forty-five  cents  less  than  that  of  the 
preceding  year.  The  payments  for  that  department  during  the  same 
time  amounted  to  four  million  eighty-four  thousand  two  hundred  and 
ninety-seven  dollars  and  twenty-two  cents.  Of  this  sum  five  liijndred 
^ad  ninety-seven  thousand  and  ninety-seven  dollars  and  eighty  cents 
have  been  drawn  from  the  Treasury.  The  disbursements  for  the  year 
were  two  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  four  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  dollars  and  seventy-seven  cents  less  than  those  of  the  preceding 
year.  While  the  disbursements  have  been  thus  diminished,  the  mail 
facilities  have  b^een  enlarged  by  new  mail  routes  of  five  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  thirty-nine  miles ;  an  increase  of  transportation  of  one 
million  seven  hundred  and  sixty-four  thousand  one  hundred  and  forty- 
five  miles,  and  the  establishment  of  four  hundred  and  eighteen  new 
post-offices.  Contractors,  postmasters,  and  others,  engaged  in  this 
branch  of  the  service,  have  performed  their  duties  with  energy  and  faith- 
fulness deserving  commendation.  For  many  interesting  details  con- 
nected with  the  operations  of  this  establishment,  you  are  referred  to  the 
report  of  the  Postmaster  General ;  and  his  suggestions  for  improving 
its  revenues  are  recommended  to  your  favorable  consideration.  I  re- 
peat the  opinion  expressed  in  my  last  annual  message,  that  the  busi- 
ness of  this  department  should  be  so  regulated  that  the  revenues  de- 
rived ftom  it  should  be  made  to  equal  the  expenditures;  and  it  is  be- 


SECOND    ANNUAL    MESSAGE,  395 

lieved  that  this  may  be  done  by  proper  modifications  of  the  present 
laws,  as  suggested  in  the  report  of  the  Postmaster  General,  witho^.t 
changing  the  present  rates  of  postage. 

With  full  reliance  upon  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  your  delibera- 
tions, it  will  be  my  duty,  as  it  will  be  my  anxious  desire,  to  co-operate 
with  you  in  every  constitutional  effort  to  promote  the  welfare  and 
maintain  the  honor  of  our  common  country. 


LIFE 

OF 

JOHN    CALDWELL   CALHOUN. 

12mo.  457  pp. 

WITH   A   FINE   PORTRAIT. 

Price  $1  25,  ix  Sheep  or  Embossed  Muslin. 


It  is  dedicated  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina ;  is  written  with 
marked  ability,  and  with  a  liigh  appreciation  of  the  political  principles 
and  character  of  ]\Ir.  Calhoun. — Charleston  Mercury. 

A  most  valuable  accession  to  the  biographical  literature  of  the 
country — New  York  Daily  Globe. 

Mr.  Jenkins  has  performed  an  acceptable  service  in  preparing  such  a 
work  as  is  well  calculated  to  satisfy  the  present  interest  in  the  life  and 
character  of  the  great  Carolinian. — New  York  Journal  of  Commerce. 

The  book  is  written  in  a  style  that  will  be  admired  by  the  reader 
and  is  another  evidence  that  the  author's  mind  has  been  highly  culti- 
vated, and  is  producing  fruits  that  will  speak  well,  in  all  future  time, 
for  his  qualifications  as  an  author. — Auburn  Daily  Advertiser. 

It  is  a  volume  that  can  be  read  with  pleasure  and  profit  by  all  who 
wish  to  be  well-informed  concerning  events  that  have  recently  occur- 
red. It  is  neatly  printed,  and  is  embellished  with  a  portrait  of  the  man 
whose  life  it  records.  We  commend  it  as  a  candid  and  rehable  biog- 
raphy, well  worthy  of  being  read  by  all  who  seek  information  on 
which  to  base  their  judgment  of  the  man  and  the  administration  tc 
which  it  relates. — Niagara  Democrat. 

Tlie  author  is  a  deservedly  popular  one,  having  given  to  the  country 
several  excellent  and  unprejudiced  biographies  of  different  distinguished 
statesmen,  including  Gen.  Jackson,  Silas  Wright,  and  John  C.  Calhoun — 
all  of  which  have  had  an  extensive  sale;  and  we  are  certain  that  the 
work  before  us  will  meet  with  the  same  favor. — Cold  Water  {Mich.) 
Sentinel. 


Every  one  is  Enraptured  with  the  Book— Every  one  will 

Read  it ! 

SIX  THOUSAND  PUBLISHED  IN  THIRTY  DAYS ! 


UPS  AND  DOWNS, 

Or  Silver  Lake  Sketches. 

BY  COUSIN  CICELY,  Author  of  Lewie  or  the  Bended  Twig, 

One  Elegant  12mo.  Vol.,  with  Ten  Illustrations  by  Coffin,  and  engraved 

by  the  best  artists.     Cloth,  gilt,  n,25. 

BEARDSLEY,  Auburn  and  Rochester,  N.  T., 

Publisbof 


The   Critics   give    it    Unqualijied  Commendation 

Oousin  Cicely's  "Lewie,  or  the  Bended  Twig,"  published  and  wioei*. 
/Bad  not  long  ago,  was  a  volume  to  sharpen  the  reader's  appetite  fo'r 
"more  of  the  same  sort."  *****  "Ups  and  Downs"  is  a  clustel 
of  sketches  and  incidents  in  real  life,  narrated  with  a  grace  of  though  t 
and  flow  of  expression  rarely  to  be  met.  The  sketches  well  entit/o>  ^.he 
volume  to  its  name,  for  they  are  pictures  of  many  sides  of  life — some 
grave,  some  gay,  some  cheering  and  some  sad,  pervaded  by  a  genia! 
ipirit.  %.nd  developing  good  morals. 

Either  of  the  fifteen  sketches  will  amply  repay  the  purchaser  of  the 
volume,  and  unless  our  judgment  is  false,  after  ,a  careful  reading,  "Ups 
and  Downs"  will  make  an  impression  beyond  ''the  pleasant  effect  to 
while  away  a  few  unoccupied  moments."  The  Publishers  have  given 
Cousin  Cicely's  gems  a  setting  w-orthy  of  their  brilliancy.  The  ten  il- 
lustrations are  capital  in  design  and  execution,  and  it  strikes  us  as  re- 
markable how  such  a  volume  can  be  profitably  got  up  at  the  price  for 
which  it  is  sold.  The  secret  must  lie  in  large  circulation — wlwch  "Ups 
and  Downs"  is  certain  to  secure. — N.  Y.  Evening  Mirror. 

Who  is  Cousin  Cicely  1 — We  begin  to  think  Cousin  Cicely  is  somebody, 
and  feel  disposed  to  ask,  who  is  she  ?  We  several  months  ago  noticed 
her  "Lewie"  in  this  journal.  It  is  a  story  with  a  fine  moral,  beautiful 
and  touching  in  its  development.  It  has  already  quietly  made  its  way 
to  a  circulation  of  twelve  thousand,  "without  beating  a  drum  or  crying 
oysters."  Pretty  good  evidence  that  there  is  something  in  it.  Our  read- 
ers have  already  had  a  taste  of  "  Ups  and  Downs,"  for  we  find  among  its 
contents  a  story  entitled  "Miss  Todd,  M.  D.,  or  a  Disease  of  the  Heart," 
which  was  published  in  this  journal  a  ♦"•^w  months  ago.  We  venture  to 
say  that  no  one  who  read  has  forgotten  it,  and  those  w'ho  remember  it 
will  be  glad  to  know  where  they  can  find  plenty  more  of  the  "same 
BO  rt. "—  U.  S.  Journal. 

*  *  *  Sketchesof  life  as  it  is,  and  of  some  things  as  they  should  bej 
**11  drawn  with  a  light  pencil,  and  abounding  with  touches  of  real  genius, 
Cousin  Cicelv  has  improved  her  former  good  reputation  in  our  opinion,  by 
tlus  effort. — ^%e  Wesleyan. 


THE  MOST  CHARMING  BOOK  OF  THE  SEASON. 

Of  "LcTvie,"  by  "Cousin  Cicely,"  we  have  recently  spoken 
in  terms  of  unqualified  praise.  ''Cousin  Cicely"  may  take  her 
rank  with  the  several  remarkably  successful  female  authors  of 
the  day,  who,  within  the  last  two  or  three  years,  have  created  a 
public  mania  for  female  literature. — JV*.  Y.  Mirror. 

*  *  *  The  stories  are  pleasingly  written.  There  are  many  pathetic 
descriptions,  and  many  others  concealing  a  good  deal  of  covert  and  well- 
merited  satire.  We  make  the  following  extract  from  a  sketch  entitled 
"Miss  Tod,  M.  D.,  or  a  Disease  of  the  Heart;"  from  the  portfolio  of  a 
young  lawyer.    The  extract  will  give  a  sample  of  the  author's  style. 

"In  the  course  of  the  afternoon,  as  I  lay  upon  the  sofa,  with  my  hand  pressed 
upon  my  head,  to  still  its  irregular  pulsations,  there  was  a  soft  tap  at  the  door. 
'Come  in,'  I  called  out,  and  to  my  surprise  in  stepped  the  nea4|St,  brightest, 
most  cheerful  looking  little  woman  it  had  ever  been  my  lot  to  ineet. 

"  'You  sent  for  me,  I  believe  sir.''  she  said  in  a  brisk,  pleasant  way. 

"  'I.'     No,  Madam— you  are  laboring  under  a  mistake'.' 

"  'Ah  !  I  beg  pardon,'  said  the  little  woman  ;  I  found  on  my  slate  the  name 
of  Mr.  Hubbs,  No.  14,  Mrs.  Grays'  boarding-house,  with  a  request  that  I  would 
call  and  see  him.' 

"  'Your  slate,  madam  !  I  exclaimed,  my  astonishment  increasing  every  mo- 
ment— 'you  are  surely  not  a ' 

"  'Physician !  yes,  .sir,'  she  interrupted  quickly ;  'I'm  a  physician ;  Dr. 
Tod,' 

"  'Extraordinary  !'  was  all  that  I  could  say  ;  for,  though  I  had  heard  at  adis 
tance,  of  such  a  being,  this  was  my  first  introduction  to  a  female  practitioner 
of  the  Esculapean  art.'  " 

[N.  Y.  Despatch. 

Cousin  Cicely  has  studied  human  nature,  and  expresses  her   views 
easily  and  gracefully.     Well  written  sketches,  and  are  calculated  to  re 
prove  the  follies  and  vices  of  h.e.     Tiiey  iuill  be  read,  and  what  is  better, 
they  will  leave  a  g-ooti  impression. — Gtmisee  Eva;i^elist 

These  sketches  are  pictures  of  miny  sided  lile.  The  grave  and  gay 
the  lively  and  severe,  the  sad  a;id  glad,  the  fortune  of  prosperity,  and  th  e 
misfortunes  of  reverse,  are  all  .lepicted'with  a  felicity  of  expression  that 
is  rare  in  this  day  of  "writing  i  jrefTect."  There  is  no  straining  or  -high- 
falutin,"  no  construction  of  mere  words  for  the  sake  of  their  own  jingle, 
no  appeal  to  bad  passions,  and  no  mere  effort  at  humor.  If  we  mistake 
not,  this  book  is  destined  to  have  a  large  sale. — lloch.  American. 

*  *  *  There  is  a  freshness  and  naturalness  about  the  sketches 
which  make  them  popular  with  almost  all  classes. — .V.   Y,  Day  Book. 

We  do  not  know  of  a  writer  whose  works  evince  a  purer  or  more 
wholesome  taste.  This  book  of  sketches  under  tlie  above  title,  is  like 
her  formerproductions,of  a  very  superior  tone  Tlie  -V^ermoni  Cousin," 
and  the  "Adopted  Daughter,"'  are  rich  in  »!'Jiet  humor,  and  the  latter  pe- 
culiarly so,  in  depth  of  feeling  and  fine  sentiment ;  while  the  "Lesson  of 
Contentment'-  is  one  which  every  pera<*n  ought  to  read,  in  these  haru 
times. — Orleans  Republican. 

Cousin  Cicely  has  acquired  an  enviable  reputation  as  a  writer  of  pleas 
ing  stories.     The  sketches  in  this  work  are  highly  interesting,  and  at  the 

same  time  of  a  high  moral  character.    The  book  will  have  a  great  sale. 

Newark   Whig. 


THE  MOST  CHARMING  BOOR  OF  THE  SEASON. 

.\*  We  have  been  deeply  interested  in  reading  some  of  the  sheets 
The  vivacity  of  the  narrative  and  dialogue  is  admirable.  The  characters 
are  well  exhibited,  and  the  talk  of  the  country  people  is  given  with  t^in- 
gular  correctness,  and  with  a  peculiar  charm.  Virtue  finds  its  reward, 
and  a  good  moral  torue  marks  the  story.  We  predict  that  the  "Upn  and 
Downs"  will  be  a  favorite  with  the  public.  It  is  not  a  desperate  efibrt 
for  popularity.  All  is  easy  and  amiable,  and  the  reader  not  only  honors, 
but  loves  the  kind,  genial,  heart-moving,  and  heart-purifying  influence  of 
the  story  which  is  making  his  time  fly  so  rapidly.— iV.  Y.  Evening  Mirror. 

Cousin  Cicely  has  made  herself  well  known  the  world  over  by  her 
beautiful  sketches.  Her  stories  are  made  up  of  song,  sentiment,  sermon, 
fancy,  essay,  and  philosophy,  amusingly  mingled  in  a  manner  greatly  to 
interest.  The  present  volume  assumes  more  the  form  of  connected  tales, 
the  object  of  which  shall  be  to  "point  a  moral."  The  authoress,  with 
ease  and  elegance,  has  sent  out  her  books  to  instruct  and  improve  the 
reader.  They  abound  in  rich  moral  tone  and  beautiful  description. — De 
troit  Daily  Advertiser. 

*  *  *  A  glance  at  its  pages  convince  us  that  its  style  is  beautiful 
and  its  psges  full  of  interest.  It  takes  U3  back  to  our  old  homes,  or  it 
transports  us  to  other  climes,  portraying  as  its  title  indicates,  "Ups  and 
Downs." — Niles  Enquirer,  Mich. 

Cousin  Cicely,  whoever  she  may  be,  is  a  highly  valued  relative  of  the 
human  family.  She  possesses  a  fund  of  good  feeling  and  good  sense,  and 
has  so  much  unquestionable  strength,  that  she  can  afford  to  oe  natural. 
In  presenting  her  interesting  reminiscences  she  proceeds  in  a  straight- 
forward manner,  and  tells  her  story  in  unaffected,  and  often  in  beautiful 
and  impressive  language.  Her  former  productions  have  procured  a  place 
for  her  in  many  hearts,  and  the  present  sk  retches  fully  sustain  her  position. 
They  are  lively,  vigorous,  and  always  to  he  purpose,  frequently  illustra 
tmg  an  important  moral  truth  by  a  power  ul  narrative. — iV.    Y.    Tribune 

The  volume  before  us  is  from  the  pen  of  one  whose  writings  we  have 
always  admired — and  the  cause  of  our  admiration  may  be  found  in  their 
uaturalness.feeling  and  grace.  We  find  here  no  less  than  fifteen  sketches 
— each  one  skillfully  and  successfully  wrought,  and  all  containing  thoughts 
for  which  their  author  will  be  cordially  thanked.  "Cousin  Cicely"'  knows 
.ill  about  , 

"the  stuff  that  life   is   made  of," 

and  uses  that  knowledge  to  excellent  advantage.     It  is  sure  of  a  cordial 
v.elcome. — Buffalo  Express. 

The  first  story  in  the  collection  is  a  good  natured  satire  on  female  doc- 
tor.s.  A  young  lawyer  fancies  himself  afflicted  by  an  organic  disease  of 
the  heart.  A  pliysici;ii:is  \t  M.uimoned,  and  comes  in  the  shape  of  an  in 
tollivrent  young  lady,  Miss  lod.M.D.  'i'he  result  of  the  acqu;iintatice 
thus  formed  is  a  reciprocal  attnchment  3  for  once,  ''the  course  of  true  love 
dofs  run  smooth,"  and  Miss  Tod  consents  to  become  a  resident  physician 
-  lY.  T.  Commercial  Advertiser. 

*  *  *  Social  scenes  in  every-day  life,  genially  sketched  ;  designed 
to  entertain  a  quiet  hour  of  relaxation,  and  iaculcates  higii  moral  iesions. 
— Home  Juurnal. 


Fonr  Thousand  in  Thirty  Days! 

TWO  ERAS  OF  FRANCE 

One  volume  12mo.,  (uniform  with  Lewie  and  Pearl  Fishing,} 
368  pages. 

*,*  In  the  Stories  of  the  Revolution,  the  author  has  detailed 
the  mournful  history  of  the  "  Dauphin,"  and  presented  a  summa- 
ry of  the  evidence  so  far  discovered,  m  regard  to  that  most  inter- 
esting historical  question— the  identity  of  the  Rev.  Eleazer  Wil- 
liams with  Louis  XVIL 

Muslin,  Gilt,  $1,  Gilt  Edges,  $1.25,  Full  Gilt  Edges  &  Sides,  $1.75. 

BEARDSLEY  Auburn,  N.  Y  {publisher 

Rochester,  N.  Y.,  S 

NOTICES    OF    THE    PRESS. 

»  *  *  We  have  read  this  volume  with  a  good  degree  of  satisfaction 
and  interest  *  *  *  The  soul-stirring  events  of  the  incarceration  of  the 
Dauphin,  Prince  Louis  XVII.  his  probable  escape  through  the  aid  of  the 
friends  of  the  reigning  King,  and  the  evidence  pro  and  con  relating  to 
the  claims  of  Rev.  Eleazer  Williams,  now  a  missionary  in  this  country, 
to  be  the  identical  person—the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne  of  France,  in 
place  of  the  present  incumbent.— Onfario  Messenger. 

*  *  *  A  most  interesting  volume.  We  need  but  mention  the  fact 
that  the  author  has  selected  for  his  stories  two  of  the  most  important 
periods  in  the  annals  of  France.  To  the  general  reader,  as  well  as  to 
the  scholar,  this  portion  of  French  history  is  confessedly  remarkable  lor 

;its  intense  interest. — Syracuse  Journal. 

*  *  *  The  author  treats  of  the  Williams  Dauphin  question,  and  has 
stuted  the  arguments,  and  pronounced  it  "  at  least  highly  probable"  that 
Mr  W  is  the  Dauphin.  This  volume  will  be  found  a  very  attractive  one 
to  young  readers,  and  should  have  a  place  in  all  the  libraries  for  young 
men.— Evenmg  Mirror,  New-  York. 

*  *  *  These  stories  traverse  one  of  the  most  deeply  interesting  pe- 
riods of  French  History.  *  *  A  fine  steel  engraving  of  the  reverend 
gentleman  prefaces  the  volume.— TTie  Medina  Whig. 

*  *  *  ThrillincT  events.  The  revolution  of  1789  stands  distinguished 
for  deep  and  world-wide  interest.  *  *  The  fate  of  the  helpless  infant 
Dauphin  has  excited  the  deepest  emotions  of  the  civilized  world.  VVhat  • 
ever  relates  to  these  events  is  read  with  interest.  *  *  *  }^  's,  there- 
fore, with  peculiar  pleasure  that  we  have  perused  the  late  issue,  t  uii 
of  startlincT  incident,  and  withal  bearing  the  stamp  of  truth  on  all  ita 
pages,  it  cannot  fail  to  entertain  and  instruct  him  who  sita  down  to  its 

_ perusal.—  Lima  Visitor. 


*  »  •  Ot  remarkable  and  intense  interest  to  the  general  reade  and 
the  scholar.  *  *  *  Its  contents  are  worthy  of  examination. — Palmyra 
Glee  Book. 

»  *  *  The  facts  which  are  given  to  prove  the  identity  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams with  the  Dauphin,  are  of  an  exceedingly  interesting  character,  and 
deserve  a  careful  examination.  The  extraordinary  resemblance  which 
the  Indian  Missionary  bears  to  the  portraits  of  Louis  XVI.  and  Lonia 
XVUI.  is  not  the  least  remarkable  part  of  the  matter.  We  commend 
this  readable  book  to  the  attention  of  our  friends,  as  one  well  worthy  of 
notice. — Fred.  Douglass'  Paper,  Rochester. 

*  *  *  Two  of  the  most  interesting  periods  in  all  the,  nfstory  of  that 
nation.  *  *  *  Some  of  the  more  striking  points  in  the  history  of  those 
events. — Rochester  Daily  Advertiser. 

»  *  *  The  sketches  are  written  in  pleasant  style,  and  are  authen- 
tic. *  *  *  It  can  be  read  with  pleasure  and  profit  by  all  person.' 
who  would  have  a  correct  statement  of  two  most  important  events.— 
Rochester  Daily  American. 

*  *  *»,  The  fate  of  the  Hugenots  of  France— and  the  mysterious  his- 
tory of  the  Dauphin  or  son  of  Louis  XIV.,  constitute  the  points  of  attrac- 
tion in  this  book — The  Wesley  an,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

*  *    *    These  are  portions  of  history  of  remarkable  interest.    *    * 

*  Every  new  book  upon  the  subject  is  eagerly  snatched  up  by  the 
public,  especially  by  a  lively  and  graphic  pen,  like  the  one  which  drew 
these  sketches.  The  work  is  replete  with  interest,  and  will  repay  a  pe- 
rusal. *  *  *  The  author's  object  has  been  to  re-produce  these  great 
eras  with  vividness  and  freshness,  rather  than  to  express  any  novel  views 
respecting  them.  He  has  certainly  produced  vivid  pictures,  and  con- 
densed a  variety  of  historic  information  that  ought  to  be  in  every  read- 
er's possession.  The  idea  is  a  capital  one,  which  ought  to  be  more  fully 
carried  out.  The  reader  may  be  assured  of  a  very  impressive  and  reada- 
ble book.— iV.  Y.  Tribune. 

*  *  *  The  volume  will  be  found  a  very  attrachve  one  to  young 
readers  and  should  have  a  place  in  all  the  libraries  for  young  men. — N. 
Y.  Mirror. 

*  *  *  This  is  a  book  of  great  interest  and  excellence.  It  contains 
two  stories  ;  but  each  one  is  full  of  stirring  events  j  each  developes  an 
era  in  the  history  of  France. — Boston  Traveller. 

This  work  is  of  great  interest  and  of  usefulness  to  the  gener^il  reader, 
the  student  and  statistician.  It  is  a  sketch  of  Biographies,  thrilling  in- 
cidents and  recitals,  replete  with  Historical  Fact  and  valuable  informa- 
tion, divested  of  the  prolixity  which  necessarily  appertains  to  standard 
Historic  works.  *  *  *  We  commend  the  book  as  a  digest  of  Histo- 
ry.— The  American  Citizen. 


*  ♦ 


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